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The Sundarbans as a region is shared between Bangladesh (60%) and India (40%) and forms an intriguing geography to understand not only the consequences of macro‐political landmarks such as the partition, it is an arable field to explore the intersections of people, history, and politics‐ with a particular recognition of the constructions, constitutions, and manifestations of shifting, undefined, cultural and physical borders. This paper contends that Hindu nationalism in the Indian Sundarbans borderlands emerges as a result of what Sigmund Freud called ‘narcissism of minor differences’ between the Bengalis across borders and it makes for a distinct kind of nationalism that unfavourably impacts the Muslim Bengalis in the region. I situate that the ongoing aggressive Hindu nationalism in India's Bengal is a classic case of narcissism of minor differences and understanding its nuances can illuminate the multiple ways in which variant forms of nationalism are highly appropriated and propagated. Secondly, the study addresses how the liminal borderlands are fertile fields for such type of nationalism. Lastly, in order to further problematise the actors and the activism around nationalism, I study the work of Hindu nationalist women who volunteer with the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti to map and appraise the gendered aspect of this discourse. The Bengali Hindu Samiti women dedicate much of their nationalist activism in emphasising on both territorial and cultural borders and target Bengali Muslims who have migrated from Bangladesh and with whom they share deep civilisational and cultural sameness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the social mechanisms that facilitate the transformation of micro‐level bonds into coherent nationalist narratives of solidarity. The aim is to explain the paradox: while the armed forces are highly nationalist institutions, most ordinary combatants detest nationalist rhetoric on the battlefield. Drawing on the interviews with the combatants who fought in the 1991–1995 wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina together with the analysis of the mass media reports, I examine how deep bonds of micro‐solidarity forged in the violent experiences are transformed into coherent nationalist discourses. I explore how social ties generated in the protracted face‐to‐face interactions can be enveloped by the specific social organisations and then ‘translated’ into nationalist ideologies that project deep comradeship as ‘national solidarities’. I aim to show that the direct war experience does not automatically generate strong bonds of national solidarity. Instead, nationalism is always a product of protracted coercive‐organisational, ideological and micro‐interactional work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nationalism and Culture, now a largely forgotten book, the anarchist thinker Rudolf Rocker offers a compelling account of the nationalist phenomenon, from its origins and development to its influence (or lack thereof) over the linguistic and cultural practices of the large groups of people that typically encompass a nation‐state. The present paper aims to revisit and update Rocker's book, highlighting its relevance and potential contribution to the modern study of nationalism. In particular, I employ the tools of Noam Chomsky's generative study of language to characterise the roles language and culture play in the formation of national identities, in so doing unearthing some of the psychological underpinnings of nationalist beliefs and thus, furthermore, clarifying the actual effects of nationalist policies on language, culture, and artistic creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early days of the COVID‐19 pandemic, people in England stepped outside their doors once a week to clap the National Health Service. What does this have to do with nationalism? On the face of it, nothing much: clapping exercised local, and not, national solidarities. I will show, however, that local solidarities performed in clapping rituals led to the regeneration of national imaginaries via the symbols on display and the national institutions through which pandemic experiences were channelled. My argument has three parts. First, I show that helping practices during the pandemic shaped local solidarities that found collective expression through clapping. Second, I explain how the local experiences of clapping merged with national imaginaries when performed on a national canvas with symbols that marked an imagined community of national clappers. Third, I argue that clapping was subsumed into a nascent national imaginary via nationally scoped institutions that were exercised to fight the pandemic. Whilst the local has long been appreciated as a site and source for nationalism, I have added how non‐national local practices can also be constitutive of nationalism. A global pandemic led to national imaginaries via the local solidarities that were formed by clapping for carers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism studies tend to focus on a relatively closed and abstract nation. This paper addresses these features by analysing the case of Girmitiya nationalism, a nationalism in the Indian diaspora that broadens the exclusive focus on the nation. It introduces the concept of lived culture that makes the nationalism of an ethnic diaspora community concrete and specifies the interaction between global forces and local life. Using data obtained as a member of the studied ethnic community and deploying additional concepts such as ethnogenesis, Creole hegemonic nationalism, ethnification, diaspora bonding and Girmitiya ideology, the paper demonstrates the usefulness