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Grandparents' World War Two (WWII) stories are emotionally powerful, intimate accounts of firsthand experience that can shape grandchildren's ideas of state history, nation, and identity. This effect, I argue, manifests most intensively in critical times when national history and identity are threatened. Such was the case when former Macedonian Prime Minister Zoran Zaev relayed a controversial version of Macedonian national history and identity in a TV interview. In reaction, many Macedonian citizens shared fragments of their grandparents' WWII stories. This study analyzes several more detailed versions of these grandparents' narratives in order to ascertain the formative power of family WWII stories over one's personal sense of national identity. To do so, it will examine the positioning practices of the present‐day narrators, the grandchildren of WWII participants, focusing on the manners in which they interactively reproduce their own sense of national identity vis‐a‐vis‐these stories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor's role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists' reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists' opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender roles, relations, and structures are aspects of human sexuality that are (re)constructed, negotiated, and even contested through a variety of discourses, including folklore. Erotic tales and sexual jokes are folk genres in which human sexuality is most explicitly presented. In this respect, the two key questions this study seeks to answer are: what kind of sexuality (gender roles, relations, and structures) is constructed through these genres and what inferences may be made about the society underpinning the discourse thus produced. To accomplish the ends, the study uses material collected from the Republic of Macedonia, organized in two data corpuses: erotic folktales and online sexual jokes. The content of the data is analyzed in order to identify the most reoccurring themes, gender roles, and relations constructed vis-à-vis the dominant motif in these narratives - the sexual intercourse, and thus to be able to describe the discourse on sexuality constructed by and through these genres, comment upon its social implications, and suggest way(s) of using it as a tool to counteract gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU is a discursive field where multiple meanings and representations are created, negotiated and contested. Research has shown that the concept possess an interpretive power often used as an instrument of political confrontation. Such is the case, this study argues, with the two largest Macedonian parties – VMRO-DPMNE and the Social Democrats – who in a pursuit of changing or maintaining the power structuration in the society have produced a discourse on EU that best fits their political agendas. In a situation of a prolonged political crisis, and a significant involvement of EU, the two parties have commodified the discourse on EU into an instrument of self-promotion and/or criticism of the other. Demonstrating the instrumental use of the representations of EU by analysing the discursive strategies and the linguistic means deployed are the general aims of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The name dispute between Republic of Macedonia and Greece manifests itself in Greece's objections to the use of the noun "Macedonia" or the adjective "Macedonian" to refer to any other ethnicity, culture, tradition and history except Greek. In order to promote itself as a sole claimant to the name, Greece has constructed a discourse which legitimizes its exclusive right to it, while at the same time it delegitimizes such right to Macedonia. However, this discourse does not only deny Macedonia the right to the name but it also denies Macedonia the right to discuss identity issues, while at the same time it obliterates Macedonian presence in the discourse in any relation to the disputed term. In this respect, this study seeks to analyze the specific linguistic strategies underlying these discursive effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]