Search

The real and potential power of China, the world's most populous nation, has long been seen as a threat by its smaller neighbors and global powers alike. The Fear of Chinese Power provides a history of this perceived threat from the 1880s to the present day, and offers rich historical context to an enduring and current concern. Focusing on the United States, but also exploring perceptions from Britain, Germany, the Soviet Union and Japan, this book asks why these fears exist and shows how they have played out on both a strategic, diplomatic level, and in the public sphere. Taking a chronological approach, the chapters explore themes such as western opposition to Chinese immigration, international views of China's new republic, hopes of friendship during the rule of Chiang Kai-Shek, the Korean and Cold Wars, Communist China's economic growth, the Chinese in popular culture and China as a modern global power. Taking economic, military and cultural vantage points into account, The Fear of Chinese Power explains why a powerful China has been a mainstay of the western imagination since the 19th century, and reveals a history which has shaped international perceptions of China to the present day.

Kenneth Waltz (1924–2013) is perhaps the most enduringly influential figure in international relations theory of the second half of the twentieth century. He is considered the father of the structural-realist or neorealist school, and his views on core questions, such as the causes of war and the structure of the international system, are foundational to the field today and likely will remain so for decades to come. Waltz's writings on both theoretical and policy-related topics, from the balance of power to the spread of nuclear weapons, continue to fuel debate.This book is a groundbreaking intellectual biography of Kenneth Waltz, shedding new light on the development and significance of his key contributions. Paul R. Viotti draws on extensive, candid interviews with Waltz as well as Waltz's personal files and archival research to provide a nuanced account of the great scholar's life and thought. He traces the intellectual sources and personal experiences that shaped Waltz's work, including an intense Lutheran upbringing; service in World War II and the Korean War; and the academic environments of Oberlin College, Columbia University, and the University of California, Berkeley. Viotti examines the key influences on Waltz's major works, Man, the State, and War and Theory of International Politics, and analyzes their distinctive insights. Engaging with the views of Waltz's critics and featuring reminiscences from his colleagues, this book is a compelling portrait of an intellectual titan.

The Collected Papers of Bertrand Russell, Volume 15 assembles Russell's writings on his experiences of visiting and reflecting on Russia and China.Having emerged from the Great War determined to prevent another armed conflict, Russell became a champion of international socialism as the antidote to the destructive forces of nationalism and capitalism. His quest for international reconstruction led to two enduring experiences, his trip first to Bolshevik Russia in 1920 and then to divided China in 1920-21. These letters describe those experiences which confirmed his emergence as a popular commentator on contemporary political issues.The volume includes two unpublished papers on Russell's trip to Russia.

西洋の教育分野の人物がどの事典にどんな見出しで掲載されているかがわかる事典総索引。古代から21世紀に活躍した西洋（ヨーロッパ、ロシア、南北アメリカ、アフリカ、中東、インドなど）の教育に関する人物5,811人を428種680冊の事典から収録。各人物には人名表記・読み・生没年、別名・別読み、時代・職業・肩書など簡単なプロフィールと掲載事典名を明示、事典ごとの見出し・生没年の異同も記載。「カタカナ表記検索」付き。

This book provides a sweeping overview of East Asian international relations in history from the nineteenth century onwards, with a focus on Korea and its relationship with East Asia and the USA. In contrast with many books which concentrate exclusively on the twentieth century, this book offers a long-term perspective on modernity and modernization in East Asia. It addresses the tributary system, the Meiji Restoration, Japanese imperialism in East Asia, and the Cold War in East Asia. It also incorporates the First and Second Indochina Wars from Vietnam's perspective and expands the geographical scope of East Asia beyond the traditional framework of Korea, Japan, and China. The book begins with the tributary system as a starting point of East Asian modernity in contrast to the old view that the tributary system was not a'modern'system. It rejects the idea that Japan was modernizing while Korea remained stagnant and shows why Japanese colonialism continues to be controversial and problematic. Through the book's emphasis on Vietnam's perspective of the Indochina Wars, it places much value on nationalism, anti-imperialism, and decolonization as forces of modernity and modernization. Relevant to scholars and students in history, international relations, and East Asian studies more broadly, the book brings with it a novel, fresh and innovative approach to East Asian history.

The first major biography in more than twenty years of one of America's greatest writers, based on newly available letters and journalsV. S. Pritchett called her “a genius.” Gore Vidal described her as a “beloved novelist of singular brilliance... Of all the Southern writers, she is the most apt to endure...” And Tennessee Williams said, “The only real writer the South ever turned out, was Carson.”She was born Lula Carson Smith in Columbus, Georgia. Her dream was to become a concert pianist, though she'd been writing since she was sixteen and the influence of music was evident throughout her work. As a child, she said she'd been “born a man.” At twenty, she married Reeves McCullers, a fellow southerner, ex-soldier, and aspiring writer (“He was the best-looking man I had ever seen”). They had a fraught, tumultuous marriage lasting twelve years and ending with his suicide in 1953. Reeves was devoted to her and to her writing, and he envied her talent; she yearned for attention, mostly from women who admired her but rebuffed her sexually. Her first novel—The Heart Is a Lonely Hunter—was published in 1940, when she was twenty-three, and overnight, Carson McCullers became the most widely talked about writer of the time.While McCullers's literary stature continues to endure, her private life has remained enigmatic and largely unexamined. Now, with unprecedented access to the cache of materials that has surfaced in the past decade, Mary Dearborn gives us the first full picture of this brilliant, complex artist who was decades ahead of her time, a writer who understood—and captured—the heart and longing of the outcast.