of the concept of lived culture. The concept of lived culture thus discloses the specificities of Girmitiya nationalism, while countervailing the tendency to restrict the focus on the nation and offering a route to broaden the focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Victory Day celebrations in Russia have frequently been characterized as a vehicle for state militarism, particularly in the context of the full‐scale invasion of Ukraine. This article challenges the notion that the state is the sole proprietor of this national holiday. Drawing on recent ethnographies of Victory Day, the article argues that a trend towards patriotic performativity increasingly defines public celebrations. This trend has two outcomes: strengthening participants' sense of national community while reinforcing statist discourse – even among the holiday's critics. By examining the relationship between the Russian state and Victory Day, the article illuminates the crucial distinction between a reiterated, performative victory and the realities of actual warfare. This analysis contributes to broader discussions on collective memory, state power and the role of public celebrations in shaping national identity in post‐Soviet contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased openness and tolerance have marked the twenty‐first century, yet recent years witnessed a decline marked by nationalist movements and reduced support for diversity. We explore the potential link between these two societal changes by examining the association between the perception of universalism values in society and the endorsement of conservation values, right‐wing political attitudes, and nationalism in Poland. Across six correlational studies (total N = 2644), perception of the prevalence of universalism values in fellow citizens was positively linked to one's endorsement of conservation values, right‐wing political attitudes, and nationalism. These links were (a) stronger when participants believed that a considerable part of society still supported conservation values and (b) underlined by a greater perception of the threat posed by universalism values to the traditional way of living. The experimental results (N = 307) did not support causal link between these links but only the underlying role of perceiving a threat from universalism to society, particularly when participants perceived high universalism and conservation values in others. However, this effect was observed only when controlling for one's endorsement of conservation values and the perception of threat from conservation values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses two calls emerging out of Sociological theory—against methodological nationalism and methodological whiteness—in relation to the study of nations, nation‐states and nationalisms. Building on Meghji's synergy of decolonial and race critical theory, I propose a historicized and globalized analysis of nationalisms and the nation‐state which can respond to these calls whilst also being attentive to the nation‐state and nationalism as sites of violence. I insist upon the importance of understanding 'race' and coloniality as foundational aspects to the emergence and functioning of nationalisms and nation‐states. I do so based on the empirical case of the nation‐state Romania and Romanian nationalism, what I call a 'colonial gray zone'. I argue: (1) that modern colonialism and imperialism shaped the emergence of nation‐states and that, as a result, coloniality shapes the functioning of nation‐states and nationalisms; (2) that modern/colonial 'race' is central to the emergence and operation of nation‐states and nationalisms. Ultimately, I urge those concerned with the study of nations, nation‐states and nationalisms to shift their analytical tools towards coloniality and racism, and the scholarship and struggles against them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on recent changes in Rhodes College's Foundations in the Liberal Arts curriculum that were motivated by a desire to help students become competent and engaged debaters of meaning and value in the trying times of the 21st century. I focus on how my own two foundational liberal arts classes—"The Bible* and Nationalism" and "The Bible* and Comparative Ethics"—sought to widen the category of scripture for college students in their value discussions, as well as the benefits and potential limitations of moving away from the Bible as the sole source of moral formation in the American classroom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2001, John Levi Martin published a critique of authoritarianism scholarship, arguing that it was marred by fundamental biases of tautology, selective interpretation, and overtheorization of some research subjects but neglect of others. Drawing from this critique, I argue that Christian nationalism scholarship in sociology operates as a variant of authoritarianism research, exhibiting similar claims, strengths, and shortcomings. In a short span of time, the Christian nationalism research agenda has come to dominate the sociological study of religion and enjoyed a high profile in public discourse, presumably due to its relevance to matters of acute political concern. However, this literature interprets empirical results based on unverified assumptions of essentially authoritarian goals and motivations while ignoring plausible alternative explanations. It further neglects respondents who are low on Christian nationalism measures, despite evidence that these respondents play a role in religiopolitical conflict. The result is an essentialist account of Christian nationalism that is politically resonant but theoretically problematic. I propose that these issues can be addressed by a shift away