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Religious right leaders often promulgate views of Christianity's historical preeminence, privilege, and persecution in the United States that are factually incorrect, suggesting credulity, ignorance, or perhaps, a form of ideologically motivated ignorance on the part of their audience. This study examines whether Christian nationalism predicts explicit misconceptions regarding religion in American political history and explores theories about the connection. Analyzing nationally representative panel data containing true/false statements about religion's place in America's founding documents, policies, and court decisions, Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor that Americans fail to affirm factually correct answers. This association is stronger among whites compared to black Americans and religiosity actually predicts selecting factually correct answers once we account for Christian nationalism. Analyses of "do not know" response patterns find more confident correct answers from Americans who reject Christian nationalism and more confident incorrect answers from Americans who embrace Christian nationalism. We theorize that, much like conservative Christians have been shown to incorrectly answer science questions that are "religiously contested," Christian nationalism inclines Americans to affirm factually incorrect views about religion in American political history, likely through their exposure to certain disseminators of such misinformation, but also through their allegiance to a particular political‐cultural narrative they wish to privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical consciousness (CC) may promote well‐being, particularly during the COVID‐19 pandemic. In a national survey of 707 college students conducted in April 2020, we first validated the Short Critical Consciousness Scale (ShoCCS) among youth groups not often specifically examined in CC measurement (i.e., Asian, immigrant‐origin, LGBQ+, and women youth). Next, we examined associations between ShoCCS subscales and validated measures of both anxiety (Generalized Anxiety Disorder‐7) and hopefulness (The Individual‐Differences Measure in Hopefulness). The ShoCCS achieved measurement invariance across racial/ethnic groups and immigrant‐origin status, and partial invariance among LGBQ+ and women‐identifying youth. We found critical reflection and action associated with anxiety for the full sample, but no evidence of moderation by sociodemographic factors. ShoCCS subscales were differentially associated with hopefulness for Asian youth and LGBQ+ youth. This study contributes to the evolution of CC measurement and extends the field by identifying well‐being associations during the onset of the COVID‐19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most English studies of Chinese Christianity recognise the significance of early independent church movements led by indigenous leaders, few have looked in detail at the pioneering example of Yu Guozhen and his China Jesus Independent Church. Indeed, what motivated the early efforts of Chinese Protestants to form independent churches? As probably the first leader of independent churches to achieve national impact, Yu exhibited a clear commitment to harmonising Christianity with the Chinese state, which he deemed as the basis of guaranteeing religious rights. Though it would adopt various forms in the years to come, such synthesis of Christian nationalism has proved to be a recurring theme in the indigenisation of Chinese Christianity in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the persistence of voter suppression and disenfranchisement in the US is well‐documented, we still know little about their contemporary ideological underpinnings beyond partisanship and racial resentment. Highlighting the Christian Right's influence in driving anti‐democratic sentiment in the post‐Civil Rights era, we propose contemporary ideological support for restricting the vote generally, and specifically, to those who prove "worthy," is undergirded by a pervasive ideology that cloaks authoritarian ethno‐traditionalism with the ultimacy and polysemic utility of religious language―Christian nationalism. Nationally representative data collected weeks before the November 2020 elections reveal Christian nationalism is a leading predictor that Americans deny that voter suppression is a problem, believe that the US makes it "too easy to vote," believe that voter fraud is rampant, and support measures to disenfranchise individuals who could not pass a basic civics test or who committed certain crimes. Interactions show Christian nationalism's influence is particularly strong among men across most outcomes and, regarding voter suppression, whites compared to Blacks. We argue Christian nationalism seeks to institutionalize founding ideals in which civic participation is rooted in hierarchies, being restricted to a "worthy" few. Appeals to America's religious heritage thus facilitate stratifying America's citizenry and justifying restricting participation to preserve dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of post‐war Sri Lanka has seen an escalation of nationalisms that constantly collide. Post‐2009, with the end of the war, the reproduction of narratives around nationalisms has become intense, with home‐grown protests for accountability of minority injustices continuing to sustain its fervour over time. Within the context of Switzerland these events in Sri Lanka are invariably aligned with diasporic engagement. Dominant spaces such as the United Nations (UN) in Geneva, Switzerland become transnational sites for the performance of long‐distance nationalism by Tamil diaspora groups, raising questions around legitimacy and claims‐making. This paper presents empirical insights as to how long‐distance Tamil nationalism is manifested as political engagement, by groups, and/ or individuals, in formal and informal transnational sites within the socio‐political landscape of Switzerland. It argues that modes of political engagement are manifested through rituals of performance and performativity such as scripting and iteration of claims‐making processes that enable legitimacy in transnational sites of lobby and protest within the UN arena in Geneva during the Human Rights Council (HRC) sessions. The paper situates its analysis within a shift in post‐war Tamil diaspora claims‐making narratives from a separatist stance to that of victimhood and human rights producing narratives that present the Tamil diaspora as a singular actor albeit with complex heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 