Geopolitical Shakespeare: Western Entanglements from Internationalism to Cold War examines the entanglement of Shakespearean culture in the geopolitical dynamics of the post-war West. Taking its cue from a speech given by Albert Einstein in London in 1933, in which Shakespeare is cited as an example of the Western value of personal and intellectual freedom, this book explores a series of events between 1945 and 1955 featuring key historical figures--scientists, international lawyers, diplomats and politicians, writers, actors, and filmmakers--who experienced the tensions of the early Cold War through Shakespeare, or called on him to articulate this new post-war world. Erica Sheen examines political, diplomatic, cultural, and economic interactions within'core'Western power relations--the USA, UK, and Europe, with particular reference to Germany--in which Shakespeare, or the idea of Shakespeare, was entangled in the struggle for new ideas and social structures. The subjects of this book include John Humphrey and the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the Nuremberg Trials and the foundation of West Germany; Noel Annan and the Berlin Elizabethan Festival; an American production of Hamlet in Elsinore; Laurence Olivier, David Selznick, and the Shakespeare film in post-war Hollywood; Graham Greene and The Third Man; and Carl Schmitt and Salvador de Madariaga on Hamlet in post-war Europe. In each of these case studies, Sheen discovers a Shakespeare for our time: engaged in contestations of territoriality in cultures of international law and human rights, theatre, film, and literature.

This book discusses Vietnam's relations with ASEAN in the period from the early 1970s to mid-1990s. It focuses on the evolution of Hanoi's view on ASEAN, from denial to integration in the organization. Further, it reveals the reasons behind Hanoi's decision to join ASEAN in 1995 in the context of the transformation of the overall Vietnam's foreign policy when the Cold War ended. Relaxation of the Cold War conditions allowed Hanoi to improve understanding of ASEAN that resulted in better Vietnam-ASEAN relations and subsequent Vietnam's membership in ASEAN. The author has had access to documents and interviewees that few other researchers can rival. And the richness of the empirical evidence of this book makes a significant contribution to the studies of Vietnam foreign relations in specific and Southeast Asian international relations in general.

Jonathan Marshall makes a provocative statement: it was not ideological or national security considerations that led the United States into war with Japan in 1941. Instead, he argues, it was a struggle for access to Southeast Asia's vast storehouse of commodities—rubber, oil, and tin—that drew the United States into the conflict. Boldly departing from conventional wisdom, Marshall reexamines the political landscape of the time and recreates the mounting tension and fear that gripped U.S. officials in the months before the war. Unusual in its extensive use of previously ignored documents and studies, this work records the dilemmas of the Roosevelt administration: it initially hoped to avoid conflict with Japan and, after many diplomatic overtures, it came to see war as inevitable. Marshall also explores the ways that international conflicts often stem from rivalries over land, food, energy, and industry. His insights into'resource war,'the competition for essential commodities, will shed new light on U.S. involvement in other conflicts—notably in Vietnam and the Persian Gulf. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1995.

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1992.

A History of the Manila Pact and the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) from its establishment in 1954 until its dissolution in 1977.The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) has received meagre scholarly attention in comparison to other key events and global developments during the duration of the Cold War, due to its perceived failure early in its existence. However, there has been a renewed interest in the academic study of the organization. Some scholars have argued that SEATO was not an outright failure. New literatures have also shed in detail the workings of SEATO, such as operational-level contingency plans and counter-insurgency plans. This book aims to reconstruct a comprehensive life cycle of SEATO using declassified archival documents which were unavailable to scholars studying the organization from the 1950s through the 1980s and provide a nuanced assessment of it. In addition, in recent years, there is also an emerging interest in the possibility of a multilateral military alliance in Asia, for instance the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue morphing into an'Asian NATO'. As such, it is therefore crucial to study how previous multilateral alliances in the context of Asia were formed, how they functioned, and subsequently dissolved.A groundbreaking reference on a key element of the United States'Cold War strategy in Asia, which will be a valuable resource to scholars of twentieth century diplomatic history.

With war on the horizon in the late 1930s, many Americans, still angry over the outcome of the Great War, determined not to get involved in another global conflict. Called isolationists or anti-interventionists, many of them, especially the America First Committee, focused their attention on the European war when it broke out in September 1939. Most were less interested in Japan's aggression in East Asia, which left an opening for another isolationist group, the Committee on Pacific Relations, which opposed war with Japan right up to the day of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. In this first full study of pro-Japan isolationists, Roger B. Jeans provides a detailed history of the committee, which was launched in September 1941, a scant ten weeks before the beginning of the war. Its driving force was Missourian Orland Kay “O. K.” Armstrong, who traveled widely during the late 1930s and early 1940s recruiting prominent Americans for his movement against war with Japan. He and his colleagues were often critical of US policies and of China, the victim of Japanese aggression. As a result, they were often ostracized as pro-Japanese. Jeans draws on previously untapped sources—the personal letters of committee members and the dossiers the FBI compiled on them—to paint a rich picture of this little-known group.

