Search

Background: One of the most significant events in recent Afghan history is the rise of the Taliban and the war that followed, which had profound impacts on the lives of Afghans. The present study examined the mental health of Afghans living under the Taliban government. Methods: Between June 5, 2023 and February 12, 2024, a cross-sectional study was conducted among the Afghan population in three key regions of Afghanistan. Data were collected using a pre-tested structured questionnaire. The 21-item Depression, Anxiety and Stress scale (DASS-21) was utilized to assess depression, anxiety and stress of the Afghan population. Ethical permission for this study was granted by the Afghanistan Center for Epidemiological Studies (ACES). Logistic regression models were employed to explore the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and depression, anxiety, and stress among 2,698 participants. Results: The prevalence of depression was 72.05%, anxiety was 71.94%, and stress was 66.49%. Multiple regression analysis indicated that gender (being female), economic status (being poor), residency (living in rural areas), education level (being illiterate), being a cigarette smoker, and having experienced a bad event during the past month were significantly associated with depression, anxiety and stress. Conclusion: The findings of the present study show very high levels of anxiety, depression, and stress, most likely reflecting the profound impact of recent political, social, and economic changes. Notably, a significant majority of participants, particularly females and individuals above 35 years of age, reported severe to extremely severe mental health symptoms. The mental health crisis in Afghanistan is a complex and urgent issue that requires a comprehensive and compassionate response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan banned all beauty parlors, stating cultural reasons that the existence of such parlors violates the tenets of Islam. They also cited another reason for shutting down beauty parlors: that it puts an unnecessary financial burden on a groom's family during marriages. The paper analyzes the policy decision by the Taliban government in light of the public-private divide, theories of Islamic feminism, and feminist understanding of the beauty industry. The author argues that sole application of either a feminist critique of the public-private divide or a feminist critique of beauty ideals fails to provide a holistic and a cogent solution to the problem faced by women in beauty industries all over the world, especially in Taliban-led Afghanistan. The paper also analyzes the ways in which Islamic feminism can better capture such inconsistencies and thereby provide an inclusive solution to the pertaining issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Aims: Sleep is a complex physiological process during which the body and mind enter a period of rest. For a healthy lifestyle, different cohort groups can be affected in different ways. One such cohort is healthcare workers (HCWs)—an unexplored group in Afghanistan. Therefore, the present study examined the association between a range of sociodemographic factors including having night shift work and sleep quality among Afghan HCWs. Methods: A cross‐sectional survey was administered in January 2023 among HCWs (N = 342) in the Herat province of Afghanistan. The survey examined sleep quality and its association with a range of sociodemographic factors among HCWs. Logistic regression models were used to examine the association of sleep quality with sociodemographic characteristics among HCWs. The Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI) was used to assess the sleep quality among HCWs. Results: A total of 342 HCWs participated in the present study with an age range of 18 to 60 years. The mean age of the participants was 28.90 years (SD ± 8.10). Just over half of the participants were male (50.3%). Of the 342 participants, 58.5% reported poor sleep quality. Being married status, having higher number of children, not being a doctor, having low economic status, working night shifts, and having a traumatic event occur during past month were among the main variables associated with sleep quality among Afghan HCWs. Multiple regression analysis indicated that having high income [negatively] (AOR = 4.132, p = 0.002), working night shifts [positively] (AOR = 0.288, p < 0.001), and having a traumatic event occur during past month [positively] (AOR = 0.504, p = 0.007) were significantly associated with sleep quality. Conclusion: The study suggests the need for Afghan health employers to create a healthy work environment that prioritizes the well‐being of their employees by limiting overtime hours, providing rest breaks during long shifts, and ensuring that HCWs have access to necessary resources for coping with work‐related stressors. These policies would promote