from essentialist and toward social models of belief systems, which offer important advantages: greater consistency with current theories of political polarization, a stronger sociological element, and less susceptibility to researcher bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid decline of global biodiversity has engendered renewed debate about the social, economic, and political factors contributing to it. Specifically, there is little understanding of the role that political ideology within a country (e.g., nationalism, conservatism, socialism) plays in determining biodiversity outcomes. We used negative binomial generalized linear models to investigate the importance of national regime ideology in predicting threatened animal species and protected area establishment compared with other factors that affect biodiversity outcomes, such as gross domestic product, inequality, and democracy. For threatened animals, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested adverse biodiversity outcomes arose from larger gross domestic product (β = 0.120, p < 0.001). However, nationalism (β = 0.371, p < 0.01) and socialism (β = 0.293, p < 0.05) were also significantly associated with increased proportions of threatened species. For protected areas, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested increases in democracy (β = 0.880, p < 0.001) led to a rise in relative protected area estate. Conservative regime ideology was also associated with greater protected area estate, although this did not increase the weight of evidence in support of the best models. These findings highlight the relevance of political ideology for predicting biodiversity outcomes at a national scale and illustrate opportunities to tailor policies and advocacy to promote biodiversity conservation more effectively. By targeting appropriate messaging and political advocacy, conservationists can improve the likelihood that politicians and their nations will participate in positive biodiversity actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can territorial disputes within countries be a basis for affective polarization? If so, how does it vary across territories? A burgeoning literature on affective polarization has largely focused on partisan divisions; we argue that contentious political issues such as those relating to territorial integrity can also be a basis for such affective polarization, where citizens feel concord with those sharing such policy preferences and animus for those who do not. We specify hypotheses about territorial‐policy‐based affective polarization and bring comparative survey evidence from three European regions with salient and contentious territorial claims: Scotland, Catalonia and Northern Ireland. While these three cases encompass different outcomes of territorial disputes, our results show strikingly similar levels of affective polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an introduction to a special issue entitled 'Rethinking Decolonisation in Papua New Guinea'. This introduction suggests that we view 'decolonisation' or 'independence' not only as a historical period, but as an event that has been imagined by many people both during and after it occurred. Drawing on the work of Adom Getachew, we argue that it is fruitful to examine decolonisation in this extended sense. Doing so, this article argues, allows us to see that decolonisation often involves more than just the two actors of the 'coloniser' and the 'colonised'. It also helps us better understand forms of political innovation in which the goal is not the creation of a nation‐state. By broadening our awareness of a range of decolonising processes, we can expand our understanding of this important political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Schertzer and Eric Taylor Woods' book analyses tweets posted by Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen and Brexit supporters in 2017 from a historical perspective in order to reveal the deep roots of white ethnic nationalism. This commentary questions the explanatory nature of the analysis, and highlights how the book inadvertently contributes to the ongoing naturalisation of nationalism, particularly in Western countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it is often assumed that the core debates about nationalism were settled by modernist scholars already in the 1980s, there are reasons to question this theoretical 'consensus', especially because it fails to anticipate the wave of nationalist geopolitics that is currently sweeping through the world. Contemporary studies of nationalism typically refrain from conceptualising politics in spatial terms, while overstating states' ability to shape ethno‐national identities irrespective of their ethnic roots and offering little empirical validation. To overcome these limitations, it is useful to analyse how nationalism transforms the state, rather than the reverse. This article reports findings from an EU‐funded research project that uses historical maps covering borders of states and ethnic groups to show how nationalism causes increasing congruence between these borders and how a lack thereof makes conflict and border change more likely. This risk is further increased by 'restorative' narratives bemoaning supposedly lost independence and unity. Further research traces the spread of reactive nationalism through modernisation processes driven by railroad expansion until the early 20th century. Yet this does not mean that state partition offers the only, or the best, solution to nationality problems. Power sharing can pacify at least as well as ethno‐nationalist border change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we elaborate on the central themes of our recent book, The New Nationalism in America and Beyond (OUP, 2022), before responding to the comments and criticisms of several esteemed colleagues (Phil Gorski, Cynthia Miller‐Idriss, and Sophie Duchesne). In sum, our book argues that the relative success of right‐wing populists among the white majorities of the West – including Donald Trump in the US, Marine Le Pen in France, and the Brexit Campaigners in the UK – is partly due to the way in which they draw upon long‐established ethnic nationalist myths and symbols in their political communication. By adapting this cultural content to the contemporary context, these elites are ensuring that their messaging resonates among their target populations. In making this case, our book seeks to demonstrate the value of taking culture seriously in the analysis of the so‐called 'new nationalism.