Concentrating on the rivalry between the formal and informal empires of Great Britain, Japan and the United States of America, this book examines how regional relations were negotiated in Asia and the Pacific during the interwar years. A range of international organizations including the League of Nations and the Institute of Pacific Relations, as well as internationally minded intellectuals in various countries, intersected with each other, forming a type of regional governance in the Asia-Pacific. This system transformed itself as post-war decolonization accelerated and the United States entered as a major power in the region. This was further reinforced by big foundations, including Carnegie, Rockefeller and Ford. This book sheds light on the circumstances leading to the collapse of formal empires in the Asia-Pacific alongside hitherto unknown aspects of the region's transnational history. A valuable resource for students and scholars of the twentieth century history of the Asia-Pacific region, and of twentieth century internationalism

In this absorbing account of the origins of the Asia-Pacific War, historian John Gripentrog argues that competing ideologies of world order—chiefly the rift between liberal internationalism and Pan-Asian regionalism—lay at the heart of the conflict. Drawing from a rich diversity of primary and secondary sources, the author also examines the Japanese government's vigorous cultural diplomacy in the U.S., which sought to win over American hearts and minds and soft-pedal its imperialist ambitions in Asia. The result is a book that both challenges and amplifies standard interpretations of US-Japan relations in the interwar era, while weaving diplomatic, political, intellectual, and cultural history. Moreover, the author's wide-angle lens offers readers insights into a fascinating assemblage of historical actors—from Japanese and American diplomats, politicians, and military leaders, to cosmopolitan art enthusiasts and major league baseball players.

By the early twentieth century, Chinese residents of the northern treaty-port city of Tianjin were dwelling in the world. Divided by nine foreign concessions, Tianjin was one of the world's most colonized and cosmopolitan cities. Residents could circle the globe in an afternoon, strolling from a Chinese courtyard house through a Japanese garden past a French Beaux-Arts bank to dine at a German café and fall asleep in a British garden city-style semi-attached brick house.Dwelling in the World considers family, house, and home in Tianjin to explore how tempos and structures of everyday life changed with the fall of the Qing Empire and the rise of a colonized city. Elizabeth LaCouture argues that the intimate ideas and practices of the modern home were more important in shaping the gender and status identities of Tianjin's urban elites than the new public ideology of the nation. Placing the Chinese home in a global context, she challenges Euro-American historical notions that the private sphere emerged from industrialization. She argues that concepts of individual property rights that emerged during the Republican era became foundational to state-society relations in early Communist housing reforms and in today's middle-class real estate boom.Drawing on diverse sources from municipal archives, women's magazines, and architectural field work to social surveys and colonial records, Dwelling in the World recasts Chinese social and cultural history, offering new perspectives on gender and class, colonialism and empire, visual and material culture, and technology and everyday life.

An in-depth investigation of selected aspects of Chinese history during the Nanking Decade, illuminating the forces that prevented the re-creation of national unity and vitality under Chiang Kai-sheck and the Kuomintang nationalists.

This work traced the career of a seminal figure in twentieth-century Chinese-American relations. John Leighton Stuart began his work in China as a missionary in 1904. He moved on to head Yenching University, the leading Christian institution of higher leaning in China. During the Pacific War, Stuart was imprisoned by the Japanese. When General George C. Marshall was sent to China by President Truman in 1945 to mediate peace between the Chinese Nationalists and the Chinese Communists, Marshall chose Stuart as Ambassador to help with that mediation and to look after American interests in China. Stuart was the last to hold that post before the Chiang Kai-shek government's move to Taiwan. Shaw's research among materials in English, Chinese, and Japanese has produced a richly detailed examination of each phase of Stuart's life. Shaw presents Stuart as a Wilsonian idealist whose combination of liberal, situational values and nationalistic vision put him square in the middle, unable fully to support a Nationalist-led China and positing instead a Nationalist-Communist coalition that would favor the Nationalists and open the door to American influence.

Bitterly contested memories of war, colonisation, and empire among Japan, China, and Korea have increasingly threatened regional order and security over the past three decades. In Sino-Japanese relations, identity, territory, and power pull together in a particularly lethal direction, generating dangerous tensions in both geopolitical and memory rivalries. Buzan and Goh explore a new approach to dealing with this history problem. First, they construct a more balanced and global view of China and Japan in modern world history. Second, building on this, they sketch out the possibilities for a 21st century great power bargain between them. Buzan puts Northeast Asia's history since 1840 into both a world historical and a systematic normative context, exposing the parochial nature of the China-Japan history debate in relation to what is a bigger shared story about their encounter with modernity and the West, within which their modern encounter with each other took place. Arguing that regional order will ultimately depend substantially on the relationship between these two East Asian great powers, Goh explores the conditions under which China and Japan have been able to reach strategic bargains in the course of their long historical relationship, and uses this to sketch out the main modes of agreement that might underpin a new contemporary great power bargain between them in a variety of future scenarios for the region. The frameworks adopted here consciously blend historical contextualisation, enduring concerns with wealth, power and interest, and the complex relationship between Northeast Asian states'evolving encounters with each other and with global international society.

Did the concept of Unconditional Surrender announced by President Roosevelt at the conclusion of the Casablanca conference in 1943 actually prolong the Second World War?No question about Allied policy and conduct of the war has produced more debate, more expression of emotional and political bias—and less dispassionate judgment based upon the facts. This has been so partly because we have not had access to all the facts. In spite of the remarkable coverage of the war given us at the time by our newspapers and our radio reporters and subsequently by historians, we have lacked detailed, authoritative documentation of the impact of Unconditional Surrender upon the people who experienced it at first hand—the Axis powers, their governments and their citizens.Here is a comprehensive and penetrating examination of this controversial policy from its inception as an idea to its utilization as a major Allied propaganda weapon and its imposition upon our enemies as the penalty for aggression and war.In particular, here is the story of what it was like to be part of the other side of the war, to experience developments as members of the German military establishment. Drawing upon hitherto unpublished diaries and letters and upon interviews with leading German generals and members of the anti-Nazi resistance movement, Anne Armstrong presents a vivid picture of the effect of wartime demands for unconditional surrender on those elements in the enemy camp which Allied policy could and should have influenced most decisively—those German leaders with the ability and inclination to terminate the war.

