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This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re‐evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post‐war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo‐Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self‐determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self‐determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should speakers of immigrant languages have fewer language rights than members of long‐settled nations? In this article, I argue that the interests of immigrant and native groups are normatively equally recognition‐worthy. Any legitimate differential recognition must follow from the different interests immigrants have in language. I distinguish three categories of immigrants: strictly temporary immigrants, immigrants that have become or are to be citizens and linguistically very wealthy immigrants. The purpose of distinguishing these types is to get a better grasp on the needs and interests of immigrants, by creating sub‐profiles. I argue that the first group is entitled to minimal language recognition. The second group, I argue, should be granted equal consideration of their language interests, but that does not necessarily mean equal language recognition. The third group—linguistically very wealthy immigrants such as English‐speaking immigrants—typically outrivals the local population in terms of the fulfilment of their language identity interests. Their language interests warrant the need of integration into the national language(s), not the need for equal language recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article challenges the existing view of Mt Athos, a centre of Orthodox Christian monasticism, as a hotbed of Russian and Balkan nationalism at the turn of the 20th century. It proposes to analyse that complex situation using the concept of "national indifference," that is, prioritisation of concerns and loyalties different from the agendas pursued by nationalist activists. The article suggests that the motivations of most Russian and Greek monks in that autonomous monastic republic were dominated by traditional piety, corporate interests, mundane economic concerns, regional and dynastic loyalties. I will rely on Greek and Russian archival sources to discuss chronologically how those alternatives appeared to take the upper hand around several flashpoints from the return of significant groups of Russian friars in 1839 after a late medieval hiatus to the end of over four centuries of Ottoman control of the area in 1912. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore whether, and if so how, national identity affects the level of formal democracy in a country. I theorize and then investigate four assumptions: (i) classical nationalist stances hold that national membership depends on the accident of origin and cultural markers learned by early socialization. This non‐voluntary identity gives human beings a natural sense of belonging in society and fosters solidarity and trust that lead to better democracy; (ii) drawing on ideas about core values of ideal democracy the non‐voluntarist national identity exhibits an inherent contradiction between in‐group bias and intrinsic equality, which leads to lower levels of democracy; (iii) homogeneity in belief about what constitutes national belonging eases the dynamics between majority and minority, which benefits democracy; (iv) the presence of an in‐group identity, understood as a shared fellow‐feeling, boosts trust and solidarity and thereby benefits democracy. Individual‐level data about national identity comes from International Social Survey Programme (ISSP, 2013). Data about democracy comes from Varieties of Democracy (Coppedge et al., 2021; Pemstein et al., 2021). Results indicate that higher levels of non‐voluntarist features of national identity are strongly negatively correlated with levels of democracy and heterogeneity in beliefs about what constitutes national belonging relating to a higher level of liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a comparative case study of Nikola Tesla's use as a symbol in interwar Yugoslavia and the contemporary United States to build upon Anderson's theory of modular nationalism. The modularity of national symbols, I argue, is driven by their utility in addressing similar social, political and economic transformations in different countries and may be transmissible through emigrant communities—albeit not without some changes in substance. Just as Yugoslavia used Tesla to bridge ethnic divisions, Yugoslav emigrants deployed Tesla to enhance their status in the United States. The cult of Tesla, moreover, is doubly modular, with its Yugoslav incarnation drawing inspiration from the American cult of Thomas Edison, just as Edison's current obsolescence as a symbol led to the cult of Tesla's adoption in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many charges have been made against Catalan secessionism from a normative or ideological point of view. In this article we would like to focus on the accusation that the secessionist movement is xenophobic, racist or ethnicist. Between 2017 and 2019, and particularly since Quim Torra was named president of the Generalitat, this has been the dominant criticism in the arguments set out against secessionism. We are interested in evaluating the strength of this accusation in this contribution. In this respect, we focus on the discourse and the main legislative actions adopted by the Catalan institutions since embarking on a determined bid for sovereignty, popularly