4, 2018, then–Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mian Saqib Nisar, announced an unprecedented campaign to crowdfund the Rs. 1.9 trillion ($12.4 billion USD) needed to revive construction of the Diamer–Bhasha and Mohmand dams. Encouraged to contribute as a form of ṣadaqa (voluntary charity), donations from Pakistanis at home and abroad peaked at Rs. 12.9 billion ($80.4 million USD), despite widespread criticisms questioning the fund's motives and feasibility. Drawing on the developmental logic of dams and calls for a Nayā Pakistan (New Pakistan), the dam fund transformed Diamer–Bhasha into a popular symbol of a modern, prosperous, and pious nation. This paper explores the aspirations and limitations of these claims by tracing the historical, political, and affective discourses that inform the campaign. In order to contextualize the emergence of the dam fund, I argue that the broader developmental and humanitarian significance of the campaign should also be understood in relation to the statist frame of Pakistani Muslim nationalism. Above all, I seek to understand how the dam fund simultaneously presents Pakistanis as vulnerable to extinction, yet capable of their own rescue. I ask: what happens when the nation itself imagines itself as both the giver and recipient of charity? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, the U.S. government has deported approximately 5 million people, one of the largest forced population movements of modern times. Drawing on ethnographic and quantitative data from Southern California, I describe the devastating economic, social, and emotional impacts of deportation on families, households, and communities. High rates of deportation usually are framed by policymakers as a public good, but the data reported in this study suggest they may have widespread negative repercussions not just for the deported and their loved ones but for the country as a whole, especially in regions with large immigrant populations. In addition, I speculate about why such clearly damaging policies continue to exist despite their economic liabilities and how to understand the policy landscape that maintains them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the rise of nationalism lead to immigration policy change? By focusing on elite‐led nationalism, this study offers a novel perspective: When top political leaders rely on nationalism as their legitimation strategy, they are more disposed to adopt policies aimed at strict immigration control, such as the imposition of sanctions on illegal immigrants, due to their hands being tied. We perform a battery of empirical tests using a cross‐national, time‐series data for 33 countries for the years 1980–2010. We find evidence that nationalist countries are positively associated with heightened immigration control. This finding is robust even after possible reverse causality is taken into account. The overall analysis illustrates that nationalism is a significant factor in explaining why countries are pushing for more restrictive immigration control in the contemporary world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our reply to Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2021) is in three parts. First, we clarify the aim of our research note (Eger & Hjerm, 2021). Our original critique was based on a replication of their inductive analysis, and we evaluated their work using best practices for the methodology that they chose. Our argument is straightforward: If one is going to use inductive methods to say something meaningful about the real world, one needs to make sure that the model being advanced fits the data. We present additional evidence supporting our original critique. Second, we discuss whether their new analyses bolster their original results and conclusions. Third, because their own results actually suggest that different levels of American nationalism exist rather than qualitatively different types, we question their claim of convergent validity. In short, we stand by our original critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most theoretical and empirical approaches to nationalism not only distinguish between ethnic and civic notions of national belonging but also differentiate national identity from national hubris, pride, and attachment. In this research note, we examine recently published research on nationalist sentiments in the United States that takes a different approach. The study in question, 'Varieties of American Popular Nationalism' by Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2016), has already become quite influential in the field and has the potential to change how we conceptualise and operationalise attitudes about the nation. In this research note, we revisit its analytical strategy and exploratory methods. We ask two questions. First, does this study allow us to draw conclusions about American nationalism? To answer this, we replicate the original model and then execute additional postestimation analyses, whose results undermine the study's main conclusions. Second, we investigate whether judicious revisions to the study's model generate results that would lead us to the article's same conclusions. The 385 additional models lend no support. Based on this evidence, we argue that the original study's conclusions stem from a misinterpretation of its latent class analysis (LCA), as our own analyses demonstrate that there is no empirical basis for its claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the Syrian conflict has too often reduced the analysis of political behaviour to the causal variable of sectarianism and therefore overlooked the role of other identities sustaining mobilization since 2011. Using the case of the revolutionary newspaper Souriatna, this article argues that a civic re‐imagining of the nation that was neither ethnic nor sectarian informed the identity claims of anti‐regime protestors throughout the conflict and well beyond the peaceful protests of 2011. Civic nationalism, a re‐imagining of the nation as a self‐determined community of equal citizens was generated through print newspaper practices and the iteration of symbols, specifically the map of Syria in its current territorial boundaries and the Independence flag. This re‐imagined nationalism from below challenged both state discourse of sectarian fragmentation since 2011 and Suriyya al‐Asad, the personification of power around the figure of the state leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the evolution of Syrian nationalism, showing how the early pan‐Arabist ideals of the Baathist founders morphed