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In the 21st century, the imperative to combat extremism and terrorism has risen to the forefront of global and regional agendas, becoming an indispensable condition for fostering the secure and prosperous development of states amidst the formation of a new strategic order. This study aims to examine the peculiarities of combating religious extremism among the youth demographic, drawing insights from global experiences aimed at minimizing terrorist threats within this sphere. Two primary methodologies were adopted in this study: the comparative analysis method, which compares the factors contributing to youth extremism, and the descriptive method, which identifies the main features of radicalization processes across diverse countries worldwide. Examining the landscape of modern youth movements in Kazakhstan and their affiliations with various religious beliefs, it becomes evident that developing a comprehensive and cohesive legal framework is imperative to curtail the emergence of aggressive groups and address the root causes of student radicalization. Moreover, our study underscores the predominant reliance of modern youth on social networks as conduits for accessing information pertaining to mental health, traditional beliefs, and psychological support. Analysis of counter-radicalization efforts across nations reveals a spectrum of approaches adopted by state entities tasked with addressing this issue, often contingent upon the prevailing religious context. In Muslim-majority nations, scholars and public figures championing traditional values emerge as key agents in educating young people on the imperative of participating in radical groups. Conversely, in Western European countries, public organizations and institutions of higher learning emerge as pivotal actors in fostering effective counter-radicalization measures. The findings and insights gleaned from this study are poised to furnish a practical foundation for future research endeavors in this realm. Furthermore, they hold promise in informing the development of youth policies and the resolution of issues pertinent to religious dynamics within advanced societies.

According to the ACLU (2005), ". . .at times of national stress -- real or imagined -- First Amendment rights come under enormous pressure." So, too, academic freedom of expression for faculty, staff, and students has become a casualty in the post-9/11 world. Academics were criticized and reprimanded for not being patriotic enough. Using a conceptual framework that includes historical reanalysis, terror management theory, contradictory constructions of patriotism, and electronic discourse, this essay explores the nexus between patriotism and free expression in higher education. We examine historical trends in freedom of expression, analyze three higher education case studies (Chilling Churchill; 9/11 and Middle Eastern Studies; and Shunning Bob Jensen), and suggest why patriotism and censorship go hand and glove in times of national crisis. We end one a cautionary note, expressing concern about how easily words can be turned against academics, the very people who should have the highest level of protection for their words. Nearly 20 years ago, Professor Pat Somers joined the faculty at the University of Texas at Austin bringing her trademark wit and her seemingly indefatigable energy to root out injustice. The paper below represents one such branch of her academic curiosity in response to a perceived injustice to a fellow member of the Academy. This paper was first presented as a draft manuscript at the American Educational Research Association and later submitted to a notable journal. Unfortunately, a second paper on academic freedom was already included in the edition, but the editors encouraged Pat and her team to pursue other publications. And then, as with many things, this paper fell to the side as Pat pursued a new branch of academic curiosity and stewarded her many doctoral students through the dissertation process. As you will note in the dedication, Pat was a deeply curious and pedagogically dynamic member of the Academy and this paper stands at the ready for updating and resubmission. We present it today unadulterated as a testimony to Pat's prescience, her passion and her drive -- a historical glimpse into the early days of a very real threat to academic freedom that persists today.

Student translators at the College of Language Sciences take a Media and Political Translation course in which they translate the latest news stories, media and political texts and terminology. This study proposes a model for integrating Gaza-Israeli war terminology and texts in translation instruction to familiarize the students with terminology such as names of weapons (grenades, mortar, drones, missiles, Merkava, Cornet anti-armor, mortar shells), toponyms(Khan Younis, Maghazi, Sderot, Ashkelon), crossings (Rafah, Erez), Jihadist groups and brigades (Islamic Jihad, Golani), military actions (incursion, bombing, shelling, genocide, displacement) war metaphors (target bank, carpet bombing, scorched earth, fire belt, Philadelphia Axis, Hannibal's plan), (UNRWA, Gaza hospitals, starvation, humanitarian aid) and others. English and Arabic texts can be collected from mainstream media as RT, BBC, CNN, Al-Jazeera and Al-Ghad. A class blog can be created for posting translations, corrections, discussions, and feedback. The students can practice full, summary, and conceptual translation and avoid word-for-word translation. They can watch news stories about the Gaza-Israel war, write a summary translation of it and receive comments and feedback. Beginners can translate short news excerpts (few lines). Students make sure their translations are cohesive, make sense and are easy to read. Students should use Google Translate and artificial intelligence (AI) with caution and should read the same news story in both English and Arabic to get used to the terminology and their equivalents. The instructor serves as a facilitator. Further instructional guidelines and recommendations are given.

This research aimed to identify the role of the secondary school in confronting cyberterrorism in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The research used the descriptive approach with a questionnaire to achieve the aim of this study. The questionnaire consisted of (37) statements which are distributed for four dimensions which are: the role of each teacher, the role of the school administration, the role of school courses and activities and the role of the school counselor in confronting cyberterrorism. The research revealed a great important role of the school in confronting cyberterrorism with a mean of (3.62) as it came after the role of school courses and activities which was followed by the role of the teacher, the role of the counselor, and the role of the school administration came last. In addition, the research recommended of developing the role of the school in confronting cyberterrorism by various thoughts, activities, and suggestions.

