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The traditional narrative centers Roger Williams as a lone "hero" in the founding of Providence, but none of it would have been possible without his wife, Mary Williams. For years at a time, Mary was the head of the Williams family, and she played a central role in colony affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A British protectorate from 1891, Malawi became independent in 1964. Historians typically recognise the period from 1964 to at least the early 1990s as one in which Malawi was under the dictatorship of President Hastings Kamuzu Banda. Freedom of expression was virtually non-existent in public and human rights were violated as a norm. However, as a result of both external and internal pressure, Banda was compelled to call for a referendum in 1993 and an overwhelming majority voted for multi-party democracy. Later, in 1994, the country adopted a new Constitution, one that clearly separates the three branches of government and guarantees civil rights. The new Constitution notwithstanding, there remain many provisions in the statutes and the legal codes that can be, and are, used by the authorities to repress or punish expression and to abuse citizen's rights. Moreover, although the new Constitution clearly separates the three branches of government and ascribes to them their respective powers, several presidents have endeavoured to dominate the other two branches of government. Using an approach grounded in historical institutionalism, specifically the concept of path dependence, this article traces Malawi's current socio-political institutions all the way back to when the country was a British protectorate. In so doing, the article takes a somewhat sympathetic view of the Banda dictatorship, showing how the institutions established under British rule influenced how Banda governed. Critically, the article shows that elements of these institutions continue to have an impact on civil rights and governance in Malawi today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European colonialism catalyzed a proliferation of arguments linking national territories to allegedly distinctive forms of Islam. I consider "Tunisian Islam" under the French protectorate in Tunisia (1881–1956), a case that allows scholars not simply to track the formation of an orientalist discourse but to reveal the histories that the discourse has elided. This analysis has spatial and temporal parameters. First, the geographies of Muslim scholarship in colonial Tunisia exceeded both the national boundaries and the territory of the French empire. Above all, Muslim intellectuals in Tunisia under French rule pursued a multidirectional exchange with their colleagues in Egypt and the wider Middle East. This transnational context reveals the singular Tunisian Islam to be a specious construction. Second, colonial ideas about so-called Tunisian Islam were far from durable. Independence in 1956 led to a significant rupture as personal status legislation of the Tunisian Republic reconceived Tunisian Islam and created a new "invented tradition." Crucially, the Tunisian state fused national Islam with promotion of women's rights, a connection orientalists never made. Yet the regional circuits of intellectual life evident under the protectorate persisted after independence, raising questions about the tenability of the new version of national Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depuis des siècles, les fondations pieuses (habous) financent plusieurs services publics dans les villes marocaines ; elles sont administrées par des agents nommés par le sultan, y compris sous la période coloniale (1912–1956). Une partie des archives de leur gestion est conservée aux Archives du Maroc, institution nationale ouverte à Rabat en 2013. En examinant la structure et l'histoire du fonds du service de contrôle, la matérialisation de la surveillance coloniale dans la correspondance en arabe entre acteurs marocains, cet article montre l'artificialité de la distinction entre archives locales et coloniales et l'autonomie étendue des agents marocains, objets d'une attention lointaine des contrôleurs français. Les caractéristiques ce fonds, reliquat de séries plus vastes et inaccessibles, conduisent à une réflexion sur la structure des archives marocaines et la richesse des sources au Maroc pour nous renseigner sur la centralisation de la gestion des fondations pieuses, les relations entre les élites urbaines et le sultan, les innovations techniques introduites par les Français et la continuité des procédés administratifs du Makhzen chérifien. For centuries, pious endowments (habous) financed several public services in Moroccan cities; agents appointed by the sultan administered them even during the colonial period (1912–1956). Some of the records of their management are kept at the Archives du Maroc, a national institution opened in Rabat in 2013. By examining the structure and history of the control service's collection and the materialization of colonial surveillance in the correspondence in Arabic between Moroccan actors, this article shows the artificiality of the distinction between local and colonial archives and the extensive autonomy of Moroccan agents, dimly controlled by French officers. The characteristics of this collection, a remnant of larger and inaccessible series, lead to a reflection on the structure of Moroccan archives and the richness of sources in Morocco about the centralization of the management of pious endowments, the relations between urban elites and the sultan, the technical innovations introduced by the French, and the continuity of the administrative procedures of the Cherifian Makhzen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article expands the category of "reform" to encompass a key area of urban infrastructure in colonial Tunis—the housing for students at the Zaytūna Mosque-University. Focusing on the French protectorate in Tunisia (1881–1956), I use documents from the Tunisian National Archives to frame housing as an intra-Zaytūna matter from which French officials withdrew during the interwar period. The housing sector saw Zaytūna students mobilize against their own professors, including prominent reformist intellectuals, who used evictions and other disciplinary tactics to manage and police students. This social history clarifies the praxis of reform, a topic usually studied in terms of intellectual history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on French military officer and politician Hubert Lyautey intertwined with the institution of the protectorate for as long as possible and studied the letters created during the period and the writings published in the meantime.

Recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have reawakened interest as well as controversies over how Western militaries tried to engage, with varying degrees of success, with the 'Human Terrain'. These debates are far from new. This article explores the role played by a handful of Royal Air Force Intelligence Officers across the Aden Protectorates in the 1950s. Undoubtedly, they enjoyed notable success, not least in countering the immediate territorial avarice of Yemen and Saudi Arabia. But they remained agents of an empire in retreat, their effectiveness in harnessing a granular knowledge of the tribal landscape to the delivery of aerial violence being buffeted by an environment that they could not shape and over which, despite their best endeavours, Aden could exercise little control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prospect of controlling the electronic properties of materials via the vacuum fields of cavity electromagnetic resonators is emerging as one of the frontiers of condensed matter physics. We found that the enhancement of vacuum field fluctuations in subwavelength split-ring resonators strongly affects one of the most paradigmatic quantum protectorates, the quantum Hall electron transport in high-mobility two-dimensional electron gases. The observed breakdown of the topological protection of the integer quantum Hall effect is interpreted in terms of a long-range cavity-mediated electron hopping where the anti-resonant terms of the light-matter coupling Hamiltonian develop into a finite resistivity induced by the vacuum fluctuations. Our experimental platform can be used for any two-dimensional material and provides a route to manipulate electron phases in matter by means of vacuum-field engineering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines sexual relationships between European women and Moroccan men during the French protectorate in Morocco in the early twentieth century. These relationships were forbidden and often resulted in calls for expulsion as the women engaged in them were considered 'dangerous for public safety'. The Moroccan men faced no such consequences due to French racial attitudes. Many of the women engaged in these relationships were married to French men who were responsible for managing the French imperial presence, either in the military or as fonctionnaires. Through correspondence sent from these women to their lovers, held within governmental reports on eighty‐three individual cases, this paper examines attitudes towards these sexual relationships as well as the experience of those engaged in them. These relationships were considered to reverse the well‐established function of imperial power through male sexual domination of 'colonised' women. Many Moroccan men may have been drawn to such relationships for this reason. Additionally, highlighting the role of female sexual desire demonstrates how the gendered hierarchies within the relationships themselves threatened imperial racial hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the legal models and methods used by the Western powers to colonise the South Pacific. It first focuses on the informal empire in the last third of the nineteenth century and up to World War I. This is the period in which control is gained by the Western powers but responsibility averted since in most cases sovereignty over the territories concerned is not yet acquired. The legal models established for gaining control – culminating notably in the creation of colonial protectorates and only later annexation – were to some extent the same as those established elsewhere in the globe. But the legal methods used by the British (for whom the Empire had become an 'intolerable nuisance') and to a lesser extent the United States (ideologically averse to colonisation) in order to establish initial control, stand out because of the way that each projected their municipal laws; in the case of the British with the humanitarian purpose of ending human trafficking. The second focus of this article is on the more innovative regimes used to colonise the Pacific island territories in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, more specifically those involving joint governance. The condominium emerges as a model of choice to manage disputes between the powers and its use was principally to address their geo-strategic concerns both in the region and globally. Entrenching earlier trends, a tradition of joint governance would later continue into the twentieth century with remarkable similarities to what preceded it. This article serves as a reminder of the subtle and complex ways in which the law can be instrumentalised to give effect to colonisation. It is timely given the increasing concern today over foreign interference in the South Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the process through which the Ibadi Mzabi community in the Algerian desert "minoritized" itself during the colonial period, leading into the 1948 elections to represent the Mzab Valley on the newly created Algerian Assembly. This representation legally and effectively incorporated the Mzab into French Algeria and ended its special status as a French protectorate. Mzabi self-minoritization, Ghazal argues, was a process of performative differentiation based on a sectarian identity. It was initiated by the colonized and negotiated with the colonizer, emerging at the intersection of colonialism and the institutionalization of political representation in colonial Algeria. Ghazal defines this process as self-minoritization to attribute a proactive role for, and more agency to, the colonized in claiming a "minority" identity and negotiating a special status