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The main contribution of this article is to apply Herbert Marcuse's work in contemporary neoliberal society. Specifically, this article will focus on Marcuse's critique of advanced industrial society and the role that technology plays in the quantification of the self. In this article, I will argue that in recent years, the development of technology has created the possibility to measure, calculate and quantify even the most trivial aspects of our lives, reducing people to numbers. The quantification of people is done with the specific purpose of enhancing efficacy and productivity. I will unpack this notion by first looking to Marcuse's critique of an advanced industrial society which he argues has the unique purpose of quantifying people to achieve a universal norm of calculated efficiency. Specifically, I will refer to Marcuse's critique of industrial rationality as the prevailing rationality in advanced industrial societies which encourages the quantification of people. Secondly, I argue that Marcuse's critique has evolved in the work of contemporary thinkers such as political economist Wendy Brown and cultural theorist Byung-Chul Han. I argue that Brown expands on Marcuse's theories and contextualises those theories in contemporary neoliberalism. Specifically, I will focus on the concept of governmentality as a political rationality in neoliberal societies and how it advances a one-dimensional political passivity in neoliberal subjects. Finally, I refer to Han, whose theories explore the influence of new forms of technology in a neoliberal society and the development of the neoliberal subject as a "quantified self". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on Southern Europe during the sharp electoral rise of radical left parties (RLPs) (2008–2020), this article identifies a post-industrial pattern of class support for the radical left. Leveraging survey data, it shows class support for the radical left is linked to a horizontal distinction in the labour market based on work logic. RLPs attract mostly those working in face-to-face service jobs, lower-grade associate professionals voting based on cultural and economic preferences, and unskilled routine workers voting out of economic preferences. Radical left support in post-industrial Southern Europe is thus stronger among service workers and segments of the professional middle classes than among production workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peterson, Norway, was a former cellulose factory that is in the process of being transformed into new usage. A landmark at the premises is the "digester," a high-rise steel structure used to make cellulose before the factory closed in 2012. The digester is now facing an uncertain material future, but this does not keep it from being represented and remembered in different ways. Peterson is also known for its elephant logo, which has been resemiotised from a signboard into a three-dimensional elephant sculpture in blank steel. As we will demonstrate, this and other uses of semiotic resources may be viewed as part of a transformative process that indicates looking forward into a post-industrial society where communication is more important than cellulose production. However, as we will demonstrate, this interpretation does not necessarily match the intention of the sign producer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American and Caribbean countries' per capita GDP increased 700% from 1900 to 2020. Yet, by this same year, nearly four out of ten people in the region went through moderate or severe food insecurity. If institutions are the fabric of society, molding the organization of social provisioning, some serious aggravation to Latin America's already disharmonic institutions must be taking place. High levels of institutional discord is not news in the region, of course. But the coming to office of progressive governments, in a "Pink Tide," raised hopes that functional adjustments were possible. Part of those hopes derived from the absorption of human-rights and environmental concerns from post-industrial societies. These additions to the development agenda, however, also inflamed a reaction that made the levels of institutional dissension skyrocket. Already fragile development conventions were hit hard. Two large institutional sets that shape underdevelopment—reminiscent colonial institutions and consumption propensities that emulate industrial societies—are now impinged by those new ongoing concerns from developed countries. What could possibly go wrong? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our contribution to this special issue brings the theoretical and empirical orientations of the Becoming a Minority (BaM) project into dialogue with the complex and charged post-Brexit geography of the North of England. We present findings from the UK ESRC funded project Northern Exposure: Race, Nation and Disaffection in 'Ordinary' Towns and Cities after Brexit, drawing upon a period of co-productive and ethnographic work with local authority stakeholders, voluntary sector practitioners and community actors in two urban locations in the English North: Halifax and Wakefield. We report on how shifting patterns of diversity and population change interlock with deindustrialised economies, fiscal austerity, the coronavirus crisis, and the predations of ethno-nationalist politics and policy. Amid these dislocations and risks, we find delicate, differentiated, and predominantly informal infrastructures of community governance and intervention attempting to build alliances and resolve tensions: a grounded, local-view that belies the kind of image of the North established in mainstream national understandings of the dramatic politics of Brexit and after. Taking a productive cue from the BaM study, we offer some fine-grained reflections on localised dynamics of diversity experience and the negotiation of inter-ethnic relations albeit in a sprawling urban region beyond the West-European metropolitan core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) has a tradition for being among the most respected national police organisations globally. More recent political events in Hong Kong have however placed the HKPF in highly visible public order situations. A wide array of political factions have emerged as a consequence of the handover of control in Hong Kong, many of which have involved young people protesting the curtailment of democratic rights. In this paper, we utilise Wave 7 of the World Values Survey (n = 2075). We utilise Inglehart's (1971. The silent revolution in Europe: intergenerational change in post-industrial societies. American political science review, 65 (4), 991–1017) concept of postmaterialism to examine how far young people's more negative attitudes to the police can be underpinned by cohort-based (or generational) explanations. Our findings identify associations between postmaterialist values and lower confidence in the police. Those that favoured stricter immigration controls, experienced higher fear of crime, perceived drug selling in their area, and consumed certain types of media (notably television and new media) were also less likely to have confidence in the HKPF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has social reproduction through families preserved unequal political participation amongst the working class in post-industrial society? This article builds on both political and sociological traditions to consider the family as a tenacious social structure that reproduces political participation from one generation to the next. In order to answer this empirically, the study uses a longitudinal panel data of political behaviour across three biological generations in the United States (1965–1997). The findings show that respondents who grew up in working-class families are less likely to vote as adults regardless of whether they have working-class occupations or not. The transmission of un-equal participation is partially mediated by the voting behaviour of the parent who models this behaviour to their children. The study also shows that the second generation of respondents transmits low political participation to their offspring in the third generation. This study implies that occupational structures of a past industrial society are still politically relevant and that inequalities in political participation remain a legacy amongst the biological descendants of working-class families from the 1960s. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2022.2044220. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to examine and describe the ways in which elderly people participate in post-industrial societies. The literature points out the benefits of social participation. However, the influence of context in features of civil society has remained relatively understudied. This article analyses the influence of context on the conceptualization of the phenomenon of social participation and civic engagement. In addition, the findings are linked to the broader academic debate on civil society. This empirical study consists of results from semi-structured interviews and focus groups conducted with experts on social participation and elderly members of different associations. The German and Spanish case studies confirm that socio-demographic variables, cultural frames, political structures and social structure shape the culture of participation. The article argues that each context creates its own participatory culture through the incorporation of four different conceptualisations of participation: (1) participation as a right; (2) participation as an attitude; (3) participation as civic engagement; (4) participation as a slogan. The Spanish discourse tends mostly to conceptualize participation as a right and/or a slogan. The German discourse conceptualizes participation mainly as civic engagement. These conceptual differences give rise to two different participatory culture models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the late twentieth century, many doubted whether Indigenous and Local Knowledge (ILK) would survive the millennium, but a surge in their recognition and new insight on their resilience open new perspectives about their future. This paper examines historical drivers behind the loss of ILK and discusses possibilities for its survival and revitalization. I first examine long-term impacts of modernization and unfolding capitalism on ILK. Next, I discuss future perspectives in the light of recent developments in science, law, and politics. The paper concludes with a reflection on the role ILK ought to play in a future post-industrial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last three decades have witnessed rising inequality and deepening financialization in post-industrial democracies. A rapidly growing literature has linked these two phenomena. We go beyond existing scholarship by specifying which aspects of financialization can be expected to increase inequality and where in the income distribution this effect will occur. We also show that this effect is contingent on institutional context. We posit that the shareholder model of corporate governance and the growing demand for financial professionals are the two dimensions of financialization that drive up pre-tax income inequality. Nevertheless, the spread of the shareholder value model only benefits the very top income earners. We further argue that the institutional strength of labor shapes the relationship between financialization and inequality. We analyze effects of indicators of these two dimensions of financialization on the top 1% and the next 9% income shares and on the 90:50 earnings ratio. We test our hypotheses with data on 18 post-industrial democracies between 1960 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March of 2014, I attended the first screening of Euromaidan: Rough Cut—a collective documentary chronicle of Ukraine's Maidan Revolution. Quite unexpectedly the event ended with an improvized mourning ritual for deceased Maidan protesters. Observed in the film, this ritual then transcended the screen and spread through the audience, stimulating an experience similar to a "collective catharsis." What are the reasons for such a strong affective response to a visual document, capturing the fluidity of still unfolding revolutionary events? This article (written before the Russian invasion of Ukraine) considers both the documentary and its screening as invaluable research sites, allowing us to study ethnographically the uncertainties preceding and accompanying the reification of (new) ideological narratives. By discussing the multifaceted understanding of cathartic experiences in the complex processes of group-building, truth-finding, and justice-making, this article considers new directions for the anthropological understanding of collective catharsis, as it has been experienced in post-industrial democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author revisits the works of black playwright Barry Reckord, while on his visit to Cuba in the early days of the revolution and underscores the importance of history education to address Cuba's economic deprivation and global debt. He shares how the condition of mankind, especially in Carribean, has spurred Reckord's intellect and demanded time from playwriting. The author also explains how Reckord's concern for poverty was evident in the play, "Skyvers."

Over the last 30 years, the inhabitants of Hoyerswerda, the German Democratic Republic's second socialist model city, have struggled through de-industrialisation, unemployment, outmigration and urban decay. With the help of Karl Polanyi's concept of 'countermovement', this essay scrutinises their various critiques of contemporary forms of capitalism. I investigate how these critiques help them to navigate their hometown's prospects in the postindustrial era in order to rethink more generally the temporal implications of the social sciences' conceptualisations of postsocialist critique. I approach my interlocutors' expressions of discomfort amidst current political and economic crises as complex negotiations of the postindustrial present that are not determined by their socialist past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, cities like Philadelphia (PA) have declared themselves sanctuary cities, adopting policies that protect undocumented immigrants and their families. As Vitiello puts it, "Sanctuary cities are the places, the safe spaces, where immigrants, refugees, and their allies help one another rebuild their lives and their communities" (p. 4). The Sanctuary City: Immigrant, Refugee, and Receiving Communities in Postindustrial Philadelphia: Domenic Vitiello(2022). [Extracted from the article]

Karl Polanyi provides a rich repertoire of concepts to build a critical understanding of the world of globalization and alternatives to the status quo. In reviewing two recent collections around the work of Polanyi, we show some of the concepts that might be developed in terms of 'using Polanyi'. This would include his inspired double-movement concept and the way he dealt with non-capitalist societies. Polanyi is as relevant for the so-called developing societies as he is for the advanced industrial societies where he has garnered most attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the conclusion, Gillette reviews common policies for equitable urban development: planning equity offices, housing trust funds, inclusionary zoning, and community benefits agreements. Gillette conveys inter-urban commonalities in post-industrial American cities: excessive tax incentives, affordable housing struggles, and battles for community benefits alongside new development. Gillette shows how local government policymaking can I make a difference i and that there are ways - albeit imperfect - to counter growth machine politics of corporate subsidies and creative-class hangouts. [Extracted from the article]