the overall health and well‐being of the workforce and would likely lead to better patient care outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Following the Taliban's resurgence, Afghan girls were probited from attending school and university, likely causing adverse psychological effects. Therefore, the present study investigated depression, suicidal ideation, and quality of life (QoL) among Afghan girls banned from education by the Taliban. Methods A survey study assessed depression, suicidal ideation, and QoL among 426 females prohibited from attending secondary schools, high schools, and universities by the Taliban. The study used the CES-D 20 Scale to assess depression, and the WHOQOL-Bref Questionnaire to assess QoL. Associations between variables were tested with chi-square tests, and predictors of QoL were analyzed through multivariate regression analysis. Results Among the 426 participants, 87.6% exhibited depression symptoms and 49.8% reported suicidal thoughts. Significant predictors of overall QoL included monthly family income (B  = 0.147, P  = 0.001), recent others' behavior toward participants (B  = −0.247, P  < 0.001), physical illness (B  = 0.110, P  = 0.011), experiencing a recent traumatic event (B  = 0.108, P  = 0.015), depression (B  = −0.159, P  < 0.001) and suicidal ideation (B  = −0.187, P  < 0.001). Conclusions In Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, the results indicated that female students who have been prohibited from studying in classes have a high prevalence of depression and suicidal ideation. Having depression and suicidal ideation significantly predicted decreased quality of life among female students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, no country, including the United States (US), has yet recognised the former. The US has consistently urged the regime to comply with the Doha agreement that emphasised an inclusive government. Moreover, the Biden administration has repeatedly asked the regime to respect human rights and allow girls education and employment, but in vain. What explains the divergences in US–Afghanistan relations post-withdrawal? What is the trajectory of the US–Taliban ties in the current context? Above all, is there any possibility of the US recognition of the Taliban regime in the foreseeable future? Based on primary data, it is posited that the relations between the US and the Taliban-controlled Afghanistan are divergent and currently antagonistic due to the Taliban's non-compliance with the Doha agreement. Futuristically, the study explores three scenarios to predict US–Afghanistan relations. First, there is a likelihood of US–Afghanistan rapprochement if the Taliban do the US bidding. Second, in cases of non-compliance, the US would get tough on the regime in terms of further sanctions. However, the Taliban would consolidate (informal) ties with China, Russia and other regional countries, including Pakistan. Third, the US has the military capabilities to do regime change in Afghanistan in case of another 9/11-type incident in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background One of the most significant events in recent Afghan history is the rise of the Taliban and the war that followed, which had profound impacts on the lives of Afghans. The present study examined the mental health of Afghans living under the Taliban government. Methods Between June 5, 2023 and February 12, 2024, a cross-sectional study was conducted among the Afghan population in three key regions of Afghanistan. Data were collected using a pre-tested structured questionnaire. The 21-item Depression, Anxiety and Stress scale (DASS-21) was utilized to assess depression, anxiety and stress of the Afghan population. Ethical permission for this study was granted by the Afghanistan Center for Epidemiological Studies (ACES). Logistic regression models were employed to explore the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and depression, anxiety, and stress among 2,698 participants. Results The prevalence of depression was 72.05%, anxiety was 71.94%, and stress was 66.49%. Multiple regression analysis indicated that gender (being female), economic status (being poor), residency (living in rural areas), education level (being illiterate), being a cigarette smoker, and having experienced a bad event during the past month were significantly associated with depression, anxiety and stress. Conclusion The findings of the present study show very high levels of anxiety, depression, and stress, most likely reflecting the profound impact of recent political, social, and economic changes. Notably, a significant majority of participants, particularly females and individuals above 35 years of age, reported severe to extremely severe mental health symptoms. The mental health crisis in Afghanistan is a complex and urgent issue that requires a comprehensive and compassionate response.