into a cult of personality focused narrowly on emotional attachments to the regime. Current Syrian state nationalism is a "constructed primordialism" consisting of vague and sentimental concepts of the Syrian people and their history, despite the fact that the Syrian state in its current territorial identity has only existed for a few decades and incorporates a diverse mosaic of ethnic, cultural, religious and national backgrounds. In the absence of a cohesive pre‐existing community to form the basis of Syrian national identity, the regime tempered its nominal commitment to Arabism with heavily Romanticized rhetoric emphasizing familial bonds of love and devotion between the people and the leader. This primordialist construct has thwarted the emergence of a civic‐oriented national identity in Syria and contributed to tensions underlying the current civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on several studies on each of these movements and on primary sources, I claim that Zionism and Québécois nationalism have a unique set of similarities. The first part of this article focuses on the redefinition of national identity made by both movements—the end of a religious‐ethnic identity and a new focus on language and territory—and on its various consequences. In the second part, I compare Zionists' and Québécois nationalists' arguments for sovereignty, demonstrating their similarities, with a shared wish to become a majority, a common fear from assimilation, the same aspiration towards normality, and the same claim that national independence will bring with it a new era of progress. By doing so, I point to possible directions of more thorough comparative analyses bringing these two movements together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five papers in this themed section seek to explain national identifications with Syria using diverse methods and focusing on various state and societal actors before and after 2011. Each contribution engages with the distinction of national identities into their 'ethnic/primordial' and 'civic/constructed' elements and examines their meaning within Syria in different times and contexts. Since its independence in 1946, Syria experienced strong tensions between sub‐ and supra‐state identities and experimented with diverse territorial nationalisms in their pan‐Arab and specifically Syrian forms. Through a distinctive mix of ethnic Arab and civic ideological elements, they helped to forge unity among a multiplicity of ethnicities, tribes and sects living on the Syrian territory and thus were moulded in tandem with the interests of those in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism today interacts in complicated ways with advanced information and communication systems, regularly leading to unanticipated consequences. Popular online nationalism in the People's Republic of China (PRC) is a case in point: In the PRC, digital nationalism has become a central feature of political discourse and decision‐making, at times powerfully shaping the state's policy efforts. This article explores a missing puzzle piece in how state‐led and popular nationalism interact in Chinese politics: the role that advanced information and communication technologies play in such processes. This is a question that is not only relevant to scholars of China but also to anyone interested in the role that digital media and communication play in the formation and spread of contemporary nationalism. How do interactions in complex sociotechnical systems affect nationalism today? To answer this question, the article analyses and traces interaction and feedback loops in Chinese digital environments during Sino‐Japanese disputes over the East China Sea. It shows how the interactions between humans, organisations and technologies create unexpected variations in outcome that resonate through China's internet and create the conditions from which digital nationalism can powerfully emerge to shape legitimation and policy‐making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This themed section aims to examine the offline implications of a thriving online nationalist culture fostered by various social media platforms. Several studies have concluded that social media have enhanced nationalism, but there is still a significant lacuna in understanding the deep social, political, and cultural transformations produced by online platforms. How is nationalism different in the digital age? How do nationalists harness the transnational character of social media to disseminate and channel their message simultaneously to various cultural groups? How is the message composed and translated to appeal to various groups, and how does nationalist content cross language and cultural boundaries? The papers that make up this themed section explore the transnational aspects of digital cultures and provide new insights into the methodological difficulties of understanding the offline impact of the contents of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official nationalism is on the rise, but its impact on relations between people with and without a migration background in institutions is under‐studied. This study, based on 55 interviews in a Dutch ministry in 2016, shows that official Dutch nationalist framings of those relations have been taken over by civil servants. These framings trigger boundary‐making between themselves and discrimination in access to career opportunities, in a climate of insecurity. However, official nationalism absorption, boundary‐making and discrimination are partially neutralized by respondents resorting to institutionally 'nested', work‐related and civic identities that enable cooperation, communication and fair allocation of career opportunities. Findings also highlight the exclusive continuities of various forms of imposed official nationalism, including ethno‐nationalism and multiculturalism. They all set people with migration backgrounds apart as culturally different, which foments insecurity among them. Non‐nationalist and institutionally 'nested' identities and procedures offer participation and inclusion to our respondents, not ethno‐nationalism nor multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay places Thomas Mann's treatment of the 'Jewish question' in the broader context of the artist's relationship to the world. Saul Fitelberg's offer to draw Leverkühn out of isolation engages questions about German national identity at a time when Mann insisted that he represented the true German tradition of cosmopolitan openness, in contrast to the Nazi effort to delimit Germanness to a racial core and eliminate