As a fundamental communication tool, media has undergone transformative changes throughout history. This has a lot to do with education. Each era has been characterized by its own unique media paradigms, from the invention of the printing press in the 15th century to the emergence of radio and television in the 20th century. These paradigms not only define how information is disseminated but also shape the social and political landscapes of their respective periods. In the modern age, the emergence of digital technology and the internet has brought about a new media paradigm that deeply influences every aspect of human interaction and the fabric of society. Today, new media, characterized by its interactivity, decentralization, and unprecedented access, dominates our daily lives. The significance of new media, which affects individual behaviors and global politics, economy, and cultures, cannot be underestimated. This process is also of great importance in terms of education. In particular, media literacy education will enable the individual to personally prepare for or otherwise intervene in the positive or negative aspects of their interaction with the media. From connecting distant communities to altering the dynamics of political campaigns, the impact of new media is ubiquitous. However, along with these advantages, new challenges have also emerged. One of the most concerning aspects of this shift in media is the potential for its exploitation by malicious groups, particularly evident in the rise of "terror agencies" utilizing new media platforms. These organizations adeptly employ new media tools for propaganda, recruitment, and operations, forming a symbiotic relationship that poses significant threats to global security. This article explores how new media paradigms enable the existence of terrorist organizations, the place of education in this regard, and what this complex relationship means for our interconnected world.

As part of citizenship education, the prevention of radicalization and extremism through education (PVE-E) is an urgent initiative of global educational policy. According to research, radicalized individuals, despite the ideology held, have mindsets that challenge equality and social justice. In this light, this study examines the intergroup mindsets of Finnish students aged 16-19 in vocational institutions through a mixed methods research survey (n = 383). Three distinct intergroup mindsets were found in a profile analysis. The findings demonstrate that the intergroup mindsets of the students are predominantly egalitarian, open-minded, and inclusive. However, there are also students whose mindsets are anti-egalitarian and pro-dominance, and for whom Finnishness is a marker of borders and social exclusion. If intensified and manipulated, the views of these youth may become radicalized with serious implications for national security and societal cohesion. We argue that in PVE-E, the focus on critical thinking must be complemented with transformative approaches that support the development of mindsets based on social justice and equality.

Following the 9/11 tragedies, the interest in Arabic language and culture in nontraditional destinations such as MENA (Middle East & North Africa) has become vastly obscured with sociocultural and political issues. The mandate to maintain national security served to designate the language and its destinations critical, producing the hegemony of a political rationality that thrives on the globalist commodification of language and risks the homogenization of world cultures. To interrogate these essentialist discourses and others, we examine the ideologies underlying MENA host-grounded discourses to discern the valorization of the language in those destinations, as steered by the needs of globalization and power relations. Drawing upon an adapted, complementary multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) approach, the current study analyzes the linguistic and visual resources of three study abroad (SA) programs' websites. We argue that the orientalist gaze is bidirectional within the host and U.S. based discourse for matters of sociopolitical and economic interdependencies and that joint constructions of global hierarchies and economic inaccessibilities remain prevalent.

After the Cold War period, with the restructuring of the world, globalization, the revolution in information technology and the reconstruction of capitalism have created a new type of society, the "network society". The dependence of countries on information technologies, especially the internet, has increased day by day, and it has become almost impossible for individuals, state institutions and private companies to continue their activities independently of cyberspace, which is described as the fifth operational area. This situation has made it a critical priority to ensure the physical and cyber security of nuclear power plants, which carry the energy burden of the societies and at the same time pose great security risks. In this period, states, state-sponsored and radical terrorist groups that wanted to close the power deficit against military and economically strong states, started to develop asymmetric methods of struggle. In the end new threat vectors such as cyber terrorism have emerged and states that have moved many institutions and services to cyberspace have become more vulnerable to malicious attacks and terrorist activities. In this study, the concept of terrorism and cyber terrorism have been examined and focused on the SCADA systems of nuclear power plants and in the last section cyber security of these systems have been evaluated. This Implementation of this model aims to simplify the process for all organizations in the Nuclear Sector--regardless of their size, cybersecurity risk, or current level of cybersecurity sophistication--to apply the principles and best practices of risk management. Ultimately, the framework and this implementation model are focused on helping individual organizations reduce and better manage their cybersecurity risks, contributing to a more secure and resilient sector overall. The main goal in this work is to improve SCADA system vulnarabilities, show terror groups abilities and present suggestions to safeguard nuclear plants.