Introduction: The Taliban used religion to justify their brutal totalitarian government, which lacked any moral and religious values. In the field of ethics and gender, the Taliban's perception of women's political-social rights meant depriving them of any political-social activities. Due to the importance of ethics and gender, this research was conducted with the aim of investigating the status of women's rights and freedom of speech in the political thought of the Taliban. Material and Methods: This is an applied descriptive-analytical type in terms of its purpose, it was among quantitative researches. The statistical population of the research was Afghan women living in Shiraz. Participants include 350 Afghan women living in Shiraz, who were selected by available sampling method. Data was gathered by researcher-made questionnaire. Finally, data were analyzed using the t-test method and SPSS software. Results: The findings show that the awareness of Afghan women about their rights in the field of education, violence against women, marriage, freedom of speech, clothing status, medical and therapeutic services, presence in society, political participation, urban services and human rights in Afghanistan is low and very low. Conclusion: The results showed that according to the opinion of Afghan women who had lived under the Taliban rule in Afghanistan, the situation of women's rights and freedom of expression in the political thought of the Taliban was estimated to be very bad. The Taliban's goal of dealing with women and preventing their political-social services, before it is caused by Islamic Sharia or ethnic and tribal customs, is a political method and a government strategy

This paper aims to examine the functional utility of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) for regional stability after the withdrawal of the United States from Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan may become a serious regional challenge for the SCO to seek an acceptable solution. The study addresses the question that how the SCO members are dealing with the emerging crisis in Afghanistan. Hence, the prospective role of the SCO in building consensus among member states is unravelled with a conceptual framework, based on two theories of international relations namely regional security complex and functional cooperation theory. These theories provide a conceptual understanding that the interests of states, belonging to a general geographical region, are integrated and their mutual cooperation is more durable than the states outside the region. Subsequently, the study explored the role of the SCO in maintaining regional security and traced its efforts for stability. To explore the complexities within the SCO while managing the nascent government of the Taliban (forbidden in Russia) in Afghanistan, qualitative data has been collected. The data includes government websites, official statements and documents, books, research articles and newspapers, published in different countries. It is found that the worsening security situation in Afghanistan is a common threat to all the members of the SCO, so consensus is required to promote practical measures including the development of Afghanistan. Therefore, the SCO is focusing on addressing the immediate and tangible consequences of the Taliban’s takeover after the withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan and supporting regional states to adopt functional cooperation to reconstruct Afghanistan.

Food insecurity persists in Afghanistan, with 24 million Afghans lacking sufficient food in 2022. Malnourishment affects over 7 million children and mothers (WFP in Afghan Emergency. Retrieved 1.30 from https://www.wfp.org/emergencies/afghanistan-emergency). Women's rights have been severely undermined by the Taliban regime, with bans on education and employment restrictions. Using data from the 2017 Afghanistan Food Security Survey (n = 5027 households), we examined the relationship between women's education, employment, and household food security. Results indicate that households where both men and women have formal education were 52% more likely to be food secure and 50% more likely to have dietary diversity compared to a household lacking anyone with formal education. Women play a vital role in increasing household income and distributing resources towards improving dietary diversity. The rollback and censorship of women's rights under the current regime is bound to exacerbate the catastrophic rates of food insecurity, further worsening the well-being of all Afghans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the course of almost four decades of journalistic work in the greater Middle East the author has interviewed some of its most charismatic leaders, from the Iranian Presidents Ahmadinejad and Khatami to Saudi King Abdullah, Taliban ministers, dissidents, rebels, and warlords. Some of them were popular. Others were not. Only a few were elected. Such is the predicament in the region. All were convinced of their own legitimacy. But is the interview by a mainstream western media journalist a confirmation of this, ora way to highlight their shortcomings? This article argues that the answer lies in the eye of readers and their complicity with an interviewer who is bound both by the journalistic mandate to unveil the truth and by being the interviewee's guest. When leaders agrees to an interview, they either have a message to sell to the public, or they are convinced of projecting an ideal image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International concern for the human rights of Afghan women has spiked since the Taliban consolidated power in Afghanistan in fall 2021. Yet little is known about how to effectively advocate for women's human rights under this new context. We present findings from a random sample of all adult Afghan internet users' attitudes toward peace, security, gender, and human rights and find significant support for women's human rights as a national priority within