called the Process, in 2010. Our conclusion is that both from discursive and legislative points of view, it can be concluded that Catalan secessionism cannot be considered as an ethnicist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious right leaders often promulgate views of Christianity's historical preeminence, privilege, and persecution in the United States that are factually incorrect, suggesting credulity, ignorance, or perhaps, a form of ideologically motivated ignorance on the part of their audience. This study examines whether Christian nationalism predicts explicit misconceptions regarding religion in American political history and explores theories about the connection. Analyzing nationally representative panel data containing true/false statements about religion's place in America's founding documents, policies, and court decisions, Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor that Americans fail to affirm factually correct answers. This association is stronger among whites compared to black Americans and religiosity actually predicts selecting factually correct answers once we account for Christian nationalism. Analyses of "do not know" response patterns find more confident correct answers from Americans who reject Christian nationalism and more confident incorrect answers from Americans who embrace Christian nationalism. We theorize that, much like conservative Christians have been shown to incorrectly answer science questions that are "religiously contested," Christian nationalism inclines Americans to affirm factually incorrect views about religion in American political history, likely through their exposure to certain disseminators of such misinformation, but also through their allegiance to a particular political‐cultural narrative they wish to privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical consciousness (CC) may promote well‐being, particularly during the COVID‐19 pandemic. In a national survey of 707 college students conducted in April 2020, we first validated the Short Critical Consciousness Scale (ShoCCS) among youth groups not often specifically examined in CC measurement (i.e., Asian, immigrant‐origin, LGBQ+, and women youth). Next, we examined associations between ShoCCS subscales and validated measures of both anxiety (Generalized Anxiety Disorder‐7) and hopefulness (The Individual‐Differences Measure in Hopefulness). The ShoCCS achieved measurement invariance across racial/ethnic groups and immigrant‐origin status, and partial invariance among LGBQ+ and women‐identifying youth. We found critical reflection and action associated with anxiety for the full sample, but no evidence of moderation by sociodemographic factors. ShoCCS subscales were differentially associated with hopefulness for Asian youth and LGBQ+ youth. This study contributes to the evolution of CC measurement and extends the field by identifying well‐being associations during the onset of the COVID‐19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While most English studies of Chinese Christianity recognise the significance of early independent church movements led by indigenous leaders, few have looked in detail at the pioneering example of Yu Guozhen and his China Jesus Independent Church. Indeed, what motivated the early efforts of Chinese Protestants to form independent churches? As probably the first leader of independent churches to achieve national impact, Yu exhibited a clear commitment to harmonising Christianity with the Chinese state, which he deemed as the basis of guaranteeing religious rights. Though it would adopt various forms in the years to come, such synthesis of Christian nationalism has proved to be a recurring theme in the indigenisation of Chinese Christianity in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the persistence of voter suppression and disenfranchisement in the US is well‐documented, we still know little about their contemporary ideological underpinnings beyond partisanship and racial resentment. Highlighting the Christian Right's influence in driving anti‐democratic sentiment in the post‐Civil Rights era, we propose contemporary ideological support for restricting the vote generally, and specifically, to those who prove "worthy," is undergirded by a pervasive ideology that cloaks authoritarian ethno‐traditionalism with the ultimacy and polysemic utility of religious language―Christian nationalism. Nationally representative data collected weeks before the November 2020 elections reveal Christian nationalism is a leading predictor that Americans deny that voter suppression is a problem, believe that the US makes it "too easy to vote," believe that voter fraud is rampant, and support measures to disenfranchise individuals who could not pass a basic civics test or who committed certain crimes. Interactions show Christian nationalism's influence is particularly strong among men across most outcomes and, regarding voter suppression, whites compared to Blacks. We argue Christian nationalism seeks to institutionalize founding ideals in which civic participation is rooted in hierarchies, being restricted to a "worthy" few. Appeals to America's religious heritage thus facilitate stratifying America's citizenry and justifying restricting participation to preserve dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of post‐war Sri Lanka has seen an escalation of nationalisms that constantly collide. Post‐2009, with the end of the war, the reproduction of narratives around nationalisms has become intense, with home‐grown protests for accountability of minority