A bracing corrective to the myths that have shaped economic, military, and diplomatic policy, dispelling our oil-soaked fantasies of dependence. There is a conventional wisdom about oil—that the U.S. military presence in the Persian Gulf is what guarantees access to this strategic resource; that the'special'relationship with Saudi Arabia is necessary to stabilize an otherwise volatile market; and that these assumptions in turn provide Washington enormous leverage over Europe and Asia. Except, the conventional wisdom is wrong. Robert Vitalis debunks the myths to reveal'oilcraft,'a line of magical thinking closer to witchcraft than statecraft. Oil is a commodity like any other: bought, sold, and subject to market forces. Thus, the first goal of this book is to expose the suspect fears of oil scarcity and conflict. The second goal is to investigate the significant geopolitical impact of these false beliefs. In particular, Vitalis shows how we can reconsider the question of the U.S.–Saudi special relationship, which confuses and traps many into unnecessarily accepting what they imagine is a devil's bargain. The House of Saud does many things for U.S. investors, firms, and government agencies, but guaranteeing the flow of oil, making it cheap, or stabilizing the price isn't one of them. Freeing ourselves from the spell of oilcraft won't be easy—but the benefits make it essential.

This sweeping, international military history boldly reframes the Cold War as one of the three great conflicts of the twentieth century.The Cold War has long been viewed as a tense diplomatic standoff between global superpowers representing democracy and communism. Yet it fostered a series of deadly conflicts on battlegrounds across the postcolonial world. For half a century, as an uneasy accord hung over Europe, ferocious wars raged in the Cold War's killing fields, resulting in more than fourteen million dead—victims who remain largely forgotten and all but lost to history. A superb work of scholarship, The Cold War's Killing Fields is the first global military history of this conflict and the first full accounting of its devastating impact. More than previous armed conflicts, the wars of the post-1945 era ravaged civilians across vast stretches of territory, from Korea and Vietnam to Bangladesh and Afghanistan to Iraq and Lebanon. Chamberlin provides an understanding of this sweeping history from the ground up and offers a moving portrait of human suffering, capturing the voices of those who experienced the brutal warfare.Chamberlin explores in detail the numerous battles fought to prevent nuclear war, bolster the strategic hegemony of the United States and the USSR, and determine the fates of societies throughout the Third World.

This penetrating study of China's social and cultural contacts with the West, first published in 1979, analyses the early images that China and the West had of one another, and the illusions and misconceptions that arose from these images. The book centres on the question, why did China fail to become modernised through contact with the West before the 1930s? The author examines the roles played by the agents of change – emigrants, missionaries, traders, scholars and diplomats – and the political, economic, social and cultural developments which the transmission of their ideas set in motion. The book also looks at the ways in which change was frustrated by the rulers of the country, the leaders of the imperial government and later the warlords, politicians and followers of Chiang Kai-shek. Through the author's analysis of the complex factors involved, based on extensive original research into private archive material from all over the world, and his study of the influence of centuries of Chinese cultural tradition, China's slow path to modernisation is explained and illuminated.

In 1946, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights became the first international body empowered to promote global human rights. During its first twenty years, the Commission established most of the contemporary standards of human rights. Increased social awareness in the 1960s enabled the Commission to respond to specific complaints from individuals and nongovernmental organizations and to pressure offending governments by using various measures that ranged from exhortation and mediation to sanctions designed to isolate violators. These enforcement activities have increased the Commission's visibility and have dramatically transformed its operation. Dr. Tolley's thematic history of the Commission offers important insights into states'political conduct in international human rights organizations, the evolving legal and institutional means of preventing human rights violations, and the difficulties encountered when an intergovernmental body is pressed to provide impartial protection to citizens against abuse by their own government.

A visually rich, historically epic tale of cattle ranching in southern Alberta, focusing on multi-generational family-owned ranches that are still in existence today. In the 1880s, a group of fledgling cattle ranchers descended on the plains of southern Alberta. They were drawn by the promise of the West, where the grass seemed endless and they could ranch under the arch of the Chinook-the warm Pacific wind that swooped down the eastern slopes of the Rockies to melt the snow and clear the land for year-round grazing. They came with wild optimism, but their ambition was soon tempered by the brutal reality of a frontier land. Ranching under the Arch is a tale of survival, perseverance, and prosperity in the face of struggle, loss, and loneliness. Following over a dozen ranches still in operation that have roots dating to the late nineteenth century, historian D. Larraine Andrews recounts the culture that developed around this unique vocation. These ranches have endured as vibrant enterprises, sometimes into the fifth generation of the same family, sometimes with new faces and dreams to change the focus of the narrative. Drawing from historical archives, diaries, and personal accounts, and illustrated by informative maps, fascinating archival imagery, and stunning contemporary photography, Ranching under the Arch is an epic portrait of the'Cattle Kingdom'and its place in Alberta history.

