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The paper analyses the military invasions and demographic engineering perpetrated by the Republic of Turkey in the Syrian Arab Republic from 2016 to 2024. In particular, it focuses on the lasting effects of the 2018 and 2019 invasions to address the following question: Which identification process is more relevant to understan- ding the Turkish operations and the related demographic change? To support this analysis, the study utilises documentary and ethnographic qualitative resources. After outlining the sources and their limitations, the paper sets forth the methodological, theoretical and terminological tools used, later clarifying the historical context of the ongoing conflict between the Syrian national army, supported by Turkey, and the Syrian demo- cratic forces that Turkey aims to neutralise. Grounded in processual-relational thinking (p-rt), this study seeks to provide a new and original categorisation of the relevant identification bundles. It proposes moving beyond the categories of “culture” and “ethnicity”, which are often vague and reductionist, and instead distinguishes between “ancestral” and “hermeneutic” identification bundles. The former is defined by normative horizons tied to inherited commonalities that relate to language, customs and religious denominations, while the latter encompasses unique interpretations of these legacies through political programs and legal commitments. Based on the gathered evidence, the research assesses which of these bundles is more relevant to defining the conflict between the SNA and the SDF and the ensuing demographic engineering process. While both bundles prove relevant, the hermeneutic bundle emerges as preponderant. Keywords: Demographic Engineering, Identification bundles, Ethnicity, Rojava, Turkey

While European borders have increasingly hardened since the so-called 2015 refugee crisis, practices of migrant assistance and solidarity by civil society actors have become a feature of contemporary border politics. On the one hand, across the European Union, local and international initiatives have often responded to needs of newcomers, by playing a pivotal role in doing humanitarian work; on the other hand, both organisations and individuals engaged in migrant solidarity and assistance have become the target of policies and practices of criminalisation. My analysis takes the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla as a case-study, drawing on data collected during a 2019-2020 fieldwork. The paper argues that in the Spanish enclaves’ local humanitarians belonging to a range of civil society actors face different forms of intimidation and indirect pressure, both by governmental and non-governmental actors. I show how the lack of acceptance of the work of local humanitarians among some sectors of the local population lies with feelings of ‘fear’ and rejection towards some specific groups of migrants, such as unaccompanied minors from Morocco and young male migrants from Sub-Saharan countries. In addition, I describe how, along this EU external border, cases of harsher forms of criminalisation have been recorded as well. The paper concludes that tensions and hurdles that local humanitarians face in these EU border localities partially reflect a broader European trend and are a ‘sub-product’ of larger process of criminalisation of migrants and refugees travelling through irregular routes. Humanitarian border – Migrant solidarity - Civil society organisations – Ceuta – Melilla – Criminalisation

The article discusses recent developments that are impacting the understandings of citizenship in late modern societies. During the past decades, citizenship has been discussed in terms of its contributions to tackling effects of political, social and economic crises. Most prominent are those challenges deriving from processes of Europeanization and globalization, but also, digital technologies are said to impinge new requirements on individuals, thus calling for European, global or digital citizenship. Well beyond simply changing the traditional orientation towards a nation-state, new conceptualizations of citizenship gravitate heavily towards individual dispositions and subjective competencies, while legal-juridical features remain untouched and largely unrelated. This explains the strong emphasis on the role of education in cultivating – global, European, digital – citizenship among individuals. The contribution asks whether and if so, how changed understandings of citizenship may lead to ‘performative citizenship’, where individuals are burdened with the requirement of constantly enacting ‘good’ and ‘worthy’ citizenship. The paper is organized along three sections: First, we revisit the mainstream literature on citizenship and discuss the main elements in historical-systematic manner. Second, based on a thorough literature review we discuss recent developments that call for updated meanings and representations of citizenship, before, third, the paper deliberates on the performative nature on newer conceptions of citizenship by examining recent examples of so-called global universities. The article closes with a discussion of research avenues for the topic, including crucial questions as to the status, role and function of citizenship in times of crises.