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schertzer and Woods have written a timely, rigorous, and thoughtful examination of the rise of ethnic nationalism in the West. The book adeptly anchors the political mobilization of white majorities in the defensive postures that define them while simultaneously explaining the broader historical and cultural contexts that are so often missing from contemporary analyses. This critical analysis fell short, however, in its relative lack of engagement on issues related to gender and the gendered mobilization of nationalist and extremist backlash, including violence. But aside from brief mentions of the case of the 2016 U.S. election and the femonationalism of Marine Le Pen and others like her, the arguments put forth in the book suffer from an inattention to gendered dimensions in ways that hollow out the explanatory power of their claims by leaving out some of the most persuasive evidence about the role that gender, hostile sexism, and misogyny play in mobilizing support for violent extremism, political violence, nationalist movements, and other forms of xenophobic and exclusionary ideas. In this book debate essay, I briefly lay out what I think was missed and why it matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study investigates correlates of black nationalist tendencies, defined as endorsing sentiments consistent with black nationalism. Black nationalism is an ideology that advocates for cultural, economic, political, and social separatism, and/or community autonomy and self‐reliance as survival tactics. Warrant for this study arises from the opinion black nationalism is an anachronism—a throwback to the 1920s, late 1960s, or early 1990s. Methods: We review correlates from prior studies. Then, using regression models and nationally representative data from black adults participating in the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, we address whether those correlates link with black nationalist tendencies today. Results: Few correlates from prior studies predict black nationalist tendencies today. However, correlates such as white antipathy and common fate remain robust predictors. Additionally, views of Barack Obama, whose political ascendency challenges certain tenets of black nationalism, are important correlates. Conclusion: White supremacy makes black nationalism durable and attractive; consequently, certain blacks will always endorse it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Widespread political polarization throughout the United States is a threat to the time‐honored democratic tradition of utilizing civil discussion and respectful debate to express divergent views and strive for common ground. The political differences that divide us now are so deep and rife with toxic emotion that they threaten to undermine our social well‐being at both the micro and macro levels. While family therapists are trained to work with relational tensions and to help family members to constructively negotiate their differences, the severity of the hostility and resentment tied to divergent political orientations has made this work increasingly difficult to achieve. This article explores how family therapy training programs can help trainees deepen their capacity for constructive political dialoguing that includes learning how to effectively manage their reactivity to those whose values and views may be dramatically different from their own so that they can support clients in doing the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, there have been renewed calls―predominantly amongst ethnic Igbos in southeast Nigeria―for the restoration of the defunct secessionist state of Biafra. The resurgent Biafran separatism has been explored through the prisms of relative marginalisation and material deprivation. However, some scholars have drifted away from dominant discussions on the rationale behind the re‐emergence of the secessionist agitations and instead focused on the myriad media that Biafran separatist movements utilise to make claims of self‐determination for Igbos. These scholars―typically linguists―invariably explore online activism by resorting to meticulous analysis of the discourses of pro‐Biafra separatists on the Internet. Whilst such robust discourse analyses of separatists’ speeches shed light on the discursive dynamics of Biafran separatism in contemporary Nigeria, they do not underscore the varied repertoires of collective action of Biafran separatists beyond Internet activism. This article fills this gap in the scholarly literature on resurgent Biafran separatism in democratic Nigeria. Drawing on the American sociologist Charles Tilly’s analytical framework of contentious contention and focusing on the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)―a transnational separatist movement―I argue that the various online and offline activities of Biafran separatists in the southeastern region be