within the colonial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Eskişehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology is the property of Journal of Eskisehir Osmangazi University Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is a case study on popular Czech biographical novel Největší z Pierotů by František Kožík published in 1939. After a concise context overview and a brief characterization of the novel, the study focuses on how the novel was received by the critics and what promotional strategy its publisher adopted, showing what was and what was not considered literary value in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with the problems of the Protectorate psychological prose, its form and changes in the period 1939-1945. It first characterizes general tendencies and backgrounds, then discusses individual authors. It describes the top works of the period, i.e. the novels of Václav Řezáč and Jan Drda. It then describes a group of works that focus on exceptional characters, artists and doctors. Among the best known are Karel Schulz's The Stone and the Pain, and among the lesser known are the works of K. J. Beneš, Čestmír Jeřábek, Helena Dvořáková and others. Another section is devoted to specific works by younger authors such as Bohuslav Březovský, Vladimír Pazourek or Miroslav Hanuš. They are united by the figure of a young man suffering for love, loneliness and the search for the meaning of life. A large part of the Protectorate's prose consisted of works dealing with interpersonal relationships, especially marital and lover's relationships (Václav Řezáč, Jarmila Glazarová, František Kožík, Olga Barényiová). Interpersonal relationships on the background of small-town life were the subject of several novels by Jaroslav Havlíček, and the work of Vladimír Neff also stands out from contemporary production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of people of Indian origin in southern Africa has been dominated by the history of the large and influential populations of South Africa. The neglect of other parts of the region has meant that the particularities of Indian settlement and its relationship with the colonial governance and local populations, especially in the poorest and most marginal colonies, have in turn been neglected. I argue that the fact of the Bechuanaland Protectorate's late colonisation, strong chieftainships and lack of obvious resources meant that Indian settlers were more able to subvert colonial officials' attempts to duplicate the types of wholesale racial exclusion found in South Africa. The Protectorate's marginality meant that, unlike the more politically and diplomatically powerful dominions, they were unable to sidestep central ideological justifications for the broader imperial project itself – the protected status of subject peoples. Indian settlers were able to combine the fact of a small and relatively weak colonial authority with the threat of political embarrassment to subvert and undermine efforts at their exclusion. The conflict that ensued forged the small but influential and deeply embedded 'Batswana-Indian' community in Botswana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyses French literature on protectorates that was published in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Firstly, I examine French understanding of protectorates with a focus on contrasting views about whether or not a protectorate treaty warrants the intervention of the protector in the internal affairs of the protected. In doing so, I attempt to delineate specific ways legal scholarship engaged with the ideological construction of a supposedly uncivilized other. Then I move on to trace the development of a type of argument employed by the French to justify their colonialism that had to do with protectorate treaties. In the discussion, I explain the particular role the 'violation' argument played within French colonial discourse, both in the absence of the 'territorium nullius' argument, and in the face of critics of empire. Lastly, I place under scrutiny the relationship between the 'violation' argument and the distinction of two kinds of coercion – coercion of a state, and coercion of its representative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Egypt is one of the oldest countries in the world to attract tourists with its wonderful treasures that can be found constantly in the landscapes and rocks in the desert areas surrounding Cairo and the Nile Valle. Geotourism in developing countries is a sustainable natural tourism phenomenon that may contribute to the growth of the national tourism industry and may attract a segment of tourists increasingly interested in such tourism. In Egypt, the Greater Cairo area possesses excessively geodiversity and geotourism sites that represent a good percentage of all documented touristic sites. These geosites blend the old and modern characters together in a wonderful way. Unfortunately, some of these sites are quite forgotten. Therefore, they should be known and promoted by adding them to the tour guides and trips. The present study highlights nine geosites with high potential for sustainable development of the Greater Cairo area. The studied geosites include plateaus, springs, caves, protectorates, and the Egyptian Geological Museum. Thus, a variety of geosites reflects history, geomorphology, geology, and tectonics of the Greater Cairo area. The Value of a Site for Geotourism index was estimated via many field trips to assess the inherent value of individual geosites in the light of representativeness, rarity, scenic-esthetic, historical-archeological-cultural, and accessibility. Results revealed that seven sites reflect