Research on multilingualism and intercultural communication has been gaining large recognition. However, a number of subject areas are still largely underexplored. For example, verbal communication is prioritised while little emphasis is given to the multimodality of multilingual and multicultural interactions. Also, while some studies focus on the role of gestures in intercultural communication, elements such as gaze, physical contact, and time are far less researched. However, the lack of attention to some non-verbal elements can create misunderstandings, particularly when people share a spoken code only partially, as is the case with non-native speakers. Thus, non-verbal language should be given a wider scope in multilingual and intercultural research. This paper is a preliminary investigation of how intercultural differences in the use and interpretation of non-verbal codes of communication can affect interactions between migrants and social workers in Italy. The focus is on gaze, physical contact, and time perception and organization. The paper provides a qualitative analysis of focus groups and online questionnaires submitted to social workers working in northern Italy and supporting migrants in their daily integration in the society. The results show that the use and interpretation of gaze, physical contact and time vary considerably depending on the individual migrant as well as their culture of origin. Considerations are drawn on the extent to which cultural differences in the interpretation of non-verbal codes can create misunderstandings and undermine migrants’ integration. Keywords: Intercultural communication; non-verbal communication; migration; gaze; physical contact; time

Il lavoro analizza il principio di solidarietà espresso dalle misure dell’Unione Europea e dell’Italia durante l'emergenza sanitaria, per comprendere se siano congruenti alla definizione di solidarietà e se rispondano al soddisfacimento dei bisogni degli individui, secondo la piramide di Maslow. Parole chiave: Solidarietà, Bisogni, Piramide di Maslow, Emergenza Sanitaria;,Unione Europea The paper proposes an analysis of the measures enacted by the state for the Covid-19 health emergency in order to understand whether they are congruent with the definition of the principle of solidarity and whether they meet the needs of individuals, as articulated in Maslow's pyramid. Keywords: Solidarity, Needs, Maslow's Pyramid, Health Emergency, Self-realisation

The article explores the transnational dimension of adhocratic governance through the case study of the Turkmen community in Lebanon, a marginal and seemingly insignificant group, especially from a demographic point of view. It investigates how Turkey’s and Lebanon’s governance of Turkmen communities has evolved over the past few decades and what this reveals about how the Turkmen’s transnational identities operate in practice. Drawing on extensive fieldwork conducted by the authors in both Lebanon and Turkey, the paper contends that in recent years, Turkey has implemented ad hoc strategies towards Turkmen communities, influencing their transnational identification practices. While Lebanon has disengaged from the management of a population living in marginal yet strategically relevant areas, Turkey has framed its foreign policy in terms of cultural-religious kinship and pragmatism. Both political processes are continually characterised by competing bundles of identifications, which temporarily and incompletely acquire a privileged status in (especially foreign policy) decision-making. Keywords: Lebanon, Turkey, Transnational Identities, Adhocracy, Transnational Governance, Kinship

What are the current dominant threats and fears in Lebanon? How do the borderland communities perceive these threats, and how are they impacting their identity construction? This paper explores the interplay among identity, borders, and fear by examining three regimes of fear that are dominant narratives provided by state institutions and Hezbollah: the threat posed by Israel, Salafi-jihadists, and Syrian refugees. These regimes resonate differently in the Northern, Eastern, and Southern borderlands. Interviews with local residents reveal a shared but unnamed fear of marginalization while also highlighting an alternative identity construction in each of the borderland regions. Keywords: Borderlands, Fear, Identity, Lebanon, Hezbollah, Israel, Salafi-jihadists, Syrian refugees

In recent years, the number of minor migrants, both accompanied and unaccompanied, arriving in European countries increased significantly. The impact of newcomers on the school systems of various European countries has highlighted problems in education continuity and in the accomplishment of educational goals. Relying on the preliminary data from the Erasmus+ KA2 project “Continugee” in Italy and Greece, this paper analyses the current policies and practices used in refugee children education. In addition to policy analysis, interviews with families, teachers and professionals operating in migrant shelters and schools were conducted, aimed to address both institutional and relational dimensions of schooling and to point out good practices in educational incorporation of refugee youth. Research shows that – notwithstanding a common concern throughout Europe, national and local regulations, and local practices do affect their access to quality education. Age limits, gender gaps, location of shelters, lack of adequate institutional educational facilities and of professional training make effective educational placement and continuity difficult. Schools have a very different level of effectiveness and European policy innovation is often jeopardized by lack of resources and staff motivation. Recognition of qualifications and skills, a supported participation into mainstream education, and a participatory approach with families and guardians are essential for effective school integration. Keywords: refugee, minors, education, training, policy, European