those who threatened to contaminate the body politic. The article exposes multiple ambivalences that cling to the concept of German cosmopolitanism in relation to theories of world literature and the history of European imperialism, and, in doing so, argues for an intersectional approach to the 'Jewish question' in Thomas Mann's fiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does attachment to a nation enhance or dampen support for the European Union (EU)? Using the 2003 and 2013 ISSP national‐identity modules, we isolate and provide multi‐item measures of two distinct types of national attachment—nationalism and patriotism. We find that they are positively related yet have divergent effects. We validate the measures showing that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, support for nationalistic policies (anti‐immigration and protectionism) as expected. We then test the effects of nationalism and patriotism on EU attitudes and find that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, opposition to the EU. The presence of a neo‐nationalist political party enhanced the effects of nationalism on opposition to the EU, underscoring the importance of political rhetoric in shaping nationalistic EU opposition. In further support of the rhetoric hypothesis, the most‐educated nationalists are most likely to oppose the EU in countries with a neo‐nationalist political party and vote for such parties when present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a new perspective on the early stages of Zionism, adopting the ethno‐symbolic approach to the study of nationalism. Scholars who follow this approach assert that in order to achieve a complete understanding of nationalism, we must address its cultural pre‐modern dimension. I argue that in the case study of Jewish nationalism presented here, this approach offers us a more nuanced understanding of early Zionism. First, the article explores the formation of the Zionist conception of the Jewish past and shows that this developed in the second half of the nineteenth century before the inception of political Zionism. Second, the article demonstrates that political Zionism was deeply connected with cultural issues. Two key issues that generated much internal debate and conflict during the early years of the Zionist movement are presented as examples: the schism between 'East' and 'West', and the debate over 'the people versus the land'. Exploring these political conflicts from a cultural perspective highlights the strong connection between the Zionist movement and the pre‐modern Jewish past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical sociologists have questioned the idea that nationalism and imperialism are mutually exclusive phenomena. In contrast to traditional historiography that depicted empires as 'the prison houses of nations' contemporary scholarship emphasises the structural and ideological ambiguities that characterised the 19th century European imperial projects. Hence instead of 'popular longings' for national independence the focus has shifted to the experiences of 'national indifference'. In this paper I aim to go beyond this dichotomy by questioning the role of (nationalist) agency in the collapse of imperial order. Drawing on the primary archival research I zoom in on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro‐Hungarian rule (1878–1918). The paper contests the view that the imperial state was severely undermined by the presence of strong nationalisms. I also challenge the notion that the majority of Bosnian population remained 'nationally indifferent' during this period. Instead, I argue that understanding the character of the Austro‐Hungarian rule is a much better predictor of social change that took place in this period. Rather than stifling supposedly vibrant nationalisms or operating amidst widespread national indifference the imperial state played a decisive role in forging the nation‐centric world through its inadvertent homogenisation of discontent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do sexual minorities navigate and negotiate with nationalism? While some scholars consider nationalism as a primarily exclusionary force against sexual minorities, how might we understand sexual minorities' engagement with nationalism? I address these questions by exploring the strategic deployment of sexual and national identities of LGBT movements through the case study of Singapore's annual LGBT‐inclusive event, Pink Dot. In response to the authoritarian and heteronormative state's construction of sexual minorities as non‐national Others, Pink Dot mobilizes both sexual and national identities in an effort to forge a space of inclusion while ensuring its survival. By portraying itself as a uniquely Singaporean event and espousing national identity and belonging through symbolic and performative practices, Pink Dot leverages national identity to minimize differences from and foreground similarities to the majority. In this way, sexual minorities in Singapore endeavor to embed themselves within the narratives of the nation and claim their legitimate belonging while simultaneously projecting a nation more inclusive of sexual difference. The aspirational inclusion of sexual minorities in the national imagery, however, inevitably elicits the state's backlash that narrowly defines the physical and symbolic boundaries of the political project. This analysis advances our understanding of the interactions between the state and social movements in shaping the relationship among the nation, sexuality, and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper challenges some widespread theoretical assumptions and practices in the study of populism and proposes a new multidimensional approach to generate and analyse data on this latent construct. Rather than focusing on categorising subjects as populists or not, it recommends reaching a better understanding of what populism is, the salience and relative weight of its attributes and how they interact creating an inner populist logic. Despite the increasing media and academic attention, historical discrepancies in how to conceptualise and operationalise populism have hindered cumulative progress in the literature. Initially most efforts were devoted to the study of specific movements, without a clear comparative angle, and the concept of populism was often conflated with that of nationalism. When the literature started to pay more attention to the analysis of the attributes associated with populism serious disagreements emerged concerning its true essence. Populism has been conceptualised as an ideology, a cynical