Purpose: The Samuel Paty murder has generated a great response from the professional community and the world of education and schools in Europe and worldwide. In a unique way, civic educators expressed horror, sorrow, and solidarity with the family and with their French colleagues. The article is dedicated to Samuel Paty and the question of whether and how we as a community of international civic educators can learn from this terrible event. Design/methodology/approach: The article presents a case reconstruction using press and public documents attempting to disentangle the actors' positions, their stated intentions and contexts, and the following political intricacies of the case. Findings: The murder of Samuel Paty provoked a series of educational policy reactions that have paradoxical effects on civic education in schools, seen its intentions of political-social inclusion into a citizenship model. The case analysis documents the pitfalls of the instrumentalization of civic education for the securitization of societies.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore how education can help students develop democratic resilience as a bulwark against terrorinduced fear, securitization, and possibly even extremism itself. Approach: This article presents findings from a qualitative study exploring security governance in Norwegian secondary schools. The empirical corpus draws on 16 semi-structured interviews with educators to explore their perspectives on security governance in schools. Findings: The securitization of education risks normalizing fear culture in schools. Trust can likely be used to prevent or reduce the emergence of such fear. This study explores educational narratives by analyzing how a combination of cognitive trust and emotional trust may help students to build democratic resilience against terror-induced fear. In this context, helping students develop more sophisticated understandings of the social world and ensuring trustful relationships is a promising peacebuilding and potentially de-securitizing approach to explore in education.

This article is a qualitative investigation of teachers' pedagogical approaches to the terror attacks on September 11, 2001. The ten participants are regionally diverse in-service teachers who attended workshops conducted by the 9/11 Memorial Museum and Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History in New York during June and July, 2019. Teachers presented their 9/11 lessons at a March 5, 2020 conference in New York City to pre- and in-service teachers. Surveys, interviews, and lessons determined how teachers implemented professional development in their schools. The paper seeks to improve teacher training through the use of primary sources and place-based education to engender student inquiry. The creation of 9/11 digital lesson plans on the Library of Congress' Teaching with Primary Sources site provides teachers access to ensure that 9/11 receives greater emphasis in the social studies curriculum. Findings indicate that in-situ, place-based experiences increased 9/11 curriculum in classrooms.

Pakistan has constantly been in the news since the September 9, 2001, attack in New York, USA, and its education system and curriculum have seen a lot of interest from academics, researchers, and civil society organizations, both locally and globally. These researchers explored many aspects such as the concept of Jihad and its connection with violence against religious minorities, the construction of "Us" and "Them," the national, religious, and cultural identity but the development, promotion, and preservation of spiritual capital (SC) remained unexplored. This study was undertaken to take stock of the SC considered worthwhile to be preserved and promoted through language textbooks prepared for elementary school children by the Government of Pakistan. The study used a qualitative interpretive/constructivist research paradigm and chose qualitative content analysis as the data analysis method. The data for this study was taken from language textbooks (12 English and 12 Urdu) and semi-structured interview data, collected using a focus group discussion data collection strategy. This study found a very strong link between pupils' SC and the stories presented to them in the language textbooks showing the rootedness of pupils' SC in Islam, its teachings, and history. The study also showed pupils struggling to modify and expand their SC by including the global SC perspective in their already constructed set of SC. This study recommends that the textbook authorities should make the language textbooks' content inclusive and add global stories emphasizing universal SC.

This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

The National Security Agency (NSA) awards Center of Academic Excellence (CAE) designations to institutions that commit to producing cybersecurity professionals who will work in careers that reduce vulnerabilities in our national infrastructure. A review of the curricula in the 327 institutions and their degree programs reveal that only two programs offer a required course about terrorism. Given the fluid nature of terrorism and its threat to national infrastructure, the omission is concerning. It is recommended that NSA-certified cybersecurity programs begin implementing educational content that aim to teach about this emerging crime and justice issue. One suggestion is to embrace the interdisciplinary nature of cybersecurity, as exemplified in the success of the Cybersecurity Living and Learning Community (CLLC). Designing courses that educate about the social processes that leads to the growing problem of violence and terror directed towards marginalized communities and our nation's technological infrastructure, is another.

Interfaith initiatives are seen as promising sites for societal change and personal transformation. However, many questions about the actual outcomes of such initiatives have remained unanswered. Therefore, a systematic review was conducted, focusing on 1) the outcomes of interfaith initiatives and 2) the methods used to evaluate these outcomes. This review analyses 47 empirical studies on interfaith initiatives. The review of the initiatives' outcomes indicates that interfaith initiatives can positively impact participants' knowledge about other worldviews, communication skills and appreciation for other worldviews. At the same time, it can be challenging for interfaith initiatives to positively impact participants' knowledge of socio-political challenges, awareness of power imbalance and privilege and behaviour as interfaith leaders. The analysis of the methods used to evaluate the impact of interfaith initiatives shows that most studies used qualitative methods. For studies using quantitative or mixed methods designs, a variety of measurement instruments were used, whereby there was little overlap or consensus regarding the concepts being used. The findings of this article will stimulate scholars to focus more on learning activities and evaluation methods that take societal learning outcomes into consideration. It emphasises the need to build on previous evaluation and research efforts.