injustices continuing to sustain its fervour over time. Within the context of Switzerland these events in Sri Lanka are invariably aligned with diasporic engagement. Dominant spaces such as the United Nations (UN) in Geneva, Switzerland become transnational sites for the performance of long‐distance nationalism by Tamil diaspora groups, raising questions around legitimacy and claims‐making. This paper presents empirical insights as to how long‐distance Tamil nationalism is manifested as political engagement, by groups, and/ or individuals, in formal and informal transnational sites within the socio‐political landscape of Switzerland. It argues that modes of political engagement are manifested through rituals of performance and performativity such as scripting and iteration of claims‐making processes that enable legitimacy in transnational sites of lobby and protest within the UN arena in Geneva during the Human Rights Council (HRC) sessions. The paper situates its analysis within a shift in post‐war Tamil diaspora claims‐making narratives from a separatist stance to that of victimhood and human rights producing narratives that present the Tamil diaspora as a singular actor albeit with complex heterogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the normative position that violent conflict is not desirable, I Iconoclastic Controversies i advocates the necessity of transforming antagonistic conflicts into agonistic conflicts through the redefinition of the enemy into an adversary. Acknowledging that commemoration sites and activities are aligned with various discourses, Carpentier focuses on one particular discourse, that of antagonistic nationalism. The eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus, divided by a 220-km long de facto border, called the Green Line, has often captured the international headlines with the bi-communal confrontations and military operations throughout most of the twentieth century. [Extracted from the article]

Jacop Custodi elaborated recently a response to our article "A nationalist party with non‐nationalistic voters? Discussing the limits of nationalism in party categorisation" published in the journal Nations & Nationalism. We consider the work of Custodi is an important and original contribution to the study of left politics and nationalism. This being said, we reflect on the negative consequences of overstretching the category nationalism, both referring to parties and to political discourse. The aim of this reply is unpacking and explaining these negative consequences and offering an alternative as well as responding to some specific points raised by Custodi in his reply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 4, 2018, then–Chief Justice of Pakistan, Mian Saqib Nisar, announced an unprecedented campaign to crowdfund the Rs. 1.9 trillion ($12.4 billion USD) needed to revive construction of the Diamer–Bhasha and Mohmand dams. Encouraged to contribute as a form of ṣadaqa (voluntary charity), donations from Pakistanis at home and abroad peaked at Rs. 12.9 billion ($80.4 million USD), despite widespread criticisms questioning the fund's motives and feasibility. Drawing on the developmental logic of dams and calls for a Nayā Pakistan (New Pakistan), the dam fund transformed Diamer–Bhasha into a popular symbol of a modern, prosperous, and pious nation. This paper explores the aspirations and limitations of these claims by tracing the historical, political, and affective discourses that inform the campaign. In order to contextualize the emergence of the dam fund, I argue that the broader developmental and humanitarian significance of the campaign should also be understood in relation to the statist frame of Pakistani Muslim nationalism. Above all, I seek to understand how the dam fund simultaneously presents Pakistanis as vulnerable to extinction, yet capable of their own rescue. I ask: what happens when the nation itself imagines itself as both the giver and recipient of charity? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, the U.S. government has deported approximately 5 million people, one of the largest forced population movements of modern times. Drawing on ethnographic and quantitative data from Southern California, I describe the devastating economic, social, and emotional impacts of deportation on families, households, and communities. High rates of deportation usually are framed by policymakers as a public good, but the data reported in this study suggest they may have widespread negative repercussions not just for the deported and their loved ones but for the country as a whole, especially in regions with large immigrant populations. In addition, I speculate about why such clearly damaging policies continue to exist despite their economic liabilities and how to understand the policy landscape that maintains them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the rise of nationalism lead to immigration policy change? By focusing on elite‐led nationalism, this study offers a novel perspective: When top political leaders rely on nationalism as their legitimation strategy, they are more disposed to adopt policies aimed at strict immigration control, such as the imposition of sanctions on illegal immigrants, due to their hands being tied. We perform a battery of empirical tests using a cross‐national, time‐series data for 33 countries for the years 1980–2010. We find evidence that nationalist countries are positively associated with heightened immigration control. This finding is robust even after possible reverse causality is taken into account. The