strategy, a performative style and a discursive logic of articulation. The disputes between these competing interpretations have arguably slowed down the generation of comparative data. Although this article is meant to be a critique of the current state of the field and a call to make it pivot into a slightly different direction, it does not adopt an iconoclast stance and largely tries to reconcile the different existing research traditions – ideational, discursive, performative and strategic. It shows that their efforts are to a great extent complementary but mostly operating on different rungs of the ladder of abstraction. This paper argues that shifting from minimal definitions into a multidimensional approach may stimulate the generation of comparative data on a wider range of attributes and facilitate the identification of degrees and varieties within populism. This paper develops a new analytical framework which deconstructs populism into five dimensions: (1) depiction of the polity, (2) morality, (3) construction of society, (4) sovereignty and (5) leadership. These dimensions, that synthesise the most influential conceptualisations of populism, are empirically and theoretically interconnected and encompass ideational, discursive and performative attributes suggested in the literature. These dimensions are in turn composed of lower order attributes forming a multilayered network structure. This multidimensional framework provides a heuristic template that can be adapted and operationalised in diverse ways depending on the hypotheses, type of data and subjects of the analysis. Some examples of how to turn these dimensions into variables to capture supply‐ and demand‐side populism are introduced. Future empirical research could help map and better understand the network of interactions and intersections among these dimensions and attributes. This could be the key to settle some of the current conceptual debates about populism and its varieties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fighting the COVID‐19 pandemic requires large numbers of citizens to adopt disease‐preventive practices. We contend that national identification can mobilize and motivate people to engage in preventive behaviors to protect the collective, which in return would heighten national identification further. To test these reciprocal links, we conducted studies in two countries with diverse national tactics toward curbing the pandemic: (1) a two‐wave longitudinal survey in China (Study 1, N = 1200), where a national goal to fight COVID‐19 was clearly set, and (2) a five‐wave longitudinal survey in the United States (Study 2, N = 1001), where the national leader, President Trump, rejected the severity of COVID‐19 in its early stage. Results revealed that national identification was associated with an increase in disease‐preventive behaviors in both countries in general. However, higher national identification was associated with greater trust in Trump's administration among politically conservative American participants, which then was associated with slower adoption of preventive behaviors. The reciprocal effect of disease‐preventive behaviors on national identification was observed only in China. Overall, our findings suggest that although national identification may serve as a protective factor in curbing the pandemic, this beneficial effect was reduced in some political contexts. HighlightsPolicymakers should note that national identity serves as a protective factor in curbing the COVID‐19 pandemic. Narratives that highlight the collective agency of people would be useful in promoting disease‐preventive actions as long as they are also endorsed by national leaders.National leaders should provide clear and consistent recommendations in promoting disease‐preventive actions.Practitioners and policymakers should be aware of how the communication strategies they use would be affected by society's political contexts. Mobilizing disease‐preventive actions through a patriotic frame might not be useful when national leaders did not unambiguously promote disease prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the shifting historical and contemporary discourses of self‐representation among upper caste American Hindu immigrants, this paper reflects upon the rise of diaspora "Hindutva Democrats" in the post‐2020 American political landscape. What makes "Hindutva Democrats" a peculiar political embodiment is their manipulative use of the language of social justice for addressing racism in America while downplaying, if not outright refusing to acknowledge, glaring human rights abuses against minorities (for issues such as casteism and Islamophobia) in India and in the Indian diaspora. Together, these confounding and inconsistent political stances illuminate the problem of the neoliberalization of calls for racial justice, amplified by narratives of American exceptionalism and its favorable capitalist ties to India in the contemporary political landscape. This analysis of the Hindutva Democratic movement illuminates the ways in which performances of race, caste, and racialization are embedded in historical, institutional, and gendered ideological projects across borders. These performances create insidious impediments toward the achievement of the global human rights which are foundational to sustainable peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the internal impact of the Minority Treaty of Versailles, regulating minority rights and protection in the emerging interwar Polish state. The parliamentary debate on the Treaty was a critical juncture structuring the political sphere and arguably fostered the birth of 'ethnic democracy' in Poland. Performing a sequential analysis of the debate, I study the reconfiguration of political positions which locked the actors into their strategic entrenchments. Unexpectedly, the nationalist right defended the treaty because of their involvement in the Versailles negotiations. The left tried to delegitimize the treaty and simultaneously tip the scales of the domestic politics in favour of the minorities. This shifted the levers of implicit assumptions about the political community and effectively blocked the political efficacy of the treaty on the domestic level. Such refraction effects must be considered when one is studying convergence, diffusion and the role of international agreements and pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the claim, as articulated by Norman Ehterington, that the so‐called Great Trek was not "an act of national self‐assertion by Boers in rebellion against British rule" (2001:258). Whilst