It could be argued that the current adult education paradigm aligns with a liberal knowledge economy. A more critical perspective is Paulo Freire's banking education concept that removes criticality from a learner's repertoire and facilitates alignment with the prevalent liberal education and its hegemonic objectives. Drawing from Paulo Freire's (1990) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Flores (2017) suggested that banking education teaches the oppressed to accept the oppressor's social framework. In this paper, and through the analysis of news media articles and policy documents, the author examines the phenomenon of terrorism and how a Western worldview constructs and engages in meaning-making for the reader. As a result, the author proposes a more critical cognizant adult learning model. Drawing from Habermasian theory, the need to cultivate humanity, and criticality as practiced by Critical Discourse Analysis, the author proposes a learning model construct of evolving criticality, emancipatory in intent, complex in its components and their relationships, with the intent of giving back agency to citizens.

Within the social imaginary of Australia's dominant 'White' culture, ethnic minority men, particularly Muslim men, are often depicted as 'folk devils,' resistant to the cultural norms of mainstream society. Muslim masculinities have been problematically conflated with notions of radicalisation, terrorism and violent extremism. There has been decidedly less attention to Muslim men's acclimatisation to the secular mainstream. This article presents a longitudinal case study of two second-generation young Australian-Muslim men who have attended an Islamic secondary school and spent most of their lives within a cloistered Islamic community. We document their experiences and aspirations as they come to be in higher education. The article considers the discursive production of identities of these men during a liminal time in their lives and how they construct their identities in relation to familial and community-based expectations around success and failure.

The proposal to turn the so-called Cartoon Crisis into the obligatory history curriculum of the primary school system has been debated publicly over the years. Pros and cons regarding its integration into a teaching environment have been put forward. Since 2021, the proposal has also been formally debated as a bill and put to vote in the Danish parliament two times -- each time voted down by the current government. Despite the bill's defeat, I present here a number of principled arguments for making the so-called Cartoon Crisis (including the actual drawings) an obligatory teaching subject in the Danish school system. The arguments can be summed up as an encouragement to 'Teach the Crisis'. Choosing not to include the Crisis and its primary sources in the teaching will only instal the proverbial elephant in the classroom and is probably a short-term solution for the cultural, social, and political challenges that Denmark will meet in the future.

The issue of violent extremism has given rise to new policy debates in Norway. A key limitation of these debates, often grounded in naïve assumptions about the peacebuilding effect of education, is the downplay of emotions and dissent in democratic engagement. This article analyses how selected educators in Norway describe encountering and engaging with extremist students for educational interventional purposes. Previous research suggests that educational efforts to counter violent extremism can be exclusionary from the perspective of target audiences. In contrast, this study draws on agonistic pluralism to provide an alternative to understand educational approaches that may help students disengage from violent extremism. The findings show that the selected educators argue the importance of trust, support and tolerance when engaging with extremist students. For these professionals, education should not downplay radical or extreme emotions but rather place them at the centre of educational engagement. Furthermore, it is suggested that educators' empathic engagement may open the path for young people to disengage from violent extremism.

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) were founded with the principal mission to educate Black people during an era when they were barred from most postsecondary opportunities. Today, these institutions play a vital role in the higher education landscape and help to insure the long-term viability of the U.S. economy. This research explored public discourse regarding HBCU bomb threats during 2022 and how public comments reflected on issues of race(ism), power, intimidation and domestic terrorism as a continuation of historical violence against Black Americans. The authors employed critical content analysis techniques and Critical Race Theory, while examining social media posts from X (formerly known as Twitter) as an innovative data source regarding public dialogue. The findings discuss two overarching themes within public discourse about these campus safety threats - (1) racism and White supremacy; and (2) political (in)action. These findings provide insights concerning perceptions of historical and contemporary racial oppression and terrorism experienced by Black individuals. The findings also highlight discourse concerning the ways in which racism and White supremacy were perpetuated by national political forces and (in)actions. Moreover, the findings reflect the ways in which public discourse situate racism as a norm in the U.S.

The contemporary landscape of dread in living and teaching demands a creative and experimental form of investigation that can trace the affective contours of the present and uncover the obscure openings for an oppositional imagination. In a series of interlinked excurses, this essay articulates a poetic probing of the nexus of slow fascism and capitalist realism in the contemporary United States, as this is lived in the waking dreams of pedagogy and imaginative praxis. Looking beyond familiar analyses, this project exposes the terror of loss that motivates the punishments visited upon school and society by elites and points to the spectral presence of justice, which lives with us as persistent horizon even as it is persistently refused by power. Interleaved with these unravelings of the texture of experience as domination, this project gestures toward a thinking and teaching that is wise to capitalism's recurrent fantasies. This pedagogy inverts the certainties that organize our senses of knowledge and curriculum, navigates the hidden topology of the real (beyond the reflexive affirmation in schools of "what is"), and proposes an unruly form of thought that moves out past the walls that sign the edge of the classroom and the edge of the truth. This project does not announce a settled approach but rather challenges the limits of the familiar at the level of our structures of feeling. We feel the terror of the given in the present, but we can also follow the seam of experience toward the point at which its impositions are attached--in spite of themselves--to the confounding/liberatory logic of the "impossible."