Afghanistan, even when controlling for other priorities and even among many men and women aligned with the Taliban. Given that men now have much more political power in Afghan society to protect women's rights, we paid particular attention to men's attitudes toward women's human rights. Our evidence from an embedded survey experiment, building on earlier literature from other countries, demonstrates that fathers of eldest daughters are particularly likely to favor prioritizing women's rights when primed to think about the gender of their eldest children. Thus, the human rights and humanitarian community should spend more time and attention engaging with this demographic, and specifically creating marketing and advocacy strategies that encourage men to think about or act on behalf of their eldest daughters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing narratives and portrayal of Taliban in the US media has been a subject of much deliberation among the media connoisseurs ranging from their heroic portrayal during the Afghan-Soviet war to desperados in the post 9/11 world landscape. For this particular reason, the present study is an effort to locate how the proxy actor (Pakistan) has been linked to the Taliban by the US media in the post 9/11 world. This research takes Time magazine as a case study and articles related to Pakistan are selected encompassing the decade following 9/11. The corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis has been applied using Graph Coll and Wordsmith. The analysis has been done on three levels: (i) the time-specific pattern of the node linked with the Pakistani context, (ii) the most significant and strong collocates of the node, and (iii) the semantic categorization of the collocates. The analysis reveals that Pakistan has been linked with Taliban groups throughout the decade in some years more frequently than others. The second level of analysis reveals that the Taliban groups are statistically significantly and strongly connected with Pakistan. The third level of analysis reveals many aspects such as ambiguity pertaining to Taliban and associated groups, their ties with Pakistan, and Pakistan playing a dodging game with Taliban groups as well as the US government. Such media portrayal of Pakistan as being a white sepulture reveals a political world where binaries (Us vs. Them) in the case of Pakistan do not exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace the Taliban's motives behind the deliberate destruction of cultural heritage in Swat while also looking into the local's reaction and their relationship with cultural heritage after the conflict. The Taliban insurgents deliberately defaced and dynamited the second largest seated statue of Lord Buddha after Bamiyan in Afghanistan and bomb-damaged Swat Museum. The findings are the outcomes of in-depth interviews and FGDs conducted with locals, key informants from the community, local journalists, NGO representatives, archeologists, and Swat Museum officials. This study demonstrates that the Taliban iconoclastic acts were motivated by their "conflict goal" – the introduction and imposition of Sharia Law in the region. The "specific targeting" of the seated statue of Lord Buddha and the bomb-damaged Swat Museum are considered the principal identifiers of differences, and instrumental in "signalling" strength and commitment to the resisting actors. The polarity in explanations among the locals indicates that the Taliban tactfully manipulated the equivocal understanding of idolatry in Islam. After the conflict, apart from the realization of ownership and pride among the locals, the utmost concerns for them are the protection of cultural heritage and the construction of a religious counter-narrative on the status of idols and statues in Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forum Pedagogiczne / Pedagogical Forum is the property of Uniwersytet Kardynala Stefana Wyszynskiego w Warszawie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to examine the causes behind the growing radicalization in Pakistan and to elaborate the government tactics to control the radicalization in Pakistan. The historical perspective can help in finding the root causes of radicalization and extremism from the day after independence. In this study qualitative methodology was used and the data from range of sources to investigate the growing radicalization. Numerous internal and external factors contribute to the already polarized society of Pakistan, which turns into extremism. The use of relative deprivation theory examines the radicalization in Pakistan through the prism of relative hardship which asserts when expectations diverge, people experience dissatisfaction and disagreement which leads to radicalization. This study recommends to build a strong relationship between state and the radicalized group by eliminating radicalization and introducing reforms by giving counter narrative of moderate and Liberal Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These developments and events in Afghanistan became a serious challenge for Russia. The sudden withdrawal of the remaining Western forces from Afghanistan and the seizure of power by the Taliban led to a decrease in war violence throughout the country, but greatly increased the overall level of uncertainty. Therefore, Russia tried to react to this crisis by taking international goals into account. This article was created with the aim of identifying the reasons for revising Russia's foreign policy regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the re-emergence of the Taliban. Therefore, the main question is raised, what are the reasons for the revision of Russia's foreign policy regarding the developments in Afghanistan due to the emergence of the Taliban in this country? In order to answer this question, we will use the descriptive-analytical research method and using the tools of library collection. Also, the authors will examine this hypothesis, Afghanistan is of great importance in the strategic