Il numero di lingue ufficiali degli Stati membri esprime solo parzialmente la portata del plurilinguismo esistente nell’Unione Europea. La molteplicità di lingue in uso presso le comunità immigrate strutturatesi nei diversi Paesi, in particolare, costituisce la manifestazione più recente di tale fenomeno, alla quale tuttavia non ha fatto seguito alcuna esplicita revisione dei quadri interpretativi che ne determinano il trattamento. Al contrario, questi paiono ancora protendere – tanto a livello comunitario quanto nel diritto interno dei singoli Stati – verso una considerazione delle lingue quali beni storico-culturali (Savoia 2001; Caretti-Cardone 2014) e strettamente legata al modello di tutela delle minoranze linguistiche storiche (cfr. Extra 2011), categoria dalla quale le lingue parlate dagli immigrati sono generalmente escluse (cfr., tra gli altri, Orioles 2007; Caretti-Cardone 2014), come si nota da ultimo nella risoluzione 2020/2846(RPS). Sorgono così degli interrogativi sull’avanzamento del percorso di definizione dei diritti linguistici (Poggeschi 2010) nell’Unione: c’è spazio per una riflessione euro-unitaria su un’estensione formale del modello di promozione del plurilinguismo alle varietà portate dai gruppi immigrati? Parliamo ad oggi di plurilinguismo delle istituzioni o dei cittadini? Partendo dalla considerazione di questi limiti, il contributo proposto approfondisce la posizione delle lingue di origine degli stranieri residenti nel quadro della promozione euro-unitaria del plurilinguismo, con l’obiettivo di individuare degli spazi di azione possibili per un’estensione delle attuali misure che superi il ricorso al solo modello minoritario e colga invece le peculiarità socio-culturali proprie del fenomeno e le conseguenti implicazioni per il tema dell’integrazione. Keywords: diritti linguistici; plurilinguismo europeo; politica linguistica; minoranze linguistiche; Unione Europea. Integration in diversity: the possible (and necessary) attention to the languages of foreign people resident in Europe in the language policies of the European Union The number of official languages spoken in the States member of European Union accounts only partially of the actual dimension of European plurilingualism. Particularly the number of languages spoken by communities of foreign people permanently resident in the European Countries represents the most recent manifestation of this phenomenon. However, despite its quantitative and qualitative relevance, no modifications of the interpreting frameworks of European plurilingualism have been undertaken. In contrast, policies seem to persist in adopting – both at the national and EU level – a consideration of languages as part of an historical-cultural heritage (see among others Orioles 2007; Caretti-Cardone 2014), and closely related to the model of protection applied to historical minority languages (Extra 2011), a category from which the languages spoken by foreigners are generally excluded (see, among others, Orioles 2007; Caretti-Cardone 2014), as recently shown by the resolution 2020/2846(RPS). Considering this circumstances, two questions about the progression of the debate on linguistic rights (Poggeschi 2010) in the EU arise: Is it possible to individuate the conditions for an European action on the official extension of the plurilingualism framework at the languages stemming from recent migrations? Do we intend an institutional or a social European plurilingualism? This paper aims at investigating the position of the languages of origin of foreign people in the European framework on plurilingualism, with the objective to identify possible actions in order to extend the current policies promoting plurilingualism and overcome the minority model, to include the socio-cultural specificities of the phenomenon and its implications for the integration. Keywords: Linguistic Rights; European Plurilingualism; Language policy; Linguistic minorities; European Union.