construed as repertoires of contention geared toward contesting the sovereignty of the Nigerian state in order to restore the short‐lived secessionist Biafran state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public discourse about autonomous regions and de facto ‐‐‐ or unrecognized ‐‐‐ states can influence the policies that parent states adopt to respond to these entities. I theorize that public discourse about autonomous regions will underscore commonalities with the parent state. Public discourse about de facto states will treat the state as a separate entity. I employ newspaper data as a measure of public discourse about Adjara and Abkhazia, Georgia. Using sentiment analysis and topic models, I show that public discourse about autonomous regions discusses domestic politics whereas discourse about de facto states emphasizes international relations. This analysis of public discourse offers insight into the ways in which people in parent states discuss separatist entities and how leaders may wish to steer public discourse about these regions in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the division and conflict during the formative phase of Turkish nationalism in the Early Republican Period. Turkish nationalism, the founding ideology of Türkiye, was oriented towards identity and state building, and it developed an ethno‐secular vision. In contrast, Turkism‐Turanism nationalism, emerging from civilian circles, adopted a critical stance towards the official ideology and the prevailing understanding of ideology during that period, as evidenced by Atsız Mecmua. Using discourse analysis, this study examines prominent themes in Atsız Mecmua, such as anthropological Turkishness, Turanism, militarism, and a holistic approach to history. Conversely, communism in its ideological sense and identities other than Turkish were depicted as the other. Atsız Mecmua attempted to foster a new conception of nationalism to challenge Kemalist nationalism, seeking to forge Turkish unity through militarism and a fascist state model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zimbabwe has distinct urban nationalist myths stemming from the colonial period—urban modernity and economic exceptionalism. The modernity myth has been constructed from the colonial period and came to be associated with urban order, lifestyle and social mobility. The economic exceptionalism myth refers to Zimbabwe's past exceptional economic performance during the colonial and early postcolonial periods. However, the economic crisis and informalisation from the late 1990s have challenged these myths as neither previous practices of urban modernity nor the feeling of exceptional economic performance is attainable any more. In this context, people in the informal sector reimagine what these nationalist myths mean to them. In particular, they engage in debates about which economic practices are modern enough to be implemented in urban areas, especially in the city centre, and how to identify themselves make a claim to urban modernity. The memory of economic exceptionalism in the meantime acts as a reference point in discussions about future national development. All these translate into the question of legitimacy—of the informal economy and its practices and the government that failed to uphold the modernity and exceptionalism myths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cricket in India has evolved much beyond its fundamental definition as a game or form of entertainment in the present century. The liberalization process in the 1990s, followed by the drastic social changes in the country, impacted the game, leading it to acquire new meanings as cultural text. Currently, Indian cricket forms part of collective enjoyment, forming people's habitus and playing a central ideological role in the politics of ethnonationalism. This article attempts to analyze Indian Cricket using Slavoj Zizek's concept of "national Thing," to critically understand its potential to evoke hyper‐nationalism in the Indian polity. The concept of "national Thing," proposed by Zizek, postulates that the recourse to nationalism can cause a pleasure‐in‐pain situation and evoke extreme "enjoyment" (jouissance), which functions on the idea of sudden sense of loss. Drawing insights from this, this paper theoretically investigates sport‐induced nationalism in cricket in the backdrop of escalating neo‐nationalist sentiments in India. Additionally, the article expounds on how cricket becomes a "lost Thing" in Indian popular culture by critically analyzing the Indian film Kai Po Che (2013), in which cricket emerges as a social and political entity, intervening with the lives of ordinary youths in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward "cow vigilantism," slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal‐fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving "religion‐politics" nexus or "complex" to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of India's 2019 Islamophobic Citizenship Amendment Act, this article is based on ethnographic research with young Muslim women from Aligarh which aimed to show that their narratives of displacement and exclusion from citizenship inspired their search for belonging and enabled them to reinscribe spaces with their own, marginalised, but nonetheless real, projects of belonging. From exclusion and debasement springs new imagination of belonging: this is my finding. Drawing on intersectional feminist writings, postcolonial and critical Muslim studies, I propose that Muslim women's geographies become forms of contestation of the national project producing non-citizens. In this context, I trace the interconnections between physical and spiritual geographies to show us how Muslim women continue