position of Russia, and stable instability in Afghanistan after the withdrawal of American forces can be a security threat to Russia and other countries. create CIS members. The findings of the article show that Russia has dealt with Afghanistan by adopting a tactical approach with the aim of managing and repelling threats in its foreign policy. Now Russia is trying to enter the peace process with its aggressive approach as a world power. in Afghanistan and in this way he can impose his policy on Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do insurgents resort to kidnapping in civil war? What explains variation in the selection and intensity of the tactic over time and space? Despite an increase in the use of kidnapping over time, existing research has yet to develop an explanation that explains spatiotemporal variation and extends beyond financial motivations. I argue the decision to kidnap hostages is shaped by insurgents' behavioral interactions in the conflict environment. It occurs under two conditions: to generate support and reinstate bargaining capacity when organizations suffer military losses on the battlefield and to enforce loyalties and display strength when organizations face violent competition from other non-state actors. The observable implications of the theory are tested at the macro- and micro levels. At the macro-level, I conduct a quantitative cross-group analysis on over 200 organizations involved in an armed intrastate conflict (1989–2018). At the micro level, I consider the kidnapping strategy of the Taliban in Afghanistan over time and space (2010–2018). Taken together, the analyses provide robust support for the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the strategies of resistance enacted by an informal network of solidarity comprised of Afghan youths on the move in Europe and their Swedish allies. In 2015, thousands of Afghan children fleeing from the Taliban regime arrived in Europe as unaccompanied minors. Many have been hosted in Sweden and lived there for several years, until coming of age. Reaching 18 years prompted a series of consecutive losses, as the Swedish state limited their opportunities to remain in the country or even illegalized them. Subjected to threats of detention, deportation, and ill treatment, many Afghan youths re-escaped into other European countries, crafting networks of informal solidarity to help them resist border violence. This article is based on an ethnographic study that delves into the lived experiences of four Afghan youths who lived in Lisbon between February 2019 and February 2020, particularly focusing on the journey of Ahmed, a young man of Hazara ethnicity. The empirical data shed light on the solidarity enactments that enhanced the youths' resistance in hostile environments, inviting reflection on the impacts of the European border regime and the importance of agency, care, and political contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Pakistan State's ruling practices in Lower Dir, a peripheral region. It argues that this peripheral region was ruled by a colonial logic of governmentality. Through a "thick" ethnography of Lower Dir, I documented the militarized and fragmented state practices that Tsing refers to as the "sticky materiality of practical encounters" of the local people with the state apparatuses. The study collected data through anthropological methods such as mobile ethnography at checkpoints, casual conversations with locals, and firsthand observations of state ruling practices in the region. This article concludes that it is the Pakistan state's strategic interest that keeps the region out of the mainstream, and its security status is now even more important for Pakistan state following the Taliban's takeover of Kabul in August 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is an overall assessment of the security situation in Afghanistan that includes both traditional and non-traditional aspects. The paper highlights the deteriorating internal security that is bolstering Pashtunisation in Afghanistan and causing the forced displacement of non-Pashtuns. The implication of this grim development in India's neighbourhood has severely impacted the peace and security of the Central Asian Region, Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan. The victory of the Taliban has resuscitated myriad terrorist groups who want to establish Islamic Caliphate in neighbouring countries, therefore leading to the gradual Talibanisation of the Asian region. The paper also delves into how the departure of foreign forces has created a power vacuum in Afghanistan that has led to the revival of a New Great Game with the addition of regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Islamophobia controversy over the Nussa dan Rarra cartoon film (NRCF) on Twitter (X). This controversy was initially triggered by two influencers that became a trending topic. The study employed a qualitative method with a moral panic theory approach. The primary data was tweets on Twitter containing comments on the NRCF. Data analysis was done through five stages of the moral panic process. The trigger tweet's main issue in the NRCF was the figure behind the scenes, Felix Siauw, with his Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). The pro and contra responses went back and forth to debate the themes of NRCF's negative labels, such as costume, manner, Taliban, and radicalism, as a threat to society. This study found that the effort to evoke Islamophobia has not succeeded in causing panic because the majority of society and authorities do not support it, making the film still survive to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan took the world by surprise. This article investigates how this event was seen differently in varied contexts, such as neighboring Pakistan. Our research shows epistemological pluralism in Pakistan, i.e. how different groups use different ways of knowing (epistemology), being (ontology), and valuing (axiology) to explain and