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In the 21st century, the world at large and Africa in particular have encountered the rise of separatism, which has become one of the major challenges to stability. In Africa, over 20 countries face separatist movements, some of which demand full secession, while the rest - greater autonomy within the existing state. Most of Africas secessionist projects remain insignificant in scope and ineffectual, largely due to the absence or weakness of external support for separatists and to the commitment of the international community to preserve, with rare exceptions, the territorial integrity of states. The paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of the movement for the secession of Biafra decades after the end of the civil war between the central government of Nigeria and the separatists and looks into the international aspects that could fuel the conflict and exacerbate the military-political situation in West Africa, which is already turbulent due to the activities of Boko Haram terrorist group, other Islamist groupings in the Sahel, Cameroonian separatists of Ambazonia, etc. The present paper attempts to fill the gap in Russian Africanist literature on the current situation in Biafra, which is especially urgent due to the growing threat of separatism in Africa. Employing the historical approach, the authors analyze the nature of external involvement in the 1967-1970 Nigerian conflict, as well as methods of contemporary Biafran separatists, who seek international support. The paper concludes that due to various internal circumstances, as well as the practical lack of external material assistance, the establishment of a new Republic of Biafra will remain a utopian project for at least a decade, although separatist sentiments is likely to spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in West Africa, which is ridden with an increasing number of hot spots.

This article focuses on the phenomenon of global rivalry between China and the United States in terms of power transition theory, which is scientifically new and relevant due to the increased attention to the so-called Thucydides trap, in which, as some experts claim, both states have fallen. This paper presents a different vision of the global rivalry for leadership in the shaping of a new world order, which has already taken the form of overt non-violent confrontation and manifests itself in technological and trade wars as well as scientific and cultural rivalries. Nevertheless, despite the non-violent nature of the rivalry, this process is followed by an increase in the military capabilities of states, mainly projected in the basins of the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Indo-Pacific region). The methodological basis of the paper is power transition theory, which has been developed over the past 60 years by A.F. Organsky, J. Kugler, D. Lemke, R. Tammen and other researchers, united in the TransResearch Consortium. The authors argue that the analytical prism of this theory is more relevant to the analysis of current global rivalry than the classical neorealist balance of power approach. Through the prism of the theory the issues of rebalancing the global system of economic governance are analyzed. Also, a comparative analysis of the US-Japanese and US-Chinese trade and technological wars is carried out. Both the military and aggregate capabilities of two countries on a global scale and in the Indo-Pacific region are examined. The conclusion contains findings and comments on the impact of U.S. - China rivalry on the system of international relations.