The goal of this project is to locate the origins and development of modern thought in the United States and East Asia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. While a strong literature on post-war modernization exists, there is a gap in the pre-war origins and development of modern ideas. This book re-evaluates the influence of the United States on East Asia in the twentieth century and gives greater voice to East Asians in the construction of their own ideas of modernity.

In recent years, discussion of the colonial period in Korea has centered mostly on the degree of exploitation or development that took place domestically, while international aspects have been relatively neglected. Colonial discourse, such as characterization of Korea as a “hermit nation,” was promulgated around the world by Japan and haunts us today. The colonization of Korea also transformed Japan and has had long-term consequences for post–World War II Northeast Asia as a whole.Through sections that explore Japan's images of Korea, colonial Koreans'perceptions of foreign societies and foreign relations, and international perceptions of colonial Korea, the essays in this volume show the broad influence of Japanese colonialism not simply on the Korean peninsula, but on how the world understood Japan and how Japan understood itself. When initially incorporated into the Japanese empire, Korea seemed lost to Japan's designs, yet Korean resistance to colonial rule, along with later international fear of Japanese expansion, led the world to rethink the importance of Korea as a future sovereign nation.

Probably the most fundamental relationship in human history is that of the Market versus the Oikos (= the authoritarian ruled house, family, household or the State). Its main features and elements are analysed and newly defined as are its relations with town–country antagonisms or capitalism, nation, race, religion, and so on. Because it concerns a rather universal relationship, the definitions of the relevant elements are developed over time (from ancient Greeks to Nazi contexts) and place (in the West and the East, particularly China). Max Weber is chosen as our “sparring partner,” starting with his popular analysis of the relationship of capitalism and religion in the West and of Chinese society in the East

This book explores the problems present in Bengal villages specifically, which represent problems found within the rest of rural India, therefore the same measures with very little modification could be employed in the work of rural reconstruction and rural education in those parts. The author discusses issues related to the government, as well as the caste system, and the social and religious customs, which he has argued not only hampered the path to progress, but reduced the people further and further to misery and despair.

The aim of this book, first published in 1936, was to give a complete conspectus of Chinese education at the time. It succeeds in this, describing entirely a period when China had abandoned an age-old system of literary education in favour of one derived from the West. However, the sponsors of the change, while admitting that the immediate new models were Western in origin, were able to point out that their prototypes were, in fact, in ancient China.

This 11-volume set gathers together some key older titles on China's history. Encompassing China's political, economic, and cultural development, the books gathered here also deal with contacts with the West both ancient and modern.

Scholars and policy makers have traditionally viewed portions of the Indian Ocean and the Western Pacific as separate and discrete political, economic, and military regions. In recent years, however, a variety of economic, political, and military forces have made many within the academic community, as well as a growing number of national governmental leaders, change their perceptions and recognize that these maritime expanses are one zone of global interaction. Consequently, political, military, and economic developments in one maritime region increasingly have an impact elsewhere. Analyzing and assessing the contemporary maritime challenges in the Indian Ocean and the Western Pacific, this valuable study highlights the current prospects for peace and security in what is rapidly becoming recognized as an integrated and interactive political, military-strategic, and economic environment.This work will be of interest to researchers and policy makers involved in regional studies, as well as security studies, conflict resolution, military, and peace studies.

This volume examines crucial moments in the rhetoric of the Cold War, beginning with an exploration of American neutrality and the debate over entering World War II. Other topics include the long-distance debate carried on over international radio between Hitler and Franklin D. Roosevelt; understanding and interpreting World War II propaganda; domestic radio following the war and the use of Abraham Lincoln narratives as vehicles for American propaganda; the influence of foreign policy agents Dean Acheson, Paul Nitze, and George Kennan; and the rhetoric of former presidents John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan. Ultimately, this volume offers a broad-based look at the rhetoric framing the Cold War and in doing so offers insight into the political climate of today.

Rund 20.000 Juden, zumeist aus Deutschland und Österreich, flohen seit Mitte der 1930er Jahre vor nationalsozialistischer Verfolgung nach Shanghai, wo sie trotz zunehmender Bedrängung durch die japanischen Besatzungsbehörden einen sicheren Zufluchtsort fanden. Unter schwierigen Bedingungen versuchten die Neuankömmlinge in den folgenden Jahren ihr materielles Auskommen sowie ein kulturelles Gemeindeleben zu organisieren. Die im vorliegenden Band edierten 184 Quellen dokumentieren nicht nur diese Bemühungen, sondern auch die Unterstützung vonseiten lokaler jüdischer Hilfskomitees sowie anderer, zumeist jüdischer internationaler Hilfsorganisationen. Zudem werden die Reaktionen von Nazi-Behörden in Deutschland und ihren Shanghaier Vertretungen sowie von japanischer und chinesischer Seite auf die Ereignisse beleuchtet. Die Dokumente auf Deutsch, Englisch, Jiddisch, Hebräisch, Russisch und Chinesisch sind annotiert, teilweise übersetzt und von Einleitungen, Karten und Fotografien begleitet.Around 20,000 Jews, mostly from Germany and Austria, escaped Nazi persecution at the end of the 1930s and fled to Shanghai. In the face of generally difficult conditions and increasing harassment from the Japanese occupation authorities, they sought to both secure their material livelihood and organize their social and cultural life. The 184 sources in German, English, Russian, Hebrew, Yiddish and Chinese of this volume document these efforts, as well as the support work by local relief committees and other, mostly Jewish, international aid organizations. In addition, some describe the reactions of the Nazi authorities to their Shanghai escape, while others reflect Chinese attitudes to the events.