analyze Taliban 2.0. Conceptually, the paper draws on insights from the relationality theory to demonstrate the reasons behind such epistemological pluralism. The theory of relationality provides the grounds for epistemological pluralism, i.e. the mixed sentiments and feelings among respondents about the Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan. Our research reports the perspectives of nine selected civil society activists about Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The respondents were interviewed during the second quarter of the Taliban administering Afghanistan. Some called it the victory of Islam, the freedom of Afghans from foreign occupation, and the protection of the Pakistani border from Indian proxies. Others were worried about the risks of increased extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, including the rise of banned organizations like Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. This study intends to document the interviewee civil society activists' suggestions to the State of Pakistan for dealing with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's reversion to Taliban rule poses severe threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran faces a dilemma over how best to respond to these dangers: it could continue to conciliate the Taliban or it could revert to the antagonistic posture it adopted towards Kabul in the 1990s. While each of these strategies can improve Iran's security situation to some extent, they also entail unintended consequences that exacerbate Iranian vulnerabilities. More importantly, whatever policy Tehran pursues has an impact on Iran's nascent alignment with Tajikistan, as well as on Tajikistan's relations with Afghanistan. The fact that Iran's decision to conciliate the new leadership in Kabul did not prompt Dushanbe to scale back its belligerence towards the Taliban poses a puzzle for Glenn Snyder's concept of the alliance security dilemma. Its solution requires a reconsideration of adversary–ally dynamics that highlights the reciprocal interaction between shifts in inter-state alignment and changes in domestic political contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract Background and Aims Sleep is a complex physiological process during which the body and mind enter a period of rest. For a healthy lifestyle, different cohort groups can be affected in different ways. One such cohort is healthcare workers (HCWs)—an unexplored group in Afghanistan. Therefore, the present study examined the association between a range of sociodemographic factors including having night shift work and sleep quality among Afghan HCWs. Methods A cross‐sectional survey was administered in January 2023 among HCWs (N = 342) in the Herat province of Afghanistan. The survey examined sleep quality and its association with a range of sociodemographic factors among HCWs. Logistic regression models were used to examine the association of sleep quality with sociodemographic characteristics among HCWs. The Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI) was used to assess the sleep quality among HCWs. Results A total of 342 HCWs participated in the present study with an age range of 18 to 60 years. The mean age of the participants was 28.90 years (SD ± 8.10). Just over half of the participants were male (50.3%). Of the 342 participants, 58.5% reported poor sleep quality. Being married status, having higher number of children, not being a doctor, having low economic status, working night shifts, and having a traumatic event occur during past month were among the main variables associated with sleep quality among Afghan HCWs. Multiple regression analysis indicated that having high income [negatively] (AOR = 4.132, p = 0.002), working night shifts [positively] (AOR = 0.288, p

IntroductionFollowing the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and the subsequent overthrow of the Taliban government, extensive efforts were made to rebuild the Afghan nation-state and establish a democratic political system. However, over the past two decades, these endeavors failed to foster the formation of a national unity government. Moreover, the initial impetus behind the U.S. intervention, namely ousting and destroying the Taliban, gradually receded in priority. This shift became evident particularly after Trump assumed office, as the policy of withdrawal from Afghanistan and negotiations with the Taliban gained momentum. Upon Biden’s inauguration, the policy of withdrawal from Afghanistan accelerated, despite both the Pentagon and the Afghan government stressing the necessity of continued American support for Kabul. This approach provided the Taliban with a good opportunity to swiftly seize control of various districts across Afghanistan, culminating in their complete domination and the resurgence of the Islamic Emirate. Accordingly, various analyses emerged to explain the re-domination of the Taliban in Afghanistan. While the re-domination is undoubtedly influenced by a combination of external and internal factors, the pivotal role of external factors has been emphasized, overshadowing the examination of internal factors. Although America’s withdrawal from Afghanistan seems to have catalyzed and expedited this process, the primary causes of the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan lie within internal dynamics. In this respect, the present study aimed to investigate the internal factors contributing to the resurgence and re-domination of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The main research question is: What are the reasons behind the Taliban resurgence in Afghanistan through the lens of Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements?A great number of researches have delved into the Taliban government and its trajectory in Afghanistan (e.g., Hossein-Khani, 2019; Shafie, 2018; Shafie & Eiduzayi, 2012). More specifically, the Taliban resurgence in 2021 has been the subject of analysis in several studies (e.g., Arian, 2022; Bagheri-Dolatabadi, 