The article justifies that the Mediterranean Basin in the broad sense (Mediterranean, Black, Azov and Marmara Seas) is a single ecosystem. The state of this ecosystem is affected by the rivers of this water intake basin, among them - the Nile, Tiber, Po, Rhone, Ebro, Danube, Don and others. The interconnection of the individual elements of the ecosystem is ensured through active water exchange and a sufficiently branched system of currents that turn the inland seas of the Mediterranean basin into communicating vessels. The paper analyzes the main anthropogenic factors, as well as the influence of climate changes on the ecological condition of the Mediterranean ecosystem. Within the framework of anthropogenic impact, special attention is paid to the negative impact of urbanization, the oil industry (production, transportation and oil refining), industrial and agricultural waste, as well as runoff waters. The problem of plastic, as well as contamination with dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) is discussed in detail. Analysis of DDT accumulations in the bottom sediments of the Mediterranean basin makes it possible to study the synchronization of anthropogenic processes and their long-term nature. Aridization (intensification of droughts) in the Mediterranean is shown as an important problem for the regional ecology, not directly related to the anthropogenic factor. The article reveals the disastrous effects of increasing droughts and climate change on Mediterranean basin countries. International cooperation to regulate transboundary environmental problems in the region is associated with a number of problems. Among them is the delimitation of sea zones between countries, first of all - the territorial claims of Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean. The problem of the shelf around the Serpents Island in the Black Sea is also considered, as well as territorial disputes in the Western Mediterranean (France/Spain). The paper widely presents successful cases of cross-boundary cooperation: the 1976 RAMOGE Agreement, the 1975 Mediterranean Action Plan and the 1995 Barcelona Convention, as well as its seven protocols. The cases of PEGASO and 4GreenInn projects, as well as the BSEC environmental projects, are considered as successful examples of cross-border academic cooperation. Promising areas of cooperation are outlined and the conclusion is made about the importance of transboundary environmental risk management, despite the political differences between the Mediterranean countries and the EU sanctions restrictions on Russia after 2014.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: el objetivo de este artículo es construir una definición del concepto de lo político en Marx, como una tercera vía entre la autonomía y heteronomía de lo político. Metodología: en este texto se utiliza una metodología hermenéutica y filosófica de interpretación de argumentos y conceptos de textos teóricos. Se privilegian las fuentes primarias -en este caso, textos de juventud y madurez de Marx-, aunque se ponen en conexión con otros estudiosos y especialistas. Conclusiones: el texto plantea una doble conclusión. Por un lado, que la conexión esencial entre lo político y el mundo de la producción material defendida por Marx no implica una concepción reduccionista, mecanicista o heterónoma de la esfera de lo político, pues la producción y lo político designan para él dos formas distintas, aunque necesariamente articuladas, de la libertad humana. Por otro lado, que el concepto de lo político en Marx está atravesado por dos almas: la plasticidad de la segunda naturaleza humana y el ideal de autotransparencia cultivado en la filosofía de la historia. Frente a este dilema, el texto propone un marxismo abierto y finito. Originalidad: las reflexiones sobre este problema no son nuevas, pero la tesis de lo político y la producción como dos modalidades distintas (pero articuladas) de la libertad humana realiza un aporte relativamente novedoso a la discusión. ABSTRACT. Objective/Context: The objective of this paper is to build a definition of the concept of the political in Marx as a third way between the autonomy and the heteronomy of the political. Methodology: This paper suggests a hermeneutical and philosophical methodology, which consists in interpreting arguments and concepts of theoretical texts. Primary sources -hereupon: Marx’s texts- will be preferred, although they will be connected with other scholars. Conclusions: The paper arrives at a double conclusion. On the one hand, the essential connection (as championed by Marx) between the political and the world of material production does not involve a reductionist, mechanistic, or heteronomous understanding of the political, for material production and the political are for him two distinct, albeit jointed, forms of human freedom. On the other hand, the concept of the political in Marx has two souls: the plasticity of the human second nature and the ideal of self-transparency of the philosophy of history. Facing this dilemma, the paper claims for an open and finite Marxism. Originality: Reflections on this topic are not new, but the thesis of the political and the production as two distinct, albeit joint, forms of human freedom seems to be a relatively new contribution to the theoretical and political discussion. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: o objetivo deste artigo é construir uma definição do conceito de político em Marx como uma terceira via entre a autonomia e a heteronomia do político. Metodologia: neste texto, é utilizada uma metodologia hermenêutica e filosófica de interpretação de argumentos e conceitos de textos teóricos. As fontes primárias são privilegiadas - no caso, textos da juventude e da maturidade de Marx -, embora estejam vinculadas a estudiosos e especialistas. Conclusões: no texto, levanta-se uma dupla conclusão. Por um lado, que a ligação essencial entre o político e o mundo da produção material defendida por Marx não implica uma concepção reducionista, mecanicista ou heterônoma da esfera do político, uma vez que a produção e o político designam para Marx duas formas distintas, embora necessariamente articuladas, da liberdade humana. Por outro lado, que o conceito de político em Marx é atravessado por duas almas: a plasticidade da segunda natureza humana e o ideal de autotransparência cultivado na filosofia da história. Diante desse dilema, o texto propõe um marxismo aberto e finito. Originalidade: as reflexões sobre esse problema não são novas, mas a tese da política e da produção como duas modalidades diferentes (mas articuladas) de liberdade humana traz uma contribuição relativamente nova para a discussão teórico-política.