The purpose of the research was to determine the opinions of middle school students about the inclusion of controversial issues in social studies course. In this mixed methods study, an explanatory design was used, and the participants involved middle school students studying in Kirsehir, Osmaniye, and Diyarbakir provinces of Turkey during the 2020-2021 academic year. The quantitative data were collected using the "Student Questionnaire for Controversial Issues" while the qualitative data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS 25 and the qualitative data were analyzed through MAXQDA 20. In the analysis of quantitative data, descriptive statistics (percentage, frequency, mean, standard deviation) and t-test and one-way analysis of variance/ANOVA were used since the data had normal distribution. Tukey test was administered to determine between which groups the difference existed. In the qualitative phase, audio-recorded interviews were converted into Word files, then analyzed and divided into meaningful codes. Four themes emerged by combining the codes in common categories. As a result of the research, it was found that the controversial topics that the students wanted to be included in the social studies course the most were human rights and violence. Whilst the subject of terrorism was determined as the subject that the students did not want to be included in the lesson in the quantitative dimension, it was determined that there were different opinions among the students regarding including the subject of terrorism in the qualitative dimension. It was also found that participants' opinions about the inclusion of controversial issues differed in terms of gender, grade level, the city they live in, and reading habits. The reason why all of the students wanted controversial topics to be included in the course was to learn about controversial issues and to raise their awareness of these issues. [This study was presented at the 8th International Eurasian Educational Research Congress.]

Deception is a misrepresentation of reality that attracted many researchers examining it from various perspectives. However, no due attention has been given to the discursive deception strategies in the work of think tanks. This study aims at exposing the deception strategies deployed in the conservative American think tanks' discourse which concern itself with the (re)production of socio-political realities. The study holds the significance of the detection and explication of argumentative and pragmatic discursive deception strategies which impose ideological hegemony and socio-political polarization of the positively presented "Self" against the negatively presented "Other." This study attempts to answer a twofold question: what are the discursive deception strategies involved in the work of think tanks, and why/how these strategies are applied? To this end, eight political texts from three think tanks were analyzed adopting an eclectic model based on van Dijk (2000) and Yule (1996). The analyzed data mainly focuses on four political themes namely (1) terrorism in Islam, (2) Russian role in the Middle East, (3) the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, (4) the U.S. policy in the Middle East. The results demonstrate the pervasiveness of discursive deception strategies in the think tanks' discourse which endeavor to communicate an ideological polarization of a positive presentation of the "Self" against a negative presentation of the "Other" and reinforce a hegemony of particular socio-political realities. Findings can be beneficial for students of (critical) discourse analysis, media, communications studies, and English for special purposes.

Young people are particularly likely to engage in political violence, hold positive attitudes towards political violence, and show willingness to engage in political violence. The social environment in which young people are immersed is characterized by factors increasing and protecting against the risk of such outcomes. The present meta-analysis systematically summarizes the body of studies on the link between political violence outcomes and risk and protective variables in the following domains: a) parents and family (familial support, familial conflict, parental control, importance of family, parental violence), b) radical networks and peers (having friends with racist or violent attitudes, membership in political groups that oppose mainstream politics, general membership in a peer group), c) school (school attachment, school achievement), and d) socioeconomic status. A total of 288 effect sizes from 44 reference samples met the selection criteria. Findings were combined using two- and three-level meta-analytic models. Average effect sizes ranged between very small to small (|r|=.03 to |r|=.26), with the largest effect sizes detected for membership in a political group that opposes mainstream politics and having friends with racist or violent attitudes. The results are constrained by the low number of eligible samples and the significant level of heterogeneity for many of the meta-analyses.

This article examines English language teaching (ELT) policy, textbooks, and pedagogy in the neo-nationalist era that followed 9/11 in Muslim-majority Bangladesh. Informed by the Douglas Fir Group's transdisciplinary framework of second language learning, the examination substantiates the ideologies of "economization," "de-Islamization" and "awamization," which coalesce into the overarching ideology of "secularization" of ELT as a response to the global war on terror and the rise of neo-nationalism in South Asia. This secular response to forces and developments in global, regional, and local contexts marks the distinctiveness of Bangladeshi ELT compared with other Muslim societies, which have sought to develop students' awareness of religious and cultural values while teaching English. The secularization of ELT can be explained by the rise of Hindutva nationalism in India and the latter's influence on the ruling Bangladesh Awami League government which has been in power for over 14 years. The article attests to the complex, multilayered ELT ideology shaped by local, regional, and global forces and interests, suggesting the formation of a national/social imaginary that seeks alliance with secular Muslims and non-Muslim communities at home and in the region and excludes practicing Muslims in both contexts.

The current study proposes a taxonomy to organize existing knowledge on cybercrimes against critical infrastructure such as power plants, water treatment facilities, dams, and nuclear facilities. Routine Activity Theory is used to inform a three-dimensional taxonomy with the following dimensions: hacker motivation (likely offender), cyber, physical, and cyber-physical components of any cyber-physical system (suitable target), and security (capable guardian). The focus of the study is to develop and evaluate the classification tool using Design Science Research (DSR) methodology. Publicly available data was used to evaluate the utility and usability of the proposed artifact by exploring three possible scenarios -- Stuxnet, the Ukrainian power grid shut down, and ransomware attacks. While similar taxonomies exist, none of them have been verified due to the sensitive nature of the data and this would be one of the first empirically validated frameworks to explore cyberattacks against critical infrastructure. By better understanding these attacks, we can be better prepared to prevent and respond to incidents.