affirming the scholarly consensus that the Trek was not an expression of Afrikaner nationalism, I argue that it marked the rise of Boer nationalism, which entailed the transformation of white Dutch‐speaking farmers on the eastern border of the British‐ruled Cape Colony into ethnic Boers. The latter identity began to crystallise when the former was mobilised politically by a boer/Boer elite who anticipated their loss of power as colonial authorities introduced inconvenient policy changes and "alien" ideologies. Since the mid‐1830s, as I demonstrate, an ethnic consciousness started to develop among the leaders of the frontier farmers along with the idea‐the nationalist idea‐of a trek to self‐governance. If not as nationalism, I ask, how is one to interpret this cause for self‐governance, driven as many similar causes have been by both material and ideational forces? And how is one to interpret the trekkers' preoccupation with democratic state formation (however compromised it was by racism) while on trek and their eventual creation of the Republic of Natalia? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The early monumental statues of Atatürk in Turkey have so far been studied from the perspective of the state and its ambition to disseminate a national consciousness. While this state‐centric approach has been helpful to understand the role of symbolism in nation‐building, it ends up reducing people to a passive recipient of symbolic indoctrination. We, in contrast, approach public perception as an active component in the discursive construction of these monuments over time. We first analyse the period until the death of Atatürk in 1938 during which the democratic possibility of conflicting with the official narrative remained quite minimal. We then look at the aftermath of Atatürk's death, which coincides with the introduction of the multiparty democracy in Turkey where there were more critical engagements with these monuments, particularly by the right‐wing constituents and politicians. We conclude that such resistance was still discursively bound by the nationalist context within which it operated. Our analysis of the politics of symbolism in Turkey taps into the theoretical works of Hanna Pitkin and Warren Breckman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outside of the dominant frame depicting World War II as a showdown between the Allied and Axis powers, the war also represented a critical juncture in the global battle between empire and nation. In Asia, the war allowed a "semi‐colonial" China to successfully reclaim its sovereignty from both its allies and enemies and compelled the Dutch to forfeit colonial rule in Indonesia and its prestige as a regional power. Moving beyond conventional dichotomies and great‐power bias, this paper analyses two portentous wartime controversies between China and the Netherlands, whose common goals as allies did not prevent clashes over diametrically opposed national pursuits. In exposing the conflicting nature of their respective nationalisms, these disputes elucidate the interplay of war, nationalism, and imperialism in East Asia as well as China's changing place in the emergent post‐war regional and global orders. The Dutch refusal to accept these shifting realities and underlying notions of national self‐determination presaged the traumatic trajectory of Indonesia's decolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the contribution of a prominent Polish historian of ideas, the late professor Andrzej Walicki (1930–2020) to the field of nation studies, with a view to (re)introducing his work and ideas to the broader Anglophone scholarly audience. Based on new (or otherwise hitherto not widely discussed) material, some of which has not been published in English, the paper examines Walicki's theoretical ideas on the origins and development of nations. The example of the Polish 'democracy of the gentry', presented by Walicki as an early example of civic nationalism in Europe is explored in some detail. Finally, the paper traces an outline of Andrzej Walicki's theoretical framework of nation formation, highlighting key aspects of his work in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Biafran postage stamps in the Nigerian civil war years present a trove of iconic imageries constructed by the urgency to play a role in the international politics of image production, meaning construction and consumption. These images amplified the campaign for self‐determination and created a sense of nationalism for the seceding nation. The iconographic analysis is used to examine select stamps, considered as transmitters of collective vagaries of national aspirations. Within this focus, historical and nationalistic narratives peculiar to the Nigerian/Biafran experience form a unique basis for the discourse and interpretation of nationalism set within the perspective of interchanging symbolisms and identity within the Nigerian state. The purpose here is to explain the iconic content and textual messages of the stamps or sets of stamps issued by the defunct Republic of Biafra and the ideology of identity and self‐determination that it has activated among the different ethnicities in the Nigerian nation‐state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the forms and contents of contemporary nationalism in Europe and North America, what used to be called the 'West'. This nationalism responds in opposite and sometimes contradictory ways to a neoliberal order of globalization, welfare‐state retreat and a heightened sense of insecurity. I distinguish between populist and statist forms of contemporary nationalism, and within the statist between a compensatory and a constitutive logic of linking it with neoliberalism. Under the constitutive logic, nationalism may adopt certain features of the neoliberal order itself, which yields a 'neoliberal nationalism'. Nonethnic yet exclusive of those who are not contributing, this is a new entry in the nations and nationalism lexicon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the drivers and developments of the recent rise of a fictional region: Tabarnia in Spain. This platform proposes the creation of a new autonomous region to oppose the project of secession of the independentist Catalan movement. Given the dearth of academic research, our article documents and explores the case of Tabarnia. We draw on a multimethod approach, entailing a thematic analysis and process‐tracing, to reconstruct the trajectory of this platform and to uncover its drivers, goals and strategies. By building on this evidence base, this article construes Tabarnia as an instance of imaginary