overall analysis illustrates that nationalism is a significant factor in explaining why countries are pushing for more restrictive immigration control in the contemporary world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our reply to Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2021) is in three parts. First, we clarify the aim of our research note (Eger & Hjerm, 2021). Our original critique was based on a replication of their inductive analysis, and we evaluated their work using best practices for the methodology that they chose. Our argument is straightforward: If one is going to use inductive methods to say something meaningful about the real world, one needs to make sure that the model being advanced fits the data. We present additional evidence supporting our original critique. Second, we discuss whether their new analyses bolster their original results and conclusions. Third, because their own results actually suggest that different levels of American nationalism exist rather than qualitatively different types, we question their claim of convergent validity. In short, we stand by our original critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most theoretical and empirical approaches to nationalism not only distinguish between ethnic and civic notions of national belonging but also differentiate national identity from national hubris, pride, and attachment. In this research note, we examine recently published research on nationalist sentiments in the United States that takes a different approach. The study in question, 'Varieties of American Popular Nationalism' by Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2016), has already become quite influential in the field and has the potential to change how we conceptualise and operationalise attitudes about the nation. In this research note, we revisit its analytical strategy and exploratory methods. We ask two questions. First, does this study allow us to draw conclusions about American nationalism? To answer this, we replicate the original model and then execute additional postestimation analyses, whose results undermine the study's main conclusions. Second, we investigate whether judicious revisions to the study's model generate results that would lead us to the article's same conclusions. The 385 additional models lend no support. Based on this evidence, we argue that the original study's conclusions stem from a misinterpretation of its latent class analysis (LCA), as our own analyses demonstrate that there is no empirical basis for its claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the Syrian conflict has too often reduced the analysis of political behaviour to the causal variable of sectarianism and therefore overlooked the role of other identities sustaining mobilization since 2011. Using the case of the revolutionary newspaper Souriatna, this article argues that a civic re‐imagining of the nation that was neither ethnic nor sectarian informed the identity claims of anti‐regime protestors throughout the conflict and well beyond the peaceful protests of 2011. Civic nationalism, a re‐imagining of the nation as a self‐determined community of equal citizens was generated through print newspaper practices and the iteration of symbols, specifically the map of Syria in its current territorial boundaries and the Independence flag. This re‐imagined nationalism from below challenged both state discourse of sectarian fragmentation since 2011 and Suriyya al‐Asad, the personification of power around the figure of the state leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the evolution of Syrian nationalism, showing how the early pan‐Arabist ideals of the Baathist founders morphed into a cult of personality focused narrowly on emotional attachments to the regime. Current Syrian state nationalism is a "constructed primordialism" consisting of vague and sentimental concepts of the Syrian people and their history, despite the fact that the Syrian state in its current territorial identity has only existed for a few decades and incorporates a diverse mosaic of ethnic, cultural, religious and national backgrounds. In the absence of a cohesive pre‐existing community to form the basis of Syrian national identity, the regime tempered its nominal commitment to Arabism with heavily Romanticized rhetoric emphasizing familial bonds of love and devotion between the people and the leader. This primordialist construct has thwarted the emergence of a civic‐oriented national identity in Syria and contributed to tensions underlying the current civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on several studies on each of these movements and on primary sources, I claim that Zionism and Québécois nationalism have a unique set of similarities. The first part of this article focuses on the redefinition of national identity made by both movements—the end of a religious‐ethnic identity and a new focus on language and territory—and on its various consequences. In the second part, I compare Zionists' and Québécois nationalists' arguments for sovereignty, demonstrating their similarities, with a shared wish to become a majority, a common fear from assimilation, the same aspiration towards normality, and the same claim that national independence will bring with it a new era of progress. By doing so, I point to possible directions of more thorough comparative analyses bringing these two movements together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five papers in this themed section seek to explain national identifications with Syria using diverse methods