This study aimed at formulating the relevance and urgency of social media content with civics education learning material. This study used the qualitative research method. The instruments used were interview guidelines, observation guidelines and documentation study guidelines. Strategic issues on social media related to citizenship skills were Pancasila ideology, law enforcement, black campaign, politics of identity, conflict of diversity, national disintegration, terrorism, intolerance, spreading of hatred and hoaxes. These social media content deserve to be the problems that are examined in the process of civics education instruction because they are contextual, challenging, value-based, meaningful and fun for the students. Studies on social media content were very important because all students used social media and made it as a source of learning; the contents of social media were related to citizenship skills; social media content that was not analysed comprehensively created misconceptions; the content on social media was contextual; social media content was more attractive for the students to be studied in lectures; and studying the citizenship issues that existed on social media familiarised the students to a critical and democratic thinking. Social media has become an essential means of communication in global life with increasingly sophisticated technological means.

At the dawn of the 21st century--when your author, who is now an educator, was in college--the United States was the sole global superpower. But the world changed with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, as well as other events that remade the world in which current students now study. As an educator, I can explain that the structure of the world, termed "world orders," can subsist of underlying world "sub-orders," and "suborder traits" which even underlie them historically, and how students can outline them. In this way, while political-economic history looks to be constantly repeating itself, with the alignment of "traits" changing, what is considered "modern" and how we go about teaching it in history, political, and economic courses is the research aim of this article. Unlike the historian, whose job it is to identify such "traits," the social scientist should attempt to measure their importance; as educators, we need to point this difference out to students. These new ideas come from an educator with a background in both history and the social sciences. The article summarizes the current world order and concludes with a discussion of what "future" world orders might be, based on sub-orders, while offering ideas for educators to use for students, many of whom will be future scholars, on how to measure which world orders and "sub-orders" are generationally and empirically "modern."

This inquiry into narrative explores the often-silenced migration narratives of three refugee students from Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq. It is centered around two particular wonderings based in a critical literacy framework. First, what tenets of critical literacy seem most prominent in the narratives of refugee students from the Middle East? Second, what critical understanding of their migration experience do refugee students bring to the classroom? The conceptualized framework is understood as "The Centrality of Experience in Critical Literacy," wherein experience is central and valuable. This study applies the framework using stories as the source from which to better understand how individuals make sense of their worlds. Through a five-phase analysis, which included: free coding, literature derived coding, analysis of time and sequence, narrative pattern coding, and analysis of language, I find rich understandings of 1) the political, non-neutral nature of the world, 2) a fight for access to knowledge, and 3) a hope for envisioned future possibilities as the students seek belonging, refuge, and dreams, reclaiming the power of their own narratives. This inquiry into narrative additionally contributes the three stories and two audio recordings as a cultural data set, which can be used in the classroom.

The attacks of September 11, 2001, put terrorism at the forefront of the American political landscape. Donald Trump played into these fears of terrorism through his political rhetoric during his presidency, particularly targeting international students as "threats" to the nation. However, we argue that the labeling of international students as security threats was not started after 9/11 nor invented by Trump. Through historical records and accounts across decades of policies related to this issue, we seek to answer two questions: How has the U.S. government monitored visa policies and programs for international students? How have U.S. national policies evolved to view international students as national security threats? We found that mistrust of this population has been embedded throughout U.S. immigration history and that federal tracking policies emerged incrementally from long-held security concerns. The essay closes with a discussion on why the entire population of international students should not be scapegoated due to these fears.

Educational institutions play a significant role in today's world, where the concepts of democracy and human rights gain more and more importance day by day. Every country aims to provide the qualifications that its citizens believe they should have via educational institutions. While doing this, it can reflect the current ideology of the period into curricula. In Turkey, as a democratic country, the most important course in which the content related to citizenship and human rights is conveyed at the primary level is the social studies course. In this study, it is aimed to examine the situations of including the concepts of human rights and citizenship in social studies textbooks used in Turkey with critical discourse analysis. For this purpose, text analyzes were conducted using Sketch Engine software. The textbooks were compared with the Turkish web pages in terms of the concepts related to citizenship and human rights, and the use of these concepts in the text was evaluated through a critical approach. The results revealed that the selected textbooks touched on some concepts related to human rights and citizenship very superficially; the treatment of some concepts was not compatible with social realities. It was concluded that it could not be sufficient enough to offer courses with such concepts as women's rights, feminism, gender equality, ethnicity, belief, political rights, and multiculturalism.