regionalism created ex nihilo in the noosphere. As such, Tabarnia represents an a‐topia substantiated through a digital region‐building process heavily relying on the use of humour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An often underrated but significant debate among Serbian intellectuals is how best to interpret Serbia's political development from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Conventional, mainstream understanding is that this period culminated in the golden era of Serbian democracy that lasted from 1903 to 1914. I identify this approach as a liberal‐national interpretation of this period. On their part, Serbian critical historians envision this period in terms of failed modernisation that led to the development of Serbian populism and ethnic nationalism. Even though these depictions involve opposing historical framings of Serbia's past, they both reproduce an ideological picture of the Serbian past rooted within a binary civic/ethnic nationalism framework that constrains analyses of this period to either a modernising civic era or a period that fostered the foundations for ethnic nationalism. Moreover, I argue that, at the discursive level, the debate is not about the past at all. It is primarily about interpreting the contemporary Serbian political system, the role Serbian intellectuals play in it, and whether successful democratisation in a Serbian society could be organised on the principles of further expansion, centralisation, and national homogenisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the concept of 'strategic nationalism' to explain the shift of national allegiance of most Alsatians and Lorrainers from Germany to France during the First World War. Combining the historiographical concept of 'national indifference' with rational‐choice theories of nationalism, the article examines why a growing number of local citizens came to defy the authorities' relentless demand of national loyalty. Contrary to previous studies that emphasize the dictatorial character of the regime and the passivity of local citizens, the article argues that national attitudes were shaped by strategic interests and highly responsive to shifts in state policy, regional circumstances and the course of the war. From mid‐1918, it was less escalating state repression or dormant Francophile sympathies, but half‐hearted liberalization of policy, the authorities' unfaltering insistence on national loyalty and imminent military and economic collapse that prompted people to see France as an attractive alternative to German rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the influence of Sigmund Freud, in particular that of his book Massenpsychologie und ich‐analyse, on the academic representation of nationalism. Written after World War I, just before the rise of the fascist regimes that would lead to World War II and the Nazi Holocaust, Massenpsychologie very quickly became a work of reference for understanding the politics of the "masses" and the "irrational" behaviour of the multitudes. Although Freud did not write the book with the express desire to analyse any particular contemporary political doctrine or ideology, his psychodynamic interpretation of collective conduct would, in the following decades, constitute the foundation for explaining and denouncing the behaviour of mass nationalism, both within academia and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individual rights to healthcare (RTHCs) are increasingly common in law. Yet even plausible theoretical defences thereof raise a classic problem in the philosophy of rights: How do individual rights relate to 'collective' rights within the same domain? Collective rights are common in international law and in the domestic laws of states that recognize RTHCs. These collective rights often include health‐related components. There are at least prima facie plausible reasons to think that such collective 'health rights' should exist. A complete account of health rights should thus explain how individual and collective health rights claims relate to one another and what one should do in cases where the claims conflict. This work contributes to our understanding of health rights by analysing the relationship between individual RTHCs and a plausible candidate collective health right, namely a sub‐state national right to control healthcare law and policy. It argues that concerns about rights conflicts in this context make sense, but genuine conflicts between individual health rights and national control over healthcare are rare. The strongest cases for sub‐state national 'self‐determination' rights do not implicate healthcare, or tend not to provide reasons to override any individual RTHCs. Conflicts are possible in rare cases and may even favour fulfilling the collective rights claims. Yet individual RTHCs remain important even in those cases. Individual rights remain useful measures for evaluating the exercise of collective rights: exercises that violate (or even fail to fulfil) individual health rights are worse for so doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Julie Paucker and Robert Schuster's 'MALALAI – Die afghanische Jungfrau von Orléans' (2017), paying special attention to the constructions and contestations of gender and nation in this recent re‐working of Schiller's Die Jungfrau von Orleans (1801). Paucker radically re‐configures Schiller's play, whose engagement with the concept of nation allowed subsequent interpretations to view it as a nationalist text depicting a symbolic figure for a German nation that did not as yet exist, by centring on nineteenth‐century Afghan folk hero Malalai of Maiwand and placing her in dialogue with her Franco‐German counterpart. Set against past and present conflict in Afghanistan, migration to Europe, and the 'refugee crisis' in Germany, 'MALALAI' engages two geographically and culturally disparate myths. Whilst Paucker's version of Schiller's text elaborates an intertextual negotiation with the past, her transnational adaptation of a national narrative undermines and transcends the nationalism and Eurocentrism which have marked much of modern Jeanne d'Arc‐reception to date. Through its multilingual and multinational politics of performance, 'MALALAI' resists re‐writing Schiller's Jungfrau as an example of a major literature, positing instead a centre/periphery shift as a way of attending to historical and political development on a global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this essay is to make explicit major assumptions, blind spots, and generalities on the basis of which a nationalist vision of German