to carve space for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As factionalism becomes increasingly prominent within the Conservative Party, understanding the worldviews of the respective groupings has become key to understanding the party itself. This is especially true regarding the one nation group which is the most numerous in Parliament. From the Cameron era, the term 'one nation' expressed leaders' attempts to modernise the party, reckon with the Thatcherite social legacy, and carve out a distinct centre‐right identity which contained both socially liberal and distinctly conservative elements. However, reconciling 'modern' and 'conservative' views has been singularly difficult. Whilst bridging the two rhetorically and intellectually has been possible, leaders have struggled to translate such a synthesis into a viable governmental agenda that unites the party. Underlying this difficulty is fierce disagreement on immigration, sovereignty, nationhood and cosmopolitanism, resulting in one nation conservatism becoming a signal of intra‐party disagreement rather than unifying leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amhara nationalism emerged in the Ethiopian political discourse in the 1990s, and has appeared at varying paces across time. This article examines whether the trajectories in Amhara identity conceptions go from rejection to embracing Amhara ethnicity. A qualitative data analysis is used gleaned from various sources including archives, opinions expressed in social media platforms, and key informant interviews undertaken largely in 2020. The article revealed how Amhara ethnicity has been built under various political contexts in Ethiopia. In the last, nearly three decades' actors and political parties shift their subscription from Ethiopian identity to Amhara and the other way around. This shows the situationality, and variability of ethnicity, and more importantly, the weight of context in the construction of identity discourses and practices. The practice of "Amhara democratic nationalism", with its Bolshevik ingredients, aimed to "discipline" Amhara, accompanied by the attitude of many ethnonationalist elites which consider all Amhara as an oppressor gave way to reactive ethnicity, and Amhara political identity is already established with essential implications for the current political discontent and future of Ethiopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is often considered as motivated by a desire to challenge the international status quo, a challenge the West is trying to mitigate. Social constructivists account for this challenge via a norm of nationalistic assertiveness in Chinese foreign policy; a norm constructed in the synergetic relationship between China's Communist Party and its nationalist movement. However, this work argues that Chinese foreign policy is motivated, in part, by nationalist pressure arising from an antagonistically symbiotic relationship between the Communist Party and China's nationalist movement. This understanding is significant as it indicates that western policies are paradoxically factoring in the emergence of a challenger China. © 2023 Victoria University of Wellington and John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While fossil fuels are a well‐researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno‐nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co‐opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel‐based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co‐exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Putin's tenure, the geopolitical representation of Russia as an 'energy superpower' has become a powerful mainstay for the restoration of a global status and a revanchist foreign policy. This article seeks to assess the extent to which such a nationalist narrative is prevalent among Russian academics in the oil and gas sector. Using a survey administered to research and teaching staff in selected industrial universities in 2021, we found partial confirmation of the relevance of centre‐periphery relations and that nationalist attitudes are aligned with a state‐centric approach. However, this perspective does not necessarily entail opposition to industry privatisation or foreign partnerships. These findings highlight the inadequacy of a simplistic privatisation/nationalisation dichotomy in capturing the hybrid nature of resource governance in petro‐states. Additionally, our study suggests that resource nationalism plays a role in shaping experts' support for the government's energy policy. These findings contribute to the literature on resource nationalism and suggest potential avenues for future research exploring the role of higher education institutions in shaping resource governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that local places and civic identities were historically relevant in the period when national politics and cultures emerged in Europe but have largely not received due attention in the historiography. It argues that the production of the local is a significant factor for understanding the configuration of the nation and that it was tied to how communities—and the agents that constituted them—constructed their own subjectivity and negotiated their place in the social world. It first provides a review of recent historical studies on collective territorial identities to underscore the relative lack of attention given to the local dimension and identify approaches that can be applied to the study of local cultures. It then focuses on the case of Catalonia in Restoration Spain, showing how region‐building dynamics and nationalisation processes coexisted and interacted with strongly assertive civic identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter‐reaction