The Prevent Duty requires universities in the United Kingdom to identify and report students who might be seen as 'vulnerable' to radicalisation. Since its introduction in 2015, the duty has been subject to increasing empirical research in the education sector. However, there has been limited research that specifically explores Muslim students' perceptions of Prevent in British universities. This paper directly addresses this gap in research by drawing upon the qualitative experiences of 25 university students who self-identified as 'British Muslims'. Individual, semi-structured interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Analysis. The findings demonstrate the securitisation of higher education and 'policing' of Muslim students. The paper draws on Pantazis and Pemberton's use of the 'new suspect community' thesis in order to examine participants' views and experiences. When analysing the data, three particular themes are especially prominent: as a tool of 'surveillance', Prevent hampers freedom of speech, threatens student activism and forces Muslim students to hide their Muslim identity to avoid being labelled as 'radical' or 'vulnerable' to terrorism. It will be concluded that the 'surveillance' function of Prevent is problematic on the grounds that it renders universities 'modern-day panopticons'.

This research is based on 28 in-depth interviews with Kenya-based journalists who report terrorism. The objective of the research was to recount their lived experiences. The theme of safety of journalists comprised psychological and physical safety of the newspeople, and there were various ways in which the psychological and individual safety of the journalists covering terrorism and related events was at risk. The psychological safety included traumatic events leading to sleeplessness and nightmares, loss of memory, and some journalists resorting to alcohol abuse in a bid to cope with the traumatic experiences. These physical safety concerns for some journalists included threats of death by fanatical religious groups, while other participants said that they were threatened with death because of their coverage of terrorism and related activities in Kenya.

Democracies are calling on schools to respond to a rise in extremist ideologies and actions. In this article Sigal Ben-Porath situates the rise in extremism within the broader context of political polarization. She suggests that the latter is a more appropriate target for school intervention than the former. She further suggests that addressing polarization can result in a reduction in extremism, and that polarization can be addressed by refocusing the use of existing teaching and learning tools, rather than by instituting new forms of intervention such as the Prevent strategy used in the UK. Tackling polarization through media literacy and the development of democratic habits can help rectify false beliefs, which contribute both to broad political polarization and to individuals' slide toward extremism. Focusing on strengthening knowledge as well as social ties can fortify individuals' and communities' resilience against extremism, as well as build bridges and connect people to a sense of shared fate across political divides. These practices are more effective and more justified than targeting individual students who are suspected of holding radical beliefs.

Educating against extremism doesn't just involve seeking to prevent individuals from becoming extremists or radicalized, although that, of course, is a significant concern. There is also an important role for education in teaching the rest of us, the general populace, the best way to react and respond when we learn of a terrorist attack or consider the potential risk of violent extremism in our community, or even worldwide, given we are connected globally via technology. In this article, Laura D'Olimpio argues that educators have a central role to play in teaching young people to respond to the news of violent extremism and the worry about terrorists and terrorism in ways that support our sense of community and personal well-being. Among the ways in which educators may support such aims is by educating the emotions. There are practical and moral reasons to temper our fearful reactions, and it is in our best interest to educate pupils to avoid allowing fear of terrorists or violent extremism to interfere with their daily lives and actions. D'Olimpio claims that our best response to extremism, both representationally and practically, is to refuse to be terrified. By not being overwhelmed by fear or altering our day-to-day activities, we not only better support a well-functioning democracy and our own happiness or flourishing, but we also disempower rather than empower extremists.

A key epistemological assumption in the ideologies of many of the groups termed extremist is that there is an unmediated access to a Divine Will. Driven by this assumption, and facilitated by several other factors, a range of coercive actions (including violence) to force others into submission to the perceived Will of God are seen as justified by some of these groups. A consideration of how religion is discussed in various contexts, from seminaries and schools to media and policy discourses, shows that this assumption about unmediated access to Divine Will is widely shared and that most children grow up socialized into it. In this paper, Farid Panjwani argues that challenging this assumption through educational settings can help young people acquire critical capacities that may lead to a critique of extremist narratives, thereby decreasing their attractions. In this regard, the paper draws upon a range of theoretical ideas, for example, the hermeneutical tradition (in particular the work of Hans-Georg Gadamer), as well as historical and textual examples, to make a case for a rethinking of religious education to develop more critical capacities among the students.

Societies concerned with preventing acts of violent extremism often target the ideas that are thought to motivate such acts. The state's use of educational institutions is one mechanism by which those ideas are subjected to challenge. Teaching liberal democratic values to students is one method. Here, David Stevens argues that this model is misguided. First, commitment to violent methods is not primarily driven by the attractiveness of radical ideas themselves, but by material facts and circumstances. Second, an education that ignores the teaching of various socioeconomic values, such as a commitment to a certain degree of material equality and welfare provision, is inadequate as a conception of citizenship. These criticisms are related. Citizens are owed certain resources and commitments as citizens, and grounds for dissatisfaction and violence are reduced when citizens receive the holdings to which they are entitled, and when their fellow citizens recognize and endorse this. Consequently, it is the role of education to teach directively toward the adoption of such socioeconomic values and commitments.