2022; Dehzad, 2022; Moghaddas, 2022). These studies explained the various internal and external factors behind the emergence and development of the Taliban, as well as their subsequent reassertion of control over the Afghan state. However, there is no comprehensive and systematic study grounded in a theoretical framework.Relying on Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements, the present study aimed to analyze the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan as a fundamentalist response. Dekmejian posits that the nature, scope, and intensity of fundamentalist responses are contingent upon the six attributes of the crisis environment, including identity crisis, legitimacy crisis, misrule/coercion, class conflict, military impotence, and culture crisis (Dekmejian, 1995, p. 6).Materials and MethodsAs a descriptive–explanatory inquiry, the present research relied on a library–documentary method to examine the Afghan crisis environment and the reasons contributing to the re-domination of the Taliban.Results and DiscussionSince gaining independence, Afghanistan has experienced a tumultuous political and social history. Key milestones before 2001 include its separation from Iran, the Soviet invasion leading to the establishment of a communist government, the subsequent Soviet withdrawal and rise of the Mujahideen government, and finally, the collapse of the Mujahideen regime and the emergence of the Taliban government. Furthermore, Afghanistan’s societal landscape is characterized by its diversity and ethnic mosaic, where religion holds considerable sway. Following the 2001 fall of the Taliban, the ensuing two decades heralded a move towards the establishment of the Afghan nation–state. However, numerous challenges led to crisis milieu in Afghanistan, including fragmented identities, a lack of integrative national identity, weakness of the central government, challenges in the democratic process (esp., in elections), failure to establish a national unity government, systemic corruption, inefficiency, repression and violence by security and military forces, deepening class divisions due to ethnic and religious reasons, military dependency, failure to establish a national army, hastened modernization, and disregard for ethnic and religious values and norms by the central government. Meanwhile, the Taliban capitalized on the weakness of the central government—particularly in providing security and facilities to marginalized and remote areas, notably those inhabited by Pashtuns—thus garnering significant support from specific segments of the populace. In line with Dekmejian’s theory of periodic movements and the attributes of crisis environment (see above), the Afghan crisis environment paved the way for the resurgence of the Taliban as a fundamentalist response to the prevailing crisis conditions. Notably, the Taliban adeptly used the fusion of ethnic and religious identities, maximizing Afghanistan’s social capacities to advance their goals as an Islamic ideological movement.ConclusionWhile various external and internal factors contributed to the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan, it appears that the primary impetus lies within internal contexts and factors. The hasty withdrawal of American forces, though a significant external variable, merely accelerated the process rather than being the root cause, catalyzing the Taliban resurgence as a fundamentalist response to successive social crises. Although the Taliban’s performance following the establishment of the Islamic Emirate serves as a pivotal yardstick for evaluating developments in Afghanistan in 2021, it is essential to recognize that examining the foundations and contexts underpinning Islamic movements within the political, social, cultural, and economic milieu of a given society offers a more realistic criterion for the analysis of stances and decisions concerning Afghanistan’s future.

Afghanistan, during the Taliban regime, has traditionally been shaped by patriarchal cultural norms and values that limit women’s rights and opportunities. Homeira Qaderi’s novel Dancing in The Mosque deals with the struggles and challenges faced by Afghan women, particularly in a patriarchal society that oppresses and limits their freedoms. The three objectives of this study are to describe the patriarchal culture of the Taliban Regime and its effects on women and the actions of the women characters to fight against the patriarchal. The researcher uses the library method to help analyze this research. The primary data of this research is a novel entitled Dancing in The Mosque by Homeira Qaderi (2020). The secondary data comprises books, various journals, and articles related to women’s struggles during the Taliban regime. The feminist approach is used to reveal the action of the women characters to fight against the patriarchal culture and the theory of patriarchy is used to reveal the impact of patriarchal culture on Afghan women. This study concludes that Afghan women challenge the patriarchal culture by speaking up through education and making petitions claiming their rights. Education empowers them with knowledge and skills, enables them to gain financial independence, and helps to challenge and change traditional gender roles and cultural norms that perpetuate inequality. Education also increases women’s self-esteem and confidence, which allows them to participate more actively in society and make decisions that impact their own lives and the lives of their families and communities.

In this paper, I will examine the legal standards of gender persecution and the evolving descriptor gender apartheid as a way to describe the status of women in Afghanistan. The paper also examines other complementary forms of legal accountability procedures to vindicate Afghan women’s rights and hold perpetrators accountable under crimes against humanity. Although the current locus of the paper is focused on Afghan women, it has larger implications for all other crimes of gender persecution.