and focusing on various state and societal actors before and after 2011. Each contribution engages with the distinction of national identities into their 'ethnic/primordial' and 'civic/constructed' elements and examines their meaning within Syria in different times and contexts. Since its independence in 1946, Syria experienced strong tensions between sub‐ and supra‐state identities and experimented with diverse territorial nationalisms in their pan‐Arab and specifically Syrian forms. Through a distinctive mix of ethnic Arab and civic ideological elements, they helped to forge unity among a multiplicity of ethnicities, tribes and sects living on the Syrian territory and thus were moulded in tandem with the interests of those in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism today interacts in complicated ways with advanced information and communication systems, regularly leading to unanticipated consequences. Popular online nationalism in the People's Republic of China (PRC) is a case in point: In the PRC, digital nationalism has become a central feature of political discourse and decision‐making, at times powerfully shaping the state's policy efforts. This article explores a missing puzzle piece in how state‐led and popular nationalism interact in Chinese politics: the role that advanced information and communication technologies play in such processes. This is a question that is not only relevant to scholars of China but also to anyone interested in the role that digital media and communication play in the formation and spread of contemporary nationalism. How do interactions in complex sociotechnical systems affect nationalism today? To answer this question, the article analyses and traces interaction and feedback loops in Chinese digital environments during Sino‐Japanese disputes over the East China Sea. It shows how the interactions between humans, organisations and technologies create unexpected variations in outcome that resonate through China's internet and create the conditions from which digital nationalism can powerfully emerge to shape legitimation and policy‐making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This themed section aims to examine the offline implications of a thriving online nationalist culture fostered by various social media platforms. Several studies have concluded that social media have enhanced nationalism, but there is still a significant lacuna in understanding the deep social, political, and cultural transformations produced by online platforms. How is nationalism different in the digital age? How do nationalists harness the transnational character of social media to disseminate and channel their message simultaneously to various cultural groups? How is the message composed and translated to appeal to various groups, and how does nationalist content cross language and cultural boundaries? The papers that make up this themed section explore the transnational aspects of digital cultures and provide new insights into the methodological difficulties of understanding the offline impact of the contents of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official nationalism is on the rise, but its impact on relations between people with and without a migration background in institutions is under‐studied. This study, based on 55 interviews in a Dutch ministry in 2016, shows that official Dutch nationalist framings of those relations have been taken over by civil servants. These framings trigger boundary‐making between themselves and discrimination in access to career opportunities, in a climate of insecurity. However, official nationalism absorption, boundary‐making and discrimination are partially neutralized by respondents resorting to institutionally 'nested', work‐related and civic identities that enable cooperation, communication and fair allocation of career opportunities. Findings also highlight the exclusive continuities of various forms of imposed official nationalism, including ethno‐nationalism and multiculturalism. They all set people with migration backgrounds apart as culturally different, which foments insecurity among them. Non‐nationalist and institutionally 'nested' identities and procedures offer participation and inclusion to our respondents, not ethno‐nationalism nor multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay places Thomas Mann's treatment of the 'Jewish question' in the broader context of the artist's relationship to the world. Saul Fitelberg's offer to draw Leverkühn out of isolation engages questions about German national identity at a time when Mann insisted that he represented the true German tradition of cosmopolitan openness, in contrast to the Nazi effort to delimit Germanness to a racial core and eliminate those who threatened to contaminate the body politic. The article exposes multiple ambivalences that cling to the concept of German cosmopolitanism in relation to theories of world literature and the history of European imperialism, and, in doing so, argues for an intersectional approach to the 'Jewish question' in Thomas Mann's fiction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does attachment to a nation enhance or dampen support for the European Union (EU)? Using the 2003 and 2013 ISSP national‐identity modules, we isolate and provide multi‐item measures of two distinct types of national attachment—nationalism and patriotism. We find that they are positively related yet have divergent effects. We validate the measures showing that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, support for nationalistic policies (anti‐immigration and protectionism) as expected. We then test the effects of nationalism and patriotism on EU attitudes and find that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, opposition to the EU. The presence of a neo‐nationalist political party enhanced the effects of nationalism on opposition to the EU, underscoring the importance of political rhetoric in shaping nationalistic EU opposition. In further support of the rhetoric hypothesis, the most‐educated nationalists are most likely to oppose the EU in countries with a neo‐nationalist political party and vote for such parties when present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a new perspective on the early stages of Zionism, adopting the ethno‐symbolic approach to the study of nationalism. Scholars who follow this approach assert that in order to achieve a complete understanding of nationalism, we must address its cultural pre‐modern dimension. I argue that in the case study of Jewish nationalism presented here, this approach offers us a more nuanced understanding of early Zionism. First, the article explores the formation of the Zionist conception of the Jewish past and shows that this developed in the second half of the nineteenth century before the inception of political Zionism. Second, the article demonstrates that political Zionism was deeply connected with cultural issues. Two key issues that generated much internal debate and conflict during the early years of the Zionist movement are presented as examples: the schism between 'East' and 'West', and the debate over 'the people versus the land'. Exploring these political conflicts from a cultural perspective highlights the strong connection between the Zionist movement and the pre‐modern Jewish past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical sociologists have questioned the idea that nationalism and imperialism are mutually exclusive phenomena. In contrast to traditional historiography that depicted empires as 'the prison houses of nations' contemporary scholarship emphasises the structural and ideological ambiguities that characterised the 19th century European imperial projects. Hence instead of 'popular longings' for national independence the focus has shifted to the experiences of 'national indifference'. In this paper I aim to go beyond this dichotomy by questioning the role of (nationalist) agency in the collapse of imperial order. Drawing on the primary archival research I zoom in on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro‐Hungarian rule (1878–1918). The paper contests the view that the imperial state was severely undermined by the presence of strong nationalisms. I also challenge the notion that the majority of Bosnian population remained 'nationally indifferent' during this period. Instead, I argue that understanding the character of the Austro‐Hungarian rule is a much better predictor of social change that took place in this period. Rather than stifling supposedly vibrant nationalisms or operating amidst widespread national indifference the imperial state played a decisive role in forging the nation‐centric world through its inadvertent homogenisation of discontent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do sexual minorities navigate and negotiate with nationalism? While some scholars consider nationalism as a primarily exclusionary force against sexual minorities, how might we understand sexual minorities' engagement with nationalism? I address these questions by exploring the strategic deployment of sexual and national identities of LGBT movements through the case study of Singapore's annual LGBT‐inclusive event, Pink Dot. In response to the authoritarian and heteronormative state's construction of sexual minorities as non‐national Others, Pink Dot mobilizes both sexual and national identities in an effort to forge a space of inclusion while ensuring its survival. By portraying itself as a uniquely Singaporean event and espousing national identity and belonging through symbolic and performative practices, Pink Dot leverages national identity to minimize differences from and foreground similarities to the majority. In this way, sexual minorities in Singapore endeavor to embed themselves within the narratives of the nation and claim their legitimate belonging while simultaneously projecting a nation more inclusive of sexual difference. The aspirational inclusion of sexual minorities in the national imagery, however, inevitably elicits the state's backlash that narrowly defines the physical and symbolic boundaries of the political project. This analysis advances our understanding of the interactions between the state and social movements in shaping the relationship among the nation, sexuality, and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article lists editors of the periodical along with information on membership, copyright and photocopying, and table of contents.

The article discusses the highlights of the 13th International Milton Symposium held at Victoria College, University of Toronto, Ontario held in July 2023. The event featured keynotes and roundtable discussions on the life and works of poet John Milton, the forms of religious nationalism around the world, and the roundtable "Is Milton Good for the Jews?."

The article discusses the highlights of the 13th International Milton Symposium held at Victoria College, University of Toronto, Ontario. The event featured plenaries that covered various topics, such as island nation fiction and the rise of Christian nationalism, as well as roundtable discussions on literature.