a high score index that represented their relevance for the proposed geotourism, while the score index of the other two sites is inadequate. Comprehensive development of the investigated geosites and future management strategies are vital for preserving such geosites and the rising geoconservation in the Greater Cairo area. The applied methods in the present study are applicable for the various geosites in Egypt and similar areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparativ: Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und Vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung is the property of Leipziger Universitaetsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to survey, analyse and evaluate the rôle of Greece and Cyprus vis-à-vis the security and geo-economic dimension of the Eastern Mediterranean through the lens of integration and regional strategic interests in the region. Despite the enlargement of NATO and the European Union, which have striven to integrate new countries into the Western community, the regional balance of interests has proven to be more unstable than predicted by the proponents of a Westernized and peaceful Eastern Mediterranean. Influenced by the strengthening rôle of Russia and Turkey, as well as by internal structural problems in the social, political and economic spheres, the Hellenic Republic and the Republic of Cyprus find themselves in a maelstrom of different and often conflicting regional interests, over which they have only minimal control. Developments are likely to have an impact on not only European integration, but on regional stability as a whole, since it can be argued that the old power structures of NATO and the EU are now having to contend with new regional factors. The article concludes with the observation that the situation in the region is confusing and volatile in diplomatic terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based upon an extensive revision of archival sources as well as of the Annual Reports (Memorias) of Chile’s Indian Protectorate (Protectorado de Indígenas), this paper proposes to study the mediators and socio-linguistic mediation practices employed by the institutions responsible for the settlement and relocation of the Mapuche people after their defeat under Chilean occupation forces (1894-1930). These institutions were the Protectorado –agency in charge of the legal defense of the Mapuche– and the Comisión de Radicación –which established the land to which a Mapuche family group could be entitled and drafted the entitlement (Título de Merced). The Protectorado had offices in five provinces south of the Biobío river (Arauco, Malleco, Cautín, Valdivia and Llanquihue), with a staff composed of interpreters, secretaries, engineers, assistants and the protectors themselves, usually lawyers. The Protectorado and the Comisión became the government’s judiciary agencies applying the Indian settlement laws and procedures to force the Mapuche population to live in a system akin to reservations (comunidades). They were thus the agencies closest to the indigenous needs and demands during this period. Three characters were key to socio-linguistic mediation required by these agencies: the formal interpreters, officially called “portero-intérprete” as they acted also as janitors, the informal “tinterillos” (pettifoggers) of Mapuche origin, and the “lenguaraces”, mediators of mixed origin, a version of the old frontier military interpreters. All of them had a role in the bureaucratic and judiciary processes administered by the State’s tutelary regime of occupation. We intend to show that the study of these institutions can shed some light into the practices of linguistic contact, translation, communication and mediation, bilingualism and the eventual imposition of Spanish as the dominant language during the difficult period in which the Mapuche society strove to preserve the rights to their lands confronting the Chilean and foreign colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1897, German imperial navy invaded Kiaochow Bay (in Chinese Pīnyīn known as Jiāozhōu). After signing a convention with Chinese imperial government, the territory was leased to imperial Germany for 99 years. German governors provided the territory with modern and efficient infrastructures and the protectorate became the highest expression of German national pride in Asia. However, the authorities also implemented a controversial social system, mainly based on segregation of the local population and pursued an economic project aiming to the exploitation of the natural resources of the territory. In November 1914, Kiaochow was occupied by Japanese forces and article 156 of the Treaty of Versailles confirmed the acquisition of the territory in favor of Japan. This essay examines the events related to the German occupation using primary sources written by diplomats and citizens who lived in the protectorate and highlights the consequences of that important experience for modern China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the colonial memories and contemporary narratives of the Moroccan city of Al-Hoceima in order to understand complex Riffian identity and its current dilemmas. The research of Spanishness, Amazighness, and Moroccaness feelings seen from a historical perspective allows us to identify people's choices from a local to a global scale, and makes the Spanish colonial imprints and the controversial effects of the Riffian's national identifications on the Alaoui state distinguishable. While comparing the Spanish and Riffian versions and experiences, a city populated basically by Spaniards is revealed. This occurred up until independence, when