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The Gibson House Museum, located in Boston’s Back Bay neighborhood, has a significant track record of acknowledging and incorporating LGBTQ history into its programs, presentations, and tours. Yet this history is complex. The museum, a kind of Victorian time capsule, was founded by Boston poet Charles Hammond Gibson Jr. (1874–1954) in the mid-twentieth century as a literary monument and shrine to himself; however, family members and the early board of directors were never really comfortable with Gibson’s eccentricity and sexual identity and in the early years sought to “eradicate his problematic presence” from the museum’s collections, tours, and presentations. Reckoning with the museum’s engagement and disengagement with issues of race and class is still an open question. By the end of the twentieth century, the museum began to explore and incorporate LGBTQ history, as well as race, class, and gender, into its interpretive framework. Yet the narratives the museum has crafted to engage audiences and express its own history and identity reveal ongoing tensions within the institution as a social, cultural, and ideological space. These interlaced narratives, backchannel negotiations, pregnant silences, and even shadow stories were often implied or insinuated rather than stated directly. In particular, reckoning with the museum’s engagement and/or disengagement with issues of race, class, gender, and sexuality is still somewhat tentative and very much an open question. Blending critical museology and interdisciplinary history and contextualizing the museum and its founder, this essay explores the dialectics of inclusion and exclusion that inform and yet fragment the museum’s self-fashioning and ongoing reimagining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the expectation that welfare participation—because of its direct monetary payments—fosters strong attachments to the Democratic Party, the evidence to date suggests that welfare is unrelated to party identification. The majority of this research, however, focuses on adults, when partisan development is over. We argue that adolescent welfare participation may serve as a class-based signal that reinforces identification with the Democratic Party. Our inferences are generally consistent with this line of reasoning, but we also find important differences across race and ethnicity. Depending on the model, the likelihood of identifying with the Democratic Party in adulthood for white respondents is anywhere from 9 to 16% points higher for respondents who grew up in families that received welfare compared to those who did not have adolescent welfare participation. Other results, however, suggest a negative association between adolescent welfare use and identification with the Democratic Party for non-Hispanic black respondents. We conclude that despite the fact that adult welfare experiences lead to political disengagement, adolescent program participation can be sites of partisan learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide clarity on the link between Black people's perceptions of racism in American institutions and society and voter engagement. We hypothesize that Black people with high feelings of racial efficacy, or the belief that government and society operate in a racially equitable manner, the more likely they will be to vote. Conversely, Black people with low racial efficacy are discouraged from voting. However, confidence in in-group leaders and movements can counteract the demobilizing risk of low racial efficacy. Our analysis uses data from an African American Research Collaborative national survey of 1200 Black voters. Analysis of turnout in 2016 finds that Black people with low racial efficacy were significantly less likely to vote, all else being equal. However, we find that having highly favorable attitudes toward Barack Obama, Black Elected Officials, and Black Lives Matter recovers the propensity to vote for low racial efficacy Blacks back to levels comparable with their racially optimistic peers. Finally, we conclude with a survey experiment which demonstrates that priming Black people with a low racial efficacy environment results in reduced faith in government, in part corroborating the causal direction theorized in our study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a unique and novel dataset on the youth, the SAHWA Youth Survey (2016), we apply probit and ordered probit models to study the determinants of voting behaviour change among the youth in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the post-Arab Spring era. We find that drivers of voting vary depending on whether we consider the voting behaviour in the last elections or the likelihood of voting in the next elections. Specifically, socioeconomic variables and some Arab Spring factors are significant for both types of elections. However, institutional variables and personal beliefs only affect the likelihood of voting in the next elections. We also document heterogeneous effects for the last and next votes by gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disability politics literature has found that having a disability significantly decreases an individual's voting propensity. Using data from the 2020 American National Election Study, the present paper explores several mechanisms driving such depressed levels of voter turnout. Considering the central role of partisanship in American political behavior, we investigate the partisan ties, ideological preferences, and vote choice of individuals reporting a disability. We also consider their overall experiences with the political system, with particular emphasis on political knowledge, political interest, and attitudes towards voting. Data suggest that those reporting a disability do not differ significantly from those not reporting a disability in terms of party affiliation, ideological orientation, and vote choice. Although individuals with disabilities exhibited high levels of political interest in 2020, they were no more or less likely to participate in alternative forms of political engagement, such as activism online. One noteworthy finding demonstrated in our analyses is that those with disabilities largely tend to view voting as a choice, rather than a duty. Our conclusion places these findings into the context of partisan coalition building and voter mobilization, providing several suggestions for how disability scholars might continue to advance understanding of this large, growing voting bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document explores the issue of medical credit cards in the United States and the need for increased consumer protection. It highlights concerns about rising healthcare costs and the financial burden placed on patients. Medical credit cards have become a popular financing option, but they come with potential negative effects such as complicated insurance coverage, inflated bills, and high interest rates. The document calls for regulatory changes to address these issues and proposes mechanisms for enforcing price transparency and consumer protection measures. It also discusses the challenges faced by patients in navigating the medical credit card market and the potential implications for their financial well-being. The author suggests several recommendations for regulatory reform to protect consumers and ensure they can make informed decisions about medical credit cards. [Extracted from the article]