This paper investigates the way in which the words used to talk about migration are described by international organisations and public administrations. It proposes a more detailed description of the words that takes into account the morphological characteristics of each word, starting from corpora drawn from the Italian version of the EMN Glossary on Asylum and Migration and the English version of the IOM Glossary on Migration. The study introduces original excerpts of morphologically labelled glossaries comprising of the most frequent words in the migration context. The labelled glossaries present the description of the word units and an explanation of their grammatical behaviours, using tools and techniques from the Lexicon-Grammar theory to account for words’ features usually considered as mere irregularities. The addition of these morphological labels to describe the behaviour of the words in the context of migration would allow them to be used with confidence by speakers, even those whose first language is not that of the country in which they find themselves, thus putting the individual at the core of the issue by giving those most effected the power to voice their opinions.

The Covid-19 pandemic challenged the ability of governments to communicate their decisions. The problems encountered highlighted country-specific and long-unresolved issues. The object of the research is Latvia's leading politicians who have profiles on the most popular social media in Latvia - Facebook. The aim of this paper is to analyze narratives of those members of the Government and the Saeima who held positions related to the areas affected by the pandemic and find out how they communicated about the problems of the European Union (EU) and related topics during the Covid-19 crisis. The research case is relevant because Latvians have one of the lowest trust rates in the national parties, the parliament and the government. Also, in the first half of 2021, Latvia faced one of the lowest vaccination rate in the EU. That has influenced the communication of politicians, as decision-making can happen taking into account the mood and perceptions of the population. The core values of the EU can be identified in the communication of Latvian politicians, permeating a wide range of issues, highlighting the importance of unity and mutual cooperation in the implementation of successful policies. Politicians don’t try to broaden the scope of values and goals, but it is possible to observe different interpretations of the breadth of values, adapting it to the position and political goal. Politicians also refer to the EU to cover own faults. The results are useful for comparing examples of political communication practices during Covid-19 crisis and the reference to European values ​​in National political discourses. Keywords: Political communication, Narratives, Covid-19 pandemic, European Union, Latvia

After more than 20 years of trade integration, Mexico and the European Union (EU) started renegotiating the accord in 2016 and concluded in 2020. The treaty signed in 2000 corresponds to a series of deep integration agreements that seek to go further than the liberalization of goods, services, and investments and aspire to be more of an understanding of cooperation in several policy areas. Mexico joined the agreement to achieve more diversified exports to offset Mexico's dependence on the US market and to include other spheres besides trade. The EU found in Mexico a trade partner with a strategic geographical location to access the US and Canadian markets. Likewise, the EU would benefit from the liberalized Mexican financial market with potential profits in the financial and telecommunication sectors. This work reviews the agreement in 2020 from the deep integration agreement framework lens. We examine to what extent these provisions provide the conditions for a deep integration that benefits both regions. We also analyze whether the renegotiation of 2020 can be seen as an attempt to further this cooperation process and the economic implications for Mexico. We argue in this paper that the former Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and Mexico (FTA-EU-MX) consolidated a trade pattern that existed before the agreement with EU multinationals concentrated in critical industrial sectors, without significant trade creation for medium and small businesses. This result confirms that there have been advances in shallow integration but no substantial changes in cooperation or deep integration. After analyzing the 2020 renegotiation text, we conclude that Mexico could achieve significant gains in areas of cooperation as the 2020 text has more enforceable policies, which was not the case with the 2000 treaty. Keywords: deep integration, Mexico, European Union, international cooperation JEL: F10, F15, F50