Al-Hoceima started to be profusely settled by Riffians, emerging as a centre for social and political claims thanks to the connection established between the Riffian and Amazigh identity. The approach explains why today some Riffian voices affirm they prefer Spaniards to Arabs, underlining that the Rif is not part of the Moroccan state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A post-Restoration dating of Marvell's poem The Garden and its Latin companion piece "Hortus" to around 1668 has been generally accepted in recent criticism, despite some counter-arguments from those who defend the traditional dating to Marvell's period at Nun Appleton (1650–2). None of these analyses, however, have attempted to date the Latin rather than the English poem. This article offers a new dating of "Hortus" to around 1654, during Marvell's time at Eton as tutor to John Dutton. The argument is based on a series of parallels and allusions to Latin poetry either dating from, or demonstrably particularly fashionable in, the period between 1646 and 1654, as well as close attention to the political resonance and contemporary understanding of the poem's classical sources. As such, it is also a case study in the dating of neo-Latin verse, of which many thousands of examples survive from seventeenth-century England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic development was a primary objective in the German New Guinea Protectorate (1884-1914). Although much of the Protectorate remained uncontrolled, Indigenous people found their lives and external relations transformed where trading posts and plantations were introduced. The small but coconut-rich Vitu Islands are exemplary. This paper discusses relations between Garove and Mundua Islanders and the trader Peter Hansen, from his arrival in 1888 to his departure in 1904. Ultimately, Hansen's personal behaviour prompted the islanders to oust him. However, by this time they had become enmeshed in a wider economy through village copra production and labour within and outside the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines mediator issues of the two in a year with the French and The old lady of Fouad Laroui's riad. Topics discussed include Franco-Moroccan allowing meetings between French and Moroccan individuals, colonialism under protectorate, postcolonialism in the 1960s and 1970s and neocolonialism in the era contemporary, and encounter with the other integration in the new world of the French, and adventure of the child.

This article excavates some of the classical foundations of early modern European thinking about empire. It shows that Renaissance humanists drew from Roman sources a conceptual apparatus with which they described the Florentine Republic's subjection of neighboring peoples in terms that avoided the idea of slavery. Of particular importance to the humanists' ideological project was their exploitation of the Roman concept of patronage. The article concludes with an account of the radical reappraisal that this patronal vision of empire underwent in Machiavelli's theory of the imperial republic, a theory with the concept of slavery at its heart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to metropolitan France where Third-Republic notions of laïcité governed marriage and informed the civil code, French officials in Protectorate-era Morocco (1912-1956) found themselves committed to upholding a confessional system that treated Jewish and Muslim communities as distinct legal, political and social entities. While French efforts to create separate legal jurisdictions for Jews and Muslims served to reify the existing social divisions in Morocco, intermarriage and conversion from one faith to another challenged existing legal and social boundaries at the most personal and intimate level. The primary focus of this study is a set of petitions dating from 1938 to 1955 made by Christians (and one Muslim) who sought to convert to Judaism. The responses made by French administrators—often wary of offending majority Muslim sensibilities—serve to underscore the inherent tensions within France’s confessional policy in Morocco. In contrast, independence introduced new anxiety for Jews concerned about assimilation and Jewish conversion to Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The territorial expansion of Bucharest and the increasing number of inhabitants were determined by the economic activities and by the definitive establishment of the capital of Wallachia here, in 1659. Moving the capital from Târgovište to Bucharest made the city "the biggest one in Europe under the Ottoman Empire". The 1830s were marked by the Russian protectorate, which played, among others, a major role in the reorganization of the administrative, political and legal life of the Principalities. The Organic Regulations were adopted in 1831 in Wallachia and one year later in Moldavia. They brought the Principalities into a common governing model, for the first time in their history. The key figure behind these regulations was the Russian general Pavel Kiseleff, in honour of whom, the garden in Northern Bucharest bears his name. The most important street in Bucharest was "Mogošoaia Bridge", which linked the two royal residences - "Mogošoaia Palace" (located outside the city) and "Curtea Veche" ("Old Princely Court"), located in downtown, in the current "Old Center". This was the best street in the town, being covered with trunks of wood, to avoid the mud. Today, Kiseleff is one of the most crowded roads in Bucharest: a large number of cars go here daily. It is open without any time restrictions, to any visitor. The noise of the cars and the smog did not affect so much the beauty of the Park, which