of dissociating centre‐periphery relations suggestive of pre‐democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco‐era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research found that Christian nationalism, a belief that integrates Christian identity with American national identity, was associated with more negative views toward marginalized groups, such as religious minorities. Relatively less known is the relationship between Christian nationalism and attitudes toward atheists. Specifically, even less is known about whether or not Christian nationalism that is above individuals at the macro, geographic level may influence individual views of atheists. Using nationally representative multilevel data, this study found that higher individual Christian nationalism was associated with more negative views toward atheists. No robust state‐level Christian nationalism influence was found for anti‐atheist attitude. However, Blacks, relative to Whites, were less likely to view atheists negatively in states where Christian nationalism was higher. Meanwhile, in states where Christian nationalism was higher, Black Protestants were less prejudiced against atheists compared to Evangelical Protestants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reads Maurice Merleau‐Ponty's ontology of the "flesh of the world" alongside the ontology that seems to undergird Frantz Fanon's sociodiagnostics as well as his theory of sociogeny. It argues that reading Fanonian sociogeny in terms of the ambiguity and intercorporeality of the flesh of the world renders the ethical and political imperatives of Fanon's decolonial project all the more pressing, since the "new human" is prefigured—if not totally determined—in the national consciousness obtained by "les damnés" through the decolonization process. It then examines how Sylvia Wynter's Fanonian call to (re)fashion the future of humanness through (re)conceptualizing "being human as praxis," also seems to rely on this ontology of the flesh of the world. Bringing these arguments together, the article suggests that the conceptual content of the new human can be found in the liberation struggles of les damnés across what Wynter calls the "poverty archipelagos" wrought by colonial humanism. Hence, the "new skin" for which Fanon calls is fashioned through forming international solidarity with les damnés, with the conceptual content of the new humanism emerging sociogenically—and autopoetically—from those struggles themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining how gender and sexuality norms are expressed through nationalist ideology, this article argues that homonationalist hegemony is being reinforced through media representations of nationalist social movements attacking LGBTQ people, events, and symbols. The argument builds on a critical discourse analysis of 320 newspaper articles published between 2016 and 2020. The discourses in the material manifest how the neo‐Nazi groups the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) and Nordic Youth (NY), as well as the nationalist party Sweden Democrats (SD), have respectively been represented as threats to Swedish national unity in media due to their anti‐LGBTQ attacks or statements. The analysis concludes that nationalism is reproduced through struggles over its symbolic expressions, especially through changing articulations of who belongs to the nation and who constitutes its "Others". The symbolism of gendered and sexual norms is crucial to these struggles, as the evolvements of homonationalist discourse highlights the struggle to define national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding and documenting the ways that objects become entangled in, produce, sustain, and rupture family relations are crucial contributions of museum studies to anthropological kinship theory. This article analyzes a Canadian exhibit entitled "Family: Bonds and Belonging," developed in response to Canada's 150th anniversary, in 2017, by a British Columbia provincial museum, then brought to Canada's national immigration museum in Nova Scotia in 2019. The article demonstrates how curators invite objects to narrate kinship, and entangle visitors as theoretical accomplices, all while building national projects. Layered concepts of "family" plays a central role in this exhibit, simultaneously introducing "family" as complex, diverse, and varied while also reproducing middle‐class conventions of family. I argue that this contradiction partly undercuts the representational content of the exhibit, and that the simultaneous multivalence and ideological uniformity of family in this setting points to how museum practices and procedures can unintentionally reproduce conventional ideas that implicitly counter curatorial work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how traditionally anti‐European Union (EU) right‐wing parties and leaders in four EU member states reinterpreted their relation with the EU in the post‐Brexit period (2016–2022). Either for the political opportunity structure's constraints or for the costs triggered by Brexit, right‐wing European nationalists had to redefine their role in remaining in the EU. We conceptualize as 'sovereignism' their attempt to endogenize nationalism in the EU. Relying on discourse analysis, this article shows that right‐wing sovereignism criticized the supranational character and the centralized policy system that developed within the EU. However, right‐wing sovereignism differed in the rationale of its criticism, based more on an economic discourse in Western Europe and more on a cultural discourse in Eastern Europe, as well as on the policies to repatriate. The sovereignist approach of nationalist right‐wing parties and leaders would lead to