This paper challenges some widespread theoretical assumptions and practices in the study of populism and proposes a new multidimensional approach to generate and analyse data on this latent construct. Rather than focusing on categorising subjects as populists or not, it recommends reaching a better understanding of what populism is, the salience and relative weight of its attributes and how they interact creating an inner populist logic. Despite the increasing media and academic attention, historical discrepancies in how to conceptualise and operationalise populism have hindered cumulative progress in the literature. Initially most efforts were devoted to the study of specific movements, without a clear comparative angle, and the concept of populism was often conflated with that of nationalism. When the literature started to pay more attention to the analysis of the attributes associated with populism serious disagreements emerged concerning its true essence. Populism has been conceptualised as an ideology, a cynical strategy, a performative style and a discursive logic of articulation. The disputes between these competing interpretations have arguably slowed down the generation of comparative data. Although this article is meant to be a critique of the current state of the field and a call to make it pivot into a slightly different direction, it does not adopt an iconoclast stance and largely tries to reconcile the different existing research traditions – ideational, discursive, performative and strategic. It shows that their efforts are to a great extent complementary but mostly operating on different rungs of the ladder of abstraction. This paper argues that shifting from minimal definitions into a multidimensional approach may stimulate the generation of comparative data on a wider range of attributes and facilitate the identification of degrees and varieties within populism. This paper develops a new analytical framework which deconstructs populism into five dimensions: (1) depiction of the polity, (2) morality, (3) construction of society, (4) sovereignty and (5) leadership. These dimensions, that synthesise the most influential conceptualisations of populism, are empirically and theoretically interconnected and encompass ideational, discursive and performative attributes suggested in the literature. These dimensions are in turn composed of lower order attributes forming a multilayered network structure. This multidimensional framework provides a heuristic template that can be adapted and operationalised in diverse ways depending on the hypotheses, type of data and subjects of the analysis. Some examples of how to turn these dimensions into variables to capture supply‐ and demand‐side populism are introduced. Future empirical research could help map and better understand the network of interactions and intersections among these dimensions and attributes. This could be the key to settle some of the current conceptual debates about populism and its varieties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Chinese nationalism during the COVID-19 pandemic: Conciliatory and confrontational discourses" has been retracted by the journal, Nations & Nationalism. The retraction was made due to unattributed overlap between the article and a master's thesis titled "Not all nationalists are zealots: a discourse analysis of Chinese nationalism among Zhihu users" by Guo, Binglian. The retraction was agreed upon by the journal Editors-in-Chief, the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, and John Wiley and Sons Ltd. [Extracted from the article]

"The Socioeconomics of Nationalism in China: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives" by Fan attempts to explain Chinese nationalism using a utilitarian economic model. The author argues that nationalism is more pronounced in the modern world when people's incomes are above a certain threshold. However, the reviewer finds this approach too grand and believes that rational choice theory fails to adequately explain social and historical problems. The book also overlooks the role of propaganda in constructing nationalist narratives. While some of the author's conclusions may be valid, the reviewer disagrees with the book's basic approach and instead recommends a more evidence-based and sociological analysis. [Extracted from the article]

In the book review entitled 'Boonyawongwiwat, Thitiwut The ethno‐narcotic politics of the Shan people: Fighting with drugs, fighting for the nation on the Thai–Burmese border, Lexington Books 2017, 186 pp., £60 (HBK), £60 (ebook).' by Thomas Edward Kingston, published in Nations and Nationalism 2020; 26: 1127–1128 (Kingston, [1]), we found that the author's name was incorrect.The author's name should read as follows:Thomas Edward Kingston [Extracted from the article]

The article explores resistant ecologies and communal environments in Lebanon after war. It highlights the importance of care practices, multispecies interactions, and moral concerns in creating livable environments and supporting communities affected by violence. It also emphasizes the need to go beyond national borders and colonial logics to understand the interconnectedness of communities across diverse regions.

Chapter 3 turns to the Utkal Sammillani, a pan-Odia forum created in 1903 to improve the welfare of Odia-speaking communities and push for better representation, which eventually evolved into a demand for amalgamating all Odia-speaking areas into one administration. Contrary to the overstated title, I Language and the Making of Modern India i is a comprehensive and important study of the regional Odia language movement and the creation of Odisha (formerly Orissa), the first province organised on a linguistic basis under British rule. The author points to a concerted intellectual effort to write a history of Odisha which imagined the Odia-speaking community and non-Odia Adivasi communities as long existing "side by side" but with a clear hierarchy which justified their lesser position under a liberal, paternalistic Odisha. [Extracted from the article]

I Sikh Nationalism i is a comprehensive historical-cum-theoretical treatise on the changing nature and agenda of Sikh nationalism, to whose study it makes several contributions. Overall, authors Singh and Shani formulate a persuasive invitation "to take the study of Sikh nationalism seriously" (p. 218). Since Sikhs are I also i a global minority, Singh and Shani contend that I Sikh Nationalism i makes a relevant case for comparative studies. [Extracted from the article]