Traditional narratives of capitalist change often rely on the myth of the willful entrepreneur from the global North who transforms the economy and delivers modernity—for good or ill—to the rest of the world. With Cigarettes, Inc., Nan Enstad upends this story, revealing the myriad cross-cultural encounters that produced corporate life before World War II. In this startling account of innovation and expansion, Enstad uncovers a corporate network rooted in Jim Crow segregation that stretched between the United States and China and beyond. Cigarettes, Inc. teems with a global cast—from Egyptian, American, and Chinese entrepreneurs to a multiracial set of farmers, merchants, factory workers, marketers, and even baseball players, jazz musicians, and sex workers. Through their stories, Cigarettes, Inc. accounts for the cigarette's spectacular rise in popularity and in the process offers nothing less than a sweeping reinterpretation of corporate power itself.

Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg suchen Indien und China ihren Platz in der Welt. Die Ideale und Strukturen internationaler Kooperation und Organisation, von denen diese Jahre weltpolitisch stark geprägt sind, bieten den Rahmen für verschiedene und zum Teil konkurrierende Entwürfe eines postimperialen Asien. In grenzübergreifenden Kommunikationskanälen politischer, gesellschaftlicher, wissenschaftlicher und journalistischer Natur bildet sich eine anglophone Weltöffentlichkeit heraus, in der die Zukunft Indiens und Chinas als unabhängige Nationalstaaten auf Augenhöhe mit den westlichen Mächten verhandelt wird. Diese transnational angelegte Ideengeschichte untersucht die politischen, wirtschaftlichen und kulturellen Modernisierungs- und Weltordnungskonzepte, die in dieser Zeit des Wandels für Indien und China formuliert wurden.

Mutual Perceptions and Images in Japanese-German Relations, 1860–2010 examines the mutual images formed between Japan and Germany from the mid-nineteenth to twenty-first centuries, and the influence of these images on the development of bilateral relations. Unlike earlier research on Japanese-German relations, which focused on the similarity of these countries'historical trajectories, this publication presents a more nuanced picture. It relativizes perceptions of a special “spiritual relationship” between Japan and Germany as well as their commonalities of “national character” through an exploration of previously untapped historical visual and textual sources. With essays by sixteen leading scholars in the field, this collection is an invaluable contribution to the historiography of modern Japan and Germany, and to the field of international relations.Contributors are: Hans-Joachim Bieber, Fukuoka Mariko, Hakoishi Hiroshi, Iwasa Takurō, Katō Yōko, Kawakita Atsuko, Gerhard Krebs, Kudō Akira, Heinrich Menkhaus, Danny Orbach, Peter Pantzer, Sven Saaler, Satō Takumi, Volker Stanzel, Suzuki Naoko, Tajima Nobuo, Tano Daisuke, and Rolf-Harald Wippich.

What's the Point of International Relations casts a critical eye on what it is that we think we are doing when we study and teach international relations (IR). It brings together many of IR's leading thinkers to challenge conventional understandings of the discipline's origins, history, and composition. It sees IR as a discipline that has much to learn from others, which has not yet lived up to its ambitions or potential, and where much work remains to be done. At the same time, it finds much that is worth celebrating in the discipline's growing pluralism and views IR as a deeply political, critical, and normative pursuit. The volume is divided into five parts:• What is the point of IR?• The origins of a discipline• Policing the boundaries• Engaging the world• Imagining the futureAlthough each chapter alludes to and/or discusses central aspects of all of these components, each part is designed to capture the central thrust of the concerns of the contributors. Moving beyond western debate, orthodox perspectives, and uncritical histories this volume is essential reading for all scholars and advanced level students concerned with the history, development, and future of international relations.

Despite the U.S. and China's shared economic and political interests, distrust between the nations persists. How does the United States rhetorically navigate its relationship with China in the midst of continued distrust? This book pursues this question by rhetorically analyzing U.S. news and political discourse concerning the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, the 2010 U.S. midterm elections, the 2012 U.S. presidential election, and the 2014-2015 Chinese cyber espionage controversy. It finds that memory frames of China as the yellow peril and the red menace have combined to construct China as a threatening red peril. Red peril characterizations revive and revise yellow peril tropes of China as a moral, political, economic and military threat by imbuing them with anti-communist ideology. Tracing the origins, functions, and implications of the red peril, this study illustrates how historical representations of the Chinese threat continue to limit understanding of U.S.-Sino relations by keeping the nations'relationship mired in the past.

Erinnerungen Fritz Sterns Erinnerungen sind weise, entschieden im Urteil, subtil. Sie sind vor allem das Werk eines leidenschaftlichen Bürgers und Demokraten. Fünf Deutschland und ein Leben legt grandios Zeugnis ab von der Überzeugung, dass die Geschichte uns eine Lehrmeisterin sein kann für ein moralisches Leben als Bürger und als Mensch. Die'deutsche Frage'wirft ihren Schatten auf die moderne Welt: Wie war es möglich, dass eine so zivilisierte Nation für das schrecklichste Verbrechen des 20. Jahrhunderts verantwortlich wurde? In diesem Buch, einer einzigartigen Verbindung aus Erinnerung und Geschichtsschreibung, betrachtet der große Historiker und Friedenspreisträger Fritz Stern die Frage durch das Prisma seines eigenen Lebens. Er verwebt historische Meistererzählung, scharfsinnige Analysen und dramatische Episoden seiner Lebensgeschichte zu einem unvergesslichen Portrait jener fünf Deutschland, die er selbst miterlebt hat: Weimar, das'Dritte Reich', Bundesrepublik und DDR, das vereinigte Deutschland nach 1989. Seine Freundschaften mit deutschen Intellektuellen und Politikern haben ihm besonders tiefe Einblicke in die Grundlegung der liberalen Demokratie eröffnet. Doch Stern zeigt auch, dass die unruhige deutsche Geschichte politische Lektionen für die Bürger überall bereithält - vor allem für solche, die der Gefahr der Tyrannei entgegentreten wollen.'Ein weises und tief bewegendes Buch der Erinnerung, zugleich ein brillanter Führer durch Deutschland in den letzten 75 Jahren.'Louis Begley