the nationally differentiated disintegration of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on nationalism have recently transitioned from macro‐level analyses of large structural factors to micro‐level examinations, emphasizing nationalism as a set of cultural and political beliefs held by individuals. Such works that use opinion measures to explore heterogeneity in national self‐understandings show that nationalist beliefs distribute among the public in particular and non‐random ways, though the extent to which these heterogeneities induce variation in behavioural outcomes remains relatively unexplored. In this article, we argue that varying conceptions of nationhood inform ethnonational boundary‐making strategies and social action. Using latent class analyses and a resource allocation task in original representative survey data (N = 1,460), we ask whether varying cultural positions on nationhood covaries with preferential behaviour. We found that nationalist cultural models provide heterogeneous cultural templates and lead to preferential treatment of ethnonational ingroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National pride relates to nationalism, one of the most powerful forces in modern politics. Many surveys have shown that most citizens are proud of their countries, but few have directly examined the underlying reasons for why people are proud of their countries. Using parallel national surveys in China and the United States, we investigate the sources and contents of national pride in the two most powerful nation‐states in the world. Our results reveal clear differences between citizens in the two countries. While the sources of American national pride are largely ideational, the sources of Chinese national pride tend to be material. The evidence provides a first set of insights into the sources of national pride and challenges conventional depictions of nationalism as a monolithic concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper probes the relationship between nationalism and belonging. In the context of the enactment of the ‘Nation‐State Law’ in Israel, it addresses a twofold question: how do members of the Druze community articulate the minority group's sense of belonging to the national community, and what do their constructions of belonging suggest about how Druze might shape and secure their belonging in the Jewish nationalist project? Our analytical approach draws on theoretical accounts of the politics of belonging and nationalist projects centred on culture and political values; civic identifications and attachments; and the racialized positioning of social groups. The analysis of 18 semi‐structured interviews evoked four metaphors through which we elaborate the impact of the Nation‐State Law on Druze belonging and explore the implications for Druze engagement with this Jewish nationalist project. We envision the possibility of Druze pursuing a transversal intersectional political project of belonging as non‐Jews in Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muḥammad Karīm Khān Kirmānī (d. 1871) wrote Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah (Naṣīrean Epilogue), a concise treatise of a few pages, in 1865 (eighteenth of Rajab of 1273 hijri); thirteen years after the emergence of the Bābī movement and seven years after the execution of Sayyid ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī (d. 1850) in Tabriz. In this treatise, he expresses his loyalty to both the fourth Qajar monarch, Nāṣir al‐Dīn Shah (d. 1896) and Twelver Shīʿīsm. Furthermore, he expounds on the political inclination of Kirmānī Shaykhīsm as well as the suspicious affiliation of his school with the Bābīs, which was a matter of speculation for the court. Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah, which took its name from the Shah, should be treated as Kirmānī's political manifesto, reflecting his uncomfortable attitude toward the presence of foreigners in a Muslim country, which was resented by the monarch as well. Kirmānī not only takes sides with him, but also warns him of the harm of becoming too close to infidels, which may even result in the dominance of kuffār on Muslim territories. Kirmānī's outlook toward politics was largely shaped by the Bābī movement. As no hint of having any political philosophy is traceable in his writings prior to 1260 H/1852, and since Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah was written shortly after the suppression of the movement, one can come to the conclusion that the socio‐religious anxiety and the radical tone of Bābīsm made him adopt such a conservative approach, which seemed to be the only tenable way of representing his patriotism. Moreover, Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah, should be treated as the official response of the Shaykhī school to the messianic radicalism of Shīrāzī and his followers. Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah has a sister text, Nāṣirīyyah dar jihād (Naṣīrean in Jihād), which was finished in the same year, although it is lengthier and discusses Jihād, inter alia, in a more nuanced way. In some copies, Nāṣirīyyah is published with Khātamah as its epilogue. In this paper, I will read and analyze both Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah and Nāṣirīyyah dar jihād to investigate Kirmānī's stance on politics, religion and nationalism. Relevant to this are his arguments against any probable affiliation with Bābīsm. As a product of its time, Khātamayah nāṣirīyyah reflects the concerns of a jurist‐theologian who was able to foresee how the religious messianism and social radicalism of Bābīsm and similar movements, can bring considerable changes to state, society and faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]