departments in the US is constructed. To offer an alternative, the essay explores the concept of "cosmopolitanism," including its potential pitfalls, as a paradigm for countering the contemporary anxiety over the sunsetting of German departments at colleges and universities. In order to sketch the major contours of this change‐oriented vision, the history of German cultural, literary, and philosophical studies is investigated as a history of cosmopolitan engagements, including their imperialist, nationalist, and local appropriations. In conclusion, the essay examines how a critical cosmopolitan paradigm challenges us to build stronger alliances within the university and beyond, while renewing German studies in our conflict‐ridden, ecologically devastated, and technocratic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been proven that language is a symbol of culture and politics. This study investigates the cohort effect of Hong Kong's handover on the language spoken in adulthood based on the 2006 and 2011 Hong Kong population censuses. We find that Mandarin is more likely to be used by Hong Kong natives who were exposed to the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997 during their school‐age years, especially the generation that were exposed during their primary‐school years. This cohort insisted on speaking Mandarin, even when the political environment changed from 2006 to 2011. Our evidence reveals that the political change that occurs during one's school‐age years has a long‐term impact on an individual's behaviour in adulthood. Further discussion indicates that exposure to political change such as regime transfer during school‐age years impacts an individual's national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent events have highlighted areas of conflict between economic integration with the outside world and the demands of domestic electorates. Historically, the tradeoffs have always become sharper in periods of crisis, such as the present. After reviewing the U‐shaped progress of globalization since the nineteenth century, this essay reconsiders John Maynard Keynes's views on "national self‐sufficiency" in the early 1930s. I argue that the postwar Bretton Woods system he helped to create evolved from those views as a balanced middle ground between market forces and governments' desires for domestic economic stability. The gradual erosion of that balance in favor of the market has helped produce discontent over globalization and more nationalism in politics. Enhanced multilateral cooperation in key areas offers the hope of supporting globalization while better meeting voters' aspirations. Despite daunting political obstacles to global cooperation these days, collective action challenges in areas such as climate, cybersecurity, and health—alongside economic policy—are becoming only more pressing over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article lists editors of the periodical along with information on membership, copyright and photocopying, and table of contents.

The article discusses the highlights of the 13th International Milton Symposium held at Victoria College, University of Toronto, Ontario held in July 2023. The event featured keynotes and roundtable discussions on the life and works of poet John Milton, the forms of religious nationalism around the world, and the roundtable "Is Milton Good for the Jews?."

The article discusses the highlights of the 13th International Milton Symposium held at Victoria College, University of Toronto, Ontario. The event featured plenaries that covered various topics, such as island nation fiction and the rise of Christian nationalism, as well as roundtable discussions on literature.

"The Socioeconomics of Nationalism in China: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives" by Fan attempts to explain Chinese nationalism using a utilitarian economic model. The author argues that nationalism is more pronounced in the modern world when people's incomes are above a certain threshold. However, the reviewer finds this approach too grand and believes that rational choice theory fails to adequately explain social and historical problems. The book also overlooks the role of propaganda in constructing nationalist narratives. While some of the author's conclusions may be valid, the reviewer disagrees with the book's basic approach and instead recommends a more evidence-based and sociological analysis. [Extracted from the article]

Employees of the Norwegian Church Abroad (NCA) avoid discussing politics. Understanding why increases sociological understanding of how everyday and nonextreme forms of religion may contribute to everyday and nonextreme forms of national feeling. This article leverages insights from studying the NCA in order to contribute to the sociological literature on everyday nationalism and religion. It does this by illustrating how the microsociological strategies of silence and avoidance contribute to imagined sameness. This increases our understanding of how everyday belonging draws resources from both nation and religion. Furthermore, it highlights the interactions between religion and nation as both resources for belonging and grounds for difference. The findings are based on interviews with 32 employees in six churches in the United States, and supporting observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For individuals who view being American as central to their sense of self, the reality of Native oppression (e.g., genocide, police brutality) threatens their ability to maintain a positive national identity. We theorize that long‐standing narratives in American culture erase and dehumanize Natives, enabling non‐Natives to psychological distance and justify Native oppression as a means of protecting positive national identity. We illustrate this protective process using the example of Native mascots. We first demonstrate that Native mascots erase and dehumanize Natives and then illustrate how the use of Native mascots protects national identity. We conclude by calling for individual‐ and institutional‐level changes to create a society free of harmful and toxic narratives and the practices that perpetuate these narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses the challenges faced by anti-racism advocates in advancing equality in mental health. Other topics include the studies showing that members of black and minority ethnic (BME) communities are at higher risk of mental illness and have lesser access to mental health services in Great Britain, and how the Prevent policy in the country is adversely affecting anti-racist programs.