The Allied occupation of Japan is remembered as the'good occupation.'An American-led coalition successfully turned a militaristic enemy into a stable and democratic ally. Of course, the story was more complicated, but the occupation did forge one of the most enduring relationships in the postwar world. Recent events, from the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan to protests over American bases in Japan to increasingly aggressive territorial disputes between Asian nations over islands in the Pacific, have brought attention back to the subject of the occupation of Japan.In Architects of Occupation, Dayna L. Barnes exposes the wartime origins of occupation policy and broader plans for postwar Japan. She considers the role of presidents, bureaucrats, think tanks, the media, and Congress in policymaking. Members of these elite groups came together in an informal policy network that shaped planning. Rather than relying solely on government reports and records to understand policymaking, Barnes also uses letters, memoirs, diaries, and manuscripts written by policymakers to trace the rise and spread of ideas across the policy network. The book contributes a new facet to the substantial literature on the occupation, serves as a case study in foreign policy analysis, and tells a surprising new story about World War II.

The Unfinished Revolution is a superb new biography of Sun Yat-sen, whose life, like the confusion of his time, is not easy to interpret. His political career was marked mostly by setbacks, yet he became a cult figure in China after his death. Today he is the only 20th-century Chinese leader to be widely revered on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. In contrast, many Western historians see little in his ideas or deeds to warrant such high esteem. This book presents the most balanced account of Sun to date, one that situates him within the historical events and intellectual climate of his time. Born in the shadow of the Opium War, the young Sun saw China repeatedly humiliated in clashes with foreign powers, resulting in the loss of territory and sovereignty. When his efforts to petition the decrepit Manchu court to institute reforms failed, Sun took to revolution. Sun traversed the globe to canvass support for his cause. A notable feature of the book is its coverage of the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and their contributions to his uprisings on the mainland, which set the stage for the overthrow of two millennia of imperial rule in 1911. But Sun's vision of China was not to be. Within a few years the republic was hijacked and plunged into chaos. This fascinating and immensely readable work illuminates the man and his achievements, his strengths and his weaknesses, revealing how he came to spearhead the revolution that would transform his country and yet, at his death in 1925 and still today, remain agonizingly unfinished.'I've read at least 30 or 40 biographies of Sun Yat Sen in my life, so I was intrigued to find out what Kayloe had to say that's new. I was fascinated. He really tells the story afresh. Through a lively series of chapters that capture different phases of Sun's life and career, Kayloe tries to understand and to convey to us what made this remarkable man tick. A very readable book... I strongly recommend it.'— Prof Wang Gungwu, Founding Chairman, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, and University Professor, National University of Singapore

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 is remembered by Americans as something like a bolt out of the blue, a sneak attack from an irrational enemy. The truth, however, is that the Japanese attack was preceded by six months of intense diplomatic negotiations between the Japanese and the Americans.In The Axis Alliance and Japanese-American Relations, historian Paul Schroeder reviews the course of these negotiations. Of particular interest to Schroeder is the role that Japan's Tripartite Pact with fascist Italy and Nazi Germany played in the negotiations.Schroeder shows that Japan, far from entering an alliance for world domination with Hitler, viewed the pact as an opportunity to secure its interests while avoiding a war with the U.S. and how, when the Pact became a liability in Japan's negotiations with America, the Japanese were quick to downplay their dedication to it and its importance in their policies. Schroeder also observes the other primary issues at stake in the negotiations—Japan's war with China and its expansionary intentions in the Pacific—and discusses how American diplomacy wasted many opportunities to not only avoid war in the Pacific, but secure concessions from Japan.This book, a scholarly reconsideration of American policy leading up to the war, is notable for its balance and accuracy and for its revisionist conclusions that are wholly supportable by the facts.

North America maintains the largest collection of archival materials relating to the Chinese Republican era (1911–1949) outside of China. Most of the archival materials are also unique, and the collections contain special materials supplementing historical records in China and Taiwan. In many cases, North America's holdings represent the best and only public access to the tumultuous Republican government and society of the first half of the twentieth century.An essential guide for researchers and students of Republican China, this volume, presented in both English and Chinese, covers personal papers, correspondences, memoirs, diaries, photographs, moving images, and other materials held at academic and research institutions across the United States and Canada. It includes concise descriptions of the people, organizations, and events connected to each entry and notes when certain collections are closely related and when materials are digitized for online access. The book corrects common errors associated with the library records of many archives and updates or completes information on the objects of these records. More than a straightforward itemization, this book adds significant depth to any research on the history and global import of China's modern development.