This article aims to provide a framework for conceptualizing the China-US rivalry. It argues that while the China-US rivalry is distorted to be an analogy to the Cold War, it must be understood as an intra-core competition between two different capitalisms. Theoretically the paper is inspired by the world system theory’s perspective on “cycles of hegemony” and the Kautsky-Lenin debate on inter-capitalism relationships. The causal nexus of the two theories explains that the China-US rivalry is in a new phase of the cycles of capital accumulation, and China’s changing competitive dynamics led by its state capitalism model have generated disadvantageous effect on the US hegemony. The paper’s conclusion is that China-US competition will shape the trajectory of world order for decades to come.

To carry out Chinese investments in third countries under the Belt and Road Initiative, the China is currently concluding numerous cooperation agreements called Memorandums of Understanding with its objective States, including European Union Member States. These Memorandums of Understanding are international agreements, but not international treaties as such, which implies that these documents may not lead to rights and obligations under International Law. However, every Memorandum of Understanding signed between China and a European Member States should be interpreted in accordance with European Law. The problem is that Member States are presumably violating different instruments of this legal framework as well as the European Union Common Commercial Policy, which is an exclusive competence of this international organization, if we interpret that these cooperation agreements are masking free trade agreements. This paper aims to analyse this possible interpretation and its consequences for the European Union, as these agreements entail a weakening of the European trade and investment power and put the European Common Commercial Policy at crossroads. Received: 10 May 2021Accepted: 05 November 2021

The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.

The Eastern Mediterranean in recent years has become an arena of growing activity of regional states causing tensions among them. The importance of this region from political and military point of view combined with its strategic value in the world energy markets underpins the growing involvement of the UAE, a non-regional actor that lately has become deeply engaged in the regional agenda. Due to the fact that the UAE has taken up a quite active foreign policy course outside of its traditional Gulf circle only recently - with the Eastern Mediterranean becoming a new area of Emirati activities - the volume and scope of Russian and foreign research on this topic is rather limited. The existing works that in some way cover issues of the UAE foreign policy do not reflect the increasing influence of this small Gulf state in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond. For this reason, there is a need for complex research on the matter. This paper is based on analysis of existing works on topics related to some aspects of Emirati foreign policy and tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as analytical articles and statistics. The dramatically increased interest of the UAE in the Eastern Mediterranean is part of significant transformations in the monarchys foreign policy that have been taking place since early 2010s. These transformations manifest themselves in new goals and purposes of Emirati foreign policy, its expanding scale and new instruments for its implementation. Not only is the UAE policy in the Eastern Mediterranean consistent with its general goal of containing Turkey and fighting the threat of Islamism, but it is also a part of realizing Emirati global ambitions of becoming a leader in energy and logistics and ensuring its international status as an influential actor.

The article deals with the present-day causes of the reproduction of Islamist terrorism. The concepts of desecularization, hybrid wars, and a system-functional approach form the methodological basis of the research. Recognizing the failure of liberal explanations of the causes of Islamist terrorism, the author criticizes the liberal methodology, which is based on an essentialist explanation of Islam and Muslim civilization and attributes a fixed set of qualities to Islam as an ontological evil, a barbarism hostile to Western civilization. The paper presents a viewpoint based on the approaches proposed by representatives of left-wing radical thought, postmodernism and neo-Marxism. It is concluded that the politicization of Islam, including its radical interpretations, is due not to the militant unchanging nature of Islam, but to the crisis of a number of Muslim societies. The Muslim worlds reaction to Western globalism is also an attempt to implement its own global political projects as a response of Islamic fundamentalism to the challenge of Western democratic fundamentalism. The author analyzes the phenomenon of hybrid wars as a form of armed violence that the Western world uses to restore order in its global empire. The connection between hybrid wars and the concept of a just war is shown, as well as the relevance of Islamist terrorism as an element of the system of hybrid wars. Islamist terrorism and counterterrorism are present in all hybrid wars waged in the Muslim world. This is manifested both in military actions on the ground, and in information warfare, as well as in virtual space. The market for terrorist and counterterrorist services inherent in hybrid wars and the place of Islamist terrorism in it are examined. Financial relations bind the participants in terrorist activities, including the customer, sponsor, mediator, organizer, informant, and performer. It is concluded that Islamist terrorism is not the activity of individual fanatics or a manifestation of the militant nature of Islam, but is produced by the conflict system of contemporary international relations.

Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO’s files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about “pre-Columbian” cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: el objetivo del artículo es retomar un debate clásico en la tradición marxista sobre el Estado capitalista, para avanzar en la conceptualización de la relación entre Estado y burguesía. Metodología: nos abocamos a realizar un análisis crítico de las obras de Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas -acerca de la distinción de poder de clase y poder de Estado, la autonomía relativa y la intervención del Estado en la economía- y retomamos las críticas de John Holloway. A partir de ello, buscamos comprender la relación entre Estado y burguesía, para explicar la crisis de las formas económicas y políticas de la relación de capital en Argentina, en 1998-2001. Conclusiones: sostenemos que lo que entra en crisis en este periodo es una forma específica de intervención del Estado en la economía capitalista basada en la expansión del disciplinamiento de mercado, y con ello se produce la erosión tanto del poder del Estado como del poder del capital. Originalidad: el artículo realiza un análisis del debate entre Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas y, a partir de ello, construye una explicación de la crisis argentina de 1998-2001. ABSTRACT. Objective/Context: To advance in the conceptualization of the State-bourgeoisie relationship, the paper returns to a classic debate in the Marxist tradition on the capitalist State. Methodology: In methodological terms, we carry out a critical analysis of the works of Ralph Miliband and Nicos Poulantzas -especially on the distinction of class power and State power, relative autonomy and State intervention in the economy- and we revisit the criticism of John Holloway. With this, we seek to understand the relationship between State and bourgeoisie, to explain the economic and political crisis of the forms of the capital relationship in Argentina, in 1998-2001. Conclusions: We conclude that there is a crisis of a specific form of State intervention in the economy, based on the expansion of market discipline, and, with it, both State power and capital power erodes. Originality: The article analyzes the Miliband-Poulantzas debate and, based on this, builds an explanation of the 1998-2001 Argentinean crisis. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: o objetivo deste artigo é retornar a um debate clássico da tradição marxista sobre o Estado capitalista, para avançar na conceituação da relação Estado-burguesia. Metodologia: em termos metodológicos, fazemos uma análise crítica das obras de Ralph Miliband e Nicos Poulantzas - particularmente sobre a distinção entre poder de classe e poder do Estado, autonomia relativa e intervenção do Estado na economia - e retomamos as críticas de John Holloway. Com isso, buscamos compreender a relação entre o Estado e a burguesia, para explicar a crise nas formas econômicas e políticas das relações capitais na Argentina, de 1998 a 2001. Conclusões: concluímos que está a entrar em crise uma forma específica de intervenção do Estado na economia, baseada na expansão da disciplina de mercado, e com ela se erodem tanto o poder do Estado como o poder do capital. Originalidade: no artigo, faz-se uma análise original do debate Miliband-Poulantzas e, a partir disso, constrói-se uma explicação da crise argentina de 1998-2001.