Chemicals used in academic teaching laboratories, research institutions, and industrial facilities are mostly dual-use chemicals. They provide many desired benefits but at the same time may cause adverse effects to human health and environments. In the case of Somalia, there are gaps in terms of chemical security (CS) awareness and implementations, and this has resulted in terrorist attack involving dual-use chemicals. To fill this gap, over the past 5 years, the Somali Chemical Society has conducted CS training for CS practitioners from both academia and industry. These training sessions have uncovered a lack of basic knowledge among chemical practitioners about chemical safety and security. The aim of this study was to assess the safety and security systems in Somalia. The research method was an investigative survey to explore information related to the chemical safety and security systems in Somalia. The study was conducted with 20 universities in the country to evaluate their understanding of chemical safety and security. The questionnaire was answered by chemistry lecturers, university students, laboratory managers, and government lab personnel. One hundred and ten participants were selected through cluster sampling. Data were collected through a closed ended questionnaire. The reliability of the study resulted Cronbach's Alpha coefficient of 0.933. A noteworthy finding indicated that the chemical safety and security status in Somalia was inadequate, and coordinated efforts by all stakeholders including Government, university leaders, and scientists from different disciplines are urgently needed for effective reforming of chemical safety and security in Somalia.

This article traces the evolution of the concepts of radicalization and deradicalization, specifically as they pertain to the social category of youth. It aims to locate and understand the concept of 'resiliency' as a deradicalization method and map out resiliency agendas in relation to the settlement of refugee youth. This article sets out to understand the relationship between deradicalization narratives and refugee youth resettlement programs within a broader historical and contemporary socio-political context.

In this article, I discuss a conceptual framework for supporting Muslim students using Culturally Relevant, Responsive, and Sustaining Pedagogies informed by a Collaborative Inquiry approach. The impact of 9/11 and its consequences on Muslim students' temporal and social contexts calls for a critical stance that questions teachers' assumptions regarding Muslim students. I examine Critical Pedagogy as the theoretical underpinnings for employing Culturally Relevant, Responsive, and Sustaining Pedagogies with the intent of underscoring the significance of incorporating these pedagogies to build upon teachers' capacities in honouring the voices of their Muslim students and fostering spaces for these voices to speak up. I explore how teachers can engage in Culturally Relevant, Responsive, and Sustaining Pedagogies through Collaborative Inquiry to meet the needs of Muslim students in ways that acknowledges their narratives and support them in navigating their social and academic environments.

In this article, the author recounts some of the events that occurred on September 11, 2001, when four doomed airlines crashed after being hijacked by 19 Al-Qaeda terrorists, resulting in the deaths of 2,977 people in New York, New York, at the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia, and on an empty field in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. It is at this latter location, where United Flight 93 crashed killing everyone onboard, including 31-year-old Mark Bingham, an openly gay businessman and member of a small group of people who, it is believed, wrested control from the hijackers and brought the plane down. In the years post-September 11, Bingham has become known as a modern-day hero by the various queer communities, while also garnering a high level of notoriety among many mainstream people as well. The author maintains, however, that Bingham's hero status simultaneously contributes to the dismissal and erasure of countless other queer people, primarily Black, Brown, and transgender, who have also performed heroic acts throughout modern U.S. history. Without diminishing the actions Bingham and the others took on board United Flight 93, the author questions why this particular gay man is remembered, while countless other queer/trans people of color remain largely unknown.

In this article, the author shares a personal reflection of his military and educational experiences in the aftermath of 9/11. He describes his concerns about the ongoing "War on Terror" and the "disengaged militarism" of the United States and how this has shaped his approach in the classroom. Expanding on his personal experiences, he calls for social studies educators to employ critical pedagogy and peace education to help students develop as thoughtfully and critically engaged citizens who are capable of creating a more peaceful world.

The aim of this paper is to explore how the Alberta Social Studies 30-1 textbook, "Perspectives on Ideology" (Fielding et al., 2009) can contribute to orientalist discourse in its presentation of Islam, especially with respect to terrorism, extremism, and illiberalism--three concepts that appear in the Alberta Social Studies Program of Study. Using a content and discourse analysis, the study found three central findings that contributed to an orientalist framing of Islam: a lack of nuanced discussion of Islam; positioning Islam as a source of terrorism; and a lack of acknowledgement of wrongdoing following injustices perpetrated towards Muslims in Canada. This study concludes by offering ways in which social studies curricular support materials may interrogate to disrupt orientalist discourse, and challenges social studies educators to critically examine the limitations of some of the most common resource materials at their disposal.

Nearly 20 years after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, Washington D.C., and Shanksville, PA there is a yearly ritual in a majority of US Schools. On the anniversary each year, teachers and students across the US learn about the attacks and memorialize the events. In many classrooms this is done through witnessing the events much like in 2001 for most of the world -- through watching news or documentary footage of the events. In this article I use Hall's concepts of encoding and decoding as well and socio-cultural theories to read these media representations both in the context of 2001 and again 20 years later to understand how these events are placed into broader narratives of US history. Many teachers today focus on the shock and horror of the events, an approach I argue is problematic as the affective response is emphasized over the historical context and consequences. Instead of using these media to foster collective memory, they could instead be viewed as primary sources to inquire into the historical context of the events and response in the form of the Global War on Terror. This approach would allow students to better understand the events leading to the attacks and the impact that the resulting responses by the US and other Western nations have had on their lives and the lives of others around the globe (e.g., Islamaphobia). After 20 years of conflict after these attacks it is time to both remember the victims of 9/11 as well as understand why it happened and the global toll of the response.