For all the attention paid to the Founder Fathers in contemporary American debates, it has almost been wholly forgotten how deeply they embraced an ambitious and intellectually profound valuation of foreign legal experience. Jedidiah Kroncke uses the Founders'serious engagement with, and often admiration for, Chinese law in the Revolutionary era to begin his history of how America lost this Founding commitment to legal cosmopolitanism and developed a contemporary legal culture both parochial in its resistance to engaging foreign legal experience and universalist in its messianic desire to export American law abroad. Kroncke reveals how the under-appreciated, but central role of Sino-American relations in this decline over two centuries, significantly reshaped in the early 20th century as American lawyer-missionaries helped inspire the first modern projects of American humanitarian internationalism through legal development. Often forgotten today after the rise of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, the Sino-American relationship in the early 20th century was a key crucible for articulating this vision as Americans first imagined waves of Americanization abroad in the wake of China's 1911 Republican revolution. Drawing in historical threads from religious, legal and foreign policy work, the book demonstrates how American comparative law ultimately became a marginalized practice in this process. The marginalization belies its central place in earlier eras of American political and legal reform. In doing so, the book reveals how the cosmopolitan dynamism so prevalent at the Founding is a lost virtue that today comprises a serious challenge to American legal culture and its capacity for legal innovation in the face of an increasingly competitive and multi-polar 21st century. Once again, America's relationship with China presents a critical opportunity to recapture this lost virtue and stimulate the searching cosmopolitanism that helped forge the original foundations of American democracy.

This book analyses two international incidents in the 1920s shocked Japan and changed the way in which the country looked at the West. In the Paris Peace Conference, Japanese proposed Racial Equality Bill was defeated. In 1924, the US passed the immigration law that singularly excluded Japanese from immigration. Little known today, the two incidents made significant impact on Japanese mind-set. Detailed study of the two incidents reveals how they contributed towards the drastic transformation of Japan, from the liberal thinking Taisho Democracy in the 1920s to the violent rise of ultra- nationalism in the 1930s. Departing from a purely academic style writing, the story develops around the life of Hanihara Masanao, Japanese diplomat, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs and ultimately the Ambassador to Washington during the fateful years of 1923-24. A unique pair of a Japanese Studies scholar in Australia and a leading investigative journalist in Japan undertook the work. Rigorous archivalsearch extended over Japan, the United States, Australia and Europe resulted in a significant amount of new materials never published in English before.

On May 23, 1957, US Army Sergeant Robert Reynolds was acquitted of murdering Chinese officer Liu Ziran in Taiwan. Reynolds did not deny shooting Liu but claimed self-defense and, like all members of US military assistance and advisory groups, was protected under diplomatic immunity. Reynolds's acquittal sparked a series of riots across Taiwan that became an international crisis for the Eisenhower administration and raised serious questions about the legal status of US military forces positioned around the world.In American Justice in Taiwan, author Stephen G. Craft provides the first comprehensive study of the causes and consequences of the Reynolds trial and the ensuing protests. After more than a century of what they perceived as unfair treaties imposed by Western nations, the Taiwanese regarded the special legal status of resident American personnel with extreme distrust. While Eisenhower and his advisers considered Taiwan to be a vital ally against Chinese communism, the US believed that the Taiwanese government had instigated the unrest in order to protest the verdict and demand legal jurisdiction over GIs. Regardless, the events that transpired in 1957 exposed the enormous difficulty of applying the US's Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ) across cultures.Employing meticulous research from both Western and Chinese archives, Craft demonstrates that the riots were only anti-American in that the Taiwanese rejected the UCMJ, the affording of diplomatic immunity to occupying US forces, and the military courts'interpretation of self-defense. His compelling study provides a new lens through which to examine US–Taiwan relations in the 1950s, US policy in Asia, and the incredibly charged and complex question of the legal status of US troops on foreign soil.

This volume seeks to capture the rich array of images that define Japan's encounters with the Pacific Ocean. Contemporary Japanese most readily associate'Pacific'with the devastating war that their country fought over a half century ago. The ensuing occupation realized a situation that this people had striven to avoid ever since the Portuguese first arrived in 1543 - their subjugation by a foreign power. But the Pacific Ocean also extended Japan's overseas contacts. From antiquity Japanese and their neighbours crossed it to trade ideas and products. From the mid-16th century it carried people from more distant lands, Europe and America, and thus expanded and diversified Japan's cultural and economic exchange networks. From the late 19th century it provided the highway to transport Japanese imperial expansion in Northeast Asia and later to encourage overseas migration into the Pacific and the Americas. The studies selected for inclusion in this volume, along with the introduction, explain how the Pacific Ocean thus nurtured images of both threat and opportunity to the island nation that it surrounds.

The Jewish communities of East and Southeast Asia display an impressive diversity. Jonathan Goldstein's book covers the period from 1750 and focuses on seven of the area's largest cities and trading emporia: Singapore, Manila, Taipei, Harbin, Shanghai, Rangoon, and Surabaya. The book isolates five factors which contributed to the formation of transnational, multiethnic, and multicultural identity: memory, colonialism, regional nationalism, socialism, and Zionism. It emphasizes those factors which preserved specifically Judaic aspects of identity.Drawing extensively on interviews conducted in all seven cities as well as governmental, institutional, commercial, and personal archives, censuses, and cemetery data, the book provides overviews of communal life and intimate portraits of leading individuals and families. Jews were engaged in everything from business and finance to revolutionary activity. Some collaborated with the Japanese while others confronted them on the battlefield. The book attempts to treat fully and fairly the wide spectrum of Jewish experience ranging from that of the ultra-Orthodox to the completely secular.