In recent decades, it has become clear that John Donne's seventeenth-century readership is larger and more varied than was once believed. One audience that has not been given much scholarly attention, however, is English puritans on both sides of the Atlantic. This article brings to light several possible avenues for the transmission of Donne's works to these readers and then identifies explicit references and poetic allusions to Donne by writers of these theological and ecclesiastical persuasions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rental housing in the United States is increasingly owned by corporate landlords that operate under a different set of incentives, behind a level of anonymity previously unavailable, and pursuant to practices that often exacerbate an already precarious housing landscape for tenants. Marketsensitive and nuanced rent stabilization laws have reemerged at the state and local level as a viable policy option to help regulate escalating rents and prevent tenant displacement. These laws, when well drafted, can address outdated critiques of strict rent caps and can complement alternative approaches, like those of the politically popular Yes In My Backyard (YIMBY) movement, which advocates for reducing regulatory barriers to new housing development. While historically the province of state and local governments, this Essay argues that there is a robust role—on both the legislative and executive fronts—for federal involvement in the implementation of rent stabilization nationwide. The Essay critiques the recently released White House Blueprint for a Tenant Bill of Rights as largely illusory, examines historical precedent for congressional authorization of rent regulation and, short of action by Congress, considers how the President could leverage federal financial assistance and fair housing law to provide incentives for states and localities to pass rent stabilization laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: In 2022, an Athenian red‐figured cup attributed to Makron was returned to Italy by New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art. The cup had been acquired in fragments, through purchase and gift, from multiple sources over several years, starting with two fragments from the restorer Fritz Bürki in 1978. A second cup, also attributed to Makron, was acquired in a parallel way. The sources for the fragments from both cups point to galleries collectors and donors – Summa Galleries, Frieda Tchachos, Elizabeth Hecht, and Dietrich von Bothmer – who have been associated with other material that has been repatriated to Italy in recent years. It is suggested that some of the incised 'signatures' by Hieron that are found on cups attributed to Makron may have been applied since antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TV audiences today are more likely to use an additional media device to further engage with the television content, a phenomenon known as "second screening". This study takes second screening research into an authoritarian context to investigate what motivates users to search for information, engage in discussions, and post on social media. We apply an O-S-O-R model and demonstrates an integrated procedure of second screening's political effects among citizens of Beijing. Our findings showed that most of the direct and indirect paths in this model were significantly positive. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important challenge facing political decision making today is inequality in representation. Political scientists have shown that the preferences of certain groups—especially those who have higher incomes or are better educated—systematically preponderate in political decision making. Trying to elucidate the mechanisms behind these findings, this research note explores one specific possible driver of representational inequality: that politicians downplay the opinions of disadvantaged groups, and here specifically, of the lower‐educated. By means of a survey experiment with politicians, we test the idea that politicians have a hard‐wired inclination to assume that the opinions of citizens who have received lower (i.e., vocational) education are less thoughtful than the opinions of citizens who followed a higher (i.e., general) education. The findings are somewhat ambiguous but the expectation is at least partly corroborated by the evidence. The findings illustrate the psychological foundations that may ultimately make politicians disregard the preferences of the lower‐educated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genetically resistant or susceptible chickens to Marek's disease (MD) have been widely used models to identify the molecular determinants of these phenotypes. However, these prior studies lacked the basic identification and understanding of immune cell types that could be translated toward improved MD control. To gain insights into specific immune cell types and their responses to Marek's disease virus (MDV) infection, we used single-cell RNA sequencing (scRNAseq) on splenic cells from MD resistant and susceptible birds. In total, 14,378 cells formed clusters that identified various immune cell types. Lymphocytes, specifically T cell subtypes, were the most abundant with significant proportional changes in some subtypes upon infection. The largest number of differentially expressed genes (DEG) response was seen in granulocytes, while macrophage DEGs differed in directionality by subtype and line. Among the most DEG in almost all immune cell types were granzyme and granulysin, both associated with cell-perforating processes. Protein interactive network analyses revealed multiple overlapping canonical pathways within both lymphoid and myeloid cell lineages. This initial estimation of the chicken immune cell type landscape and its accompanying response will greatly aid efforts in identifying specific cell types and improving our knowledge of host response to viral infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Has social reproduction through families preserved unequal political participation amongst the working class in post-industrial society? This article builds on both political and sociological traditions to consider the family as a tenacious social structure that reproduces political participation from one generation to the next. In order to answer this empirically, the study uses a longitudinal panel data of political behaviour across three biological generations in the United States (1965–1997). The findings show that respondents who grew up in working-class families are less likely to vote as adults regardless of whether they have working-class occupations or not. The transmission of un-equal participation is partially mediated by the voting behaviour of the parent who models this behaviour to their children. The study also shows that the second generation of respondents transmits low political participation to their offspring in the third generation. This study implies that occupational structures of a past industrial society are still politically relevant and that inequalities in political participation remain a legacy amongst the biological descendants of working-class families from the 1960s. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2022.2044220. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual harassment and gender discrimination have become more salient in U.S. politics in recent years due, in part, to the #MeToo movement. We conducted two surveys on Californians in the 2018 primary and general election. We find that experiencing either of these types of interactions shaped how Independent voters evaluated political figures but had a smaller effect on Democratic and Republican party identifiers. On average, experiencing gender discrimination has stronger effects on the evaluation of political figures than sexual harassment. Both experiences played out differently for Independent men and Independent women. The boost in female support for Democratic candidates was counterbalanced by a backlash vote from Independent men who reported they experienced gender discrimination, aiding the President and hurting Democratic political figures. This suggests that the pro-Kavanaugh backlash had deeper roots in male resentment towards the perceived preferential treatment of women, especially in work environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transfer of Sufism as a lived tradition to the Euro-American sphere, which first began in the early twentieth century, is a notable modern development that has been the subject of increasing academic interest in recent decades. Yet much of the literature on this topic to date has focused more on what has changed during the process of transfer, rather than on what has remained the same. It has also tended to prioritize context over mysticism. However, examining the main mystical doctrines and practices of the case study lineage of the Indian shaykh Azad Rasool (d. 2006), who from 1976 sought to introduce his teachings to Westerners arriving in India in search of spiritual fulfillment, in fact reveals substantial continuity with the early and pre-modern past. Such examination involved textual analysis of the primary sources of this lineage combined with multi-sited ethnography, comprised of participant observation as well as interviews, conducted primarily in Germany and the US, along with an excursion to India, among members of the two branches of this lineage between 2015 and 2020. It thus seems that shifting focus from context to mysticism itself, at least in some traditions, has the potential to also reveal much continuity in spite of changing contextual factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Rumored Presidential Possibilities Put Out to Divide Forces", I The Daily Texan i , Nov. 19, 1944, 4. 56 Bernard De Voto, "New Style Attack on Academic Freedom at the University of Texas", I Harper's Magazine i , August 1945, 135-137; Bruce Bliven, "Texas is Boiling", I New Republic i , March 1946, 90-92; Clarence Ayres, "The Trouble with Texas", I State Observer i , February 23, 1945, 30-32; "650 Educators Behind Rainey: Nation's Leaders Ask Reinstatement", I The Daily Texan i , Jan. 25, 1945, 1, 4. 57 Marguerite Fairchild and Lutcher Stark were not reappointed. Their desire to censor the I Daily Texan i and make the publication a "cheap mouthpiece of propaganda for the blind forces of corporate reaction which moves behind the scenes."27 UT students voted overwhelmingly in their support of I Daily Texan i autonomy and for the paper to have the right to publish any topic its editors and staff agreed would be in the best interests and concerns of its student readership.28 Despite a speech given by the "successful and beloved" former president Walter W. Splawn admonishing Benedict and the regents for their attempt to silence the I Daily Texan i , the current UT president and the regents remained unaffected, determined to maintain tight control of what the paper published. When pressed for proof by President Homer Rainey, Dies was forced to admit that "no subversion existed" at UT. Nonetheless Dies and his Texas legislative allies continued their hunt for communist influences at UT, which was a ruse for their real objective which was to drive out of UT and in the state in general all New Deal liberals. Click for larger view View full resolution University of Texas students gather before a protest against Texas governor James E. Ferguson, May 28, 1917. [Extracted from the article]

Objectives: Quantifying the number of older adults that are food insecure in a specific geographic area is critical in developing and scaling public health prevention and response programs at the local level. However, current estimates of older adult food insecurity only consider financial constraints, following the same methodology as the general population, even though the drivers for older adults are different and multidimensional. This study aims to build a general approach to quantify the food-insecurity among older adults at the local level, using publicly available data that can be easily obtained across the country. Methods: 13 risk factors for food insecurity among older adults were identified leveraging existing studies, following the Social Ecological Model (SEM), and the weighted impact of each factor was determined. Publicly available data sources were identified for each factor, ZIP code level data was compared to national averages, and the weighted data for each factor were aggregated to determine the overall food insecurity at the local level. Results: Based on the averaged odds ratios across all the studies, of the 13 risk factors, beyond financial constraints, having a disability was the most impactful factor and distance to the nearest grocery store was the least impactful. A ZIP code level model of Honolulu County was developed as an example to demonstrate the approach, showing that food insecurity among older adults in the county was 2.5 times that which was reported from the Current Population Survey (16.5% versus 6.5%). Conclusion: This evidence-based model considered factors that impact food insecurity among older adults across all the spheres of the SEM. The drivers of food insecurity among older adults are different than the drivers for the general population, resulting in a higher percentage of older adults being food insecure than currently reported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]