Questo contributo propone una riflessione intorno agli accordi di Saretto redatti e firmati nel maggio 1944 da resistenti italiani e maquisards francesi. Tra le montagne, alla frontiera franco-italiana, sono due filoni politico-intellettuali affini d’ispirazione socialista, laica e democratica che, in piena Seconda Guerra mondiale, si ritrovano per porre le basi di una comune ricostruzione europea in nome di valori condivisi e ancora attuali quali le libertà democratiche e la giustizia sociale. La prima parte del saggio definisce anzitutto il contesto internazionale dei primi anni Quaranta, con riferimento particolare alla Francia e all’Italia, soffermandosi sulla concezione ideale, e internazionale, della battaglia antifascista. L’interesse si sposta poi sulle correnti europeiste in seno alla Resistenza francese e italiana (soprattutto piemontese), mettendo in risalto personaggi di primo piano come Henri Frenay, Silvio Trentin, Albert Camus. La seconda parte si concentra, invece, sui protagonisti degli incontri franco-italiani, tra cui Detto Dalmastro, Dante Livio Bianco e Duccio Galmimberti per la Resistenza italiana e Jacques Lécuyer, Jean Lippmannn e Max Juvénal per quella francese. Dopo aver esposto i contenuti elaborati a Saretto, l’articolo s’interroga su alcune ragioni che ne hanno impedito la realizzazione concreta. Lo scopo è di contribuire a una storia transnazionale della Resistenza attraverso l’analisi di un evento tuttora poco studiato. Nonostante il processo di costruzione europea cominci nel secondo dopoguerra muovendo da ispirazioni funzionaliste, simili documenti storici sono di fondamentale importanza per comprendere la pluralità del pensiero europeista. Keywords Accordi di Saretto – Europeismo – Diplomazia partigiana – Resistenza francese e italiana – Seconda Guerra mondiale Abstract This paper proposes a study of the Saretto agreements drafted and signed in May 1944 by Italian resistance fighters and French maquisards. In the mountains, on the French-Italian border, there are two similar political-intellectual strands of socialist, secular and democratic inspiration which, in the middle of the Second World War, came together to lay the foundations for a common European reconstruction in the name of shared and still current values such as democratic freedoms and social justice. The first part of the essay primarily defines the international context of the early 1940s, with particular reference to France and Italy, dwelling on the ideal, and international, conception of the anti-fascist battle. The interest then turns to the Europeanist currents within the French and Italian Resistance (especially Piedmontese), highlighting leading figures such as Henri Frenay, Silvio Trentin, Albert Camus. The second part focuses, instead, on the protagonists of the Franco-Italian meetings, including Detto Dalmastro, Dante Livio Bianco and Duccio Galmimberti for the Italian Resistance and Jacques Lécuyer, Jean Lippmannn and Max Juvénal for the French one. After having exposed the contents elaborated in Saretto, the article questions some of the reasons that prevented its concrete realization. The aim is to contribute to a transnational history of the Resistance through the analysis of an event that is still little studied. Although the process of European construction began after the Second World War, moving from functionalist inspirations, such historical documents are of fundamental importance to understand the plurality of Europeanist thought. Keywords Saretto Agreements - Europeism - Partisan Diplomacy - French and Italian Resistance - Second World War

La prospettiva adottata in questo articolo è quella antropologica e degli studi di genere, che permettono di intersecare genere e religioni in modo inedito, nel lungo cammino per il riconoscimento della diversità, delle differenze e dei diritti civili. Le ricerche su genere e sessualità nelle scienze umane e sociali (cosiddetti women’s and gender studies) hanno ormai una storia più che trentennale che ha consentito un dialogo e un confronto interdisciplinare. L’intersezionalità è un riferimento metodologico in molta ricerca sociale come anche il posizionamento che sottolinea la non neutralità dell’osservazione partecipante e l’attenzione alle gerarchie di potere che si declinano in diversi ambiti. Dunque, religione e politica non sono praticate in un vacuum ma sono influenzate dalla cultura e dal gender, inteso come costrutto storico, sociale e culturale. Tutto questo si articola diversamente a seconda delle diverse religioni, e in particolare nell’islam, nei Paesi di origine, nei Paesi di insediamento delle collettività migranti, nei Paesi membri dell’Unione europea e negli eventuali spostamenti o scambi culturali. Gender and religions, the long run of diversity and the politics of recognition This paper adopts an anthropological perspective on gender studies, allowing to intertwine gender and religion in an original way, in the long run towards the recognition of diversity, of differences and of civil rights. Research in gender and sexuality in the human and social sciences (so-called women’s and gender studies) have had a long history in the past thirty years that has nurtured an interdisciplinary dialogue and discussion. Intersectionality is a methodological tool in much social research as well as positionality that addresses the issue of non-neutrality of participant observation. Therefore, religion and politics are not practiced in a “vacuum” but they are influenced by gender which is a historical, social and cultural construct. All that is differently articulated, according to different religious context, particularly in Islam, both in the countries of origin and in the countries of settlement where migrant collectivities live, either in the member states of the European Union or in other transitions and cultural exchanges. Keywords: gender, diversity, religion, history, anthropology, politics of recognition