ABRSTRACT. Objective/Context: This paper examines the arguments of the Constitutional Court of Colombia in a sentence declaring that Pentecostalism represents a threat to indigenous cultures and to the country’s cultural diversity. The sentence was issued in 1998, a few years after the political Constitution (1991) declared that Colombia is a pluralist nation that protects the cultural diversity of the country and the right to religious freedom. Methodology: A qualitative and hermeneutical study of the sentence was implemented to understand the arguments presented by the Court. Subsequently, a critical analysis of those arguments was carried out, questioning the pluralist presuppositions related to key categories such as “indigenous cultures,” “religion,” and “diversity.” Conclusions: The pluralist institution has been unable to recognize the dynamic and manifold realities of lived religion, as well as the problems related to the double marginalization of a religious minority within an ethnic minority. Furthermore, the pluralist imperative to protect cultural diversity places limits upon alterity and promotes new forms of exclusion. Originality: The jurisprudence under scrutiny is not studied in its legal or ethical dimensions-as it has been done in the past-but as the implementation of a pluralist ideology grounded in a certain worldview. Thus, pluralism is critically examined in its ontological, axiological, epistemological, and praxeological principles. RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: este trabajo examina los argumentos de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia en una sentencia que declaró que el pentecostalismo representa una amenaza para las culturas indígenas y para la diversidad cultural del país. La sentencia fue emitida en 1998, pocos años después de que la Constitución Política (1991) declarara que Colombia es una nación pluralista que protege la diversidad cultural del país y el derecho a la libertad religiosa. Metodología: se ha implementado un estudio cualitativo y hermenéutico de la sentencia con el fin de comprender los argumentos presentados por la Corte. Posteriormente, se ha realizado un análisis crítico de esos argumentos, cuestionando los presupuestos pluralistas relacionados con categorías clave como culturas indígenas, religión y diversidad. Conclusiones: la institución pluralista ha sido incapaz de reconocer las realidades dinámicas y múltiples de la religión vivida, así como los problemas relacionados con la doble marginación de una minoría religiosa dentro de una minoría étnica. Además, el imperativo pluralista de proteger la diversidad cultural pone límites a la alteridad y promueve nuevas formas de represión y exclusión. Originalidad: la jurisprudencia bajo escrutinio no se estudia en sus dimensiones legales o éticas -como se ha hecho en el pasado- sino como la implementación de una ideología pluralista basada en una determinada cosmovisión. El pluralismo se examina así críticamente en sus principios ontológicos, axiológicos, epistemológicos y praxeológicos. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: neste trabalho, examinam-se os argumentos do Tribunal Constitucional da Colômbia em uma decisão que declarou que o pentecostalismo representa uma ameaça às culturas indígenas e à diversidade cultural do país. A sentença foi emitida em 1998, poucos anos depois que a Constituição Política (1991) tivesse declarado que a Colômbia é uma nação pluralista que protege a diversidade cultural do país e o direito à liberdade religiosa. Metodologia: foi realizado um estudo qualitativo e hermenêutico da sentença para a compreensão dos argumentos apresentados pelo Tribunal. Posteriormente, procedeu-se a uma análise crítica desses argumentos, questionando os pressupostos pluralistas relacionados com categorias-chave como “culturas indígenas”, “religião” e “diversidade”. Conclusões: a instituição pluralista tem sido incapaz de reconhecer as realidades dinâmicas e múltiplas da religião vivida, bem como os problemas relacionados à dupla marginalização de uma minoria religiosa dentro de uma minoria étnica. Além disso, o imperativo pluralista de proteger a diversidade cultural limita a alteridade e promove novas formas de repressão e exclusão. Originalidade: a jurisprudência sob escrutínio não é estudada em suas dimensões jurídicas ou éticas -como se fazia no passado-, mas sim como a implementação de uma ideologia pluralista baseada em uma determinada cosmovisão. O pluralismo é, portanto, examinado criticamente em seus princípios ontológicos, axiológicos, epistemológicos e praxeológicos.

The paper examines Brazilians’ attitudes toward the BRICS, verifying whether the soft balancing strategy finds support on public opinion, by using survey data from the Brazil, the Americas and the World Project. Results indicate that the attitudes toward the BRICS countries are similar to those toward other relevant partners. Moreover, attitudes toward the BRICS are not associated with a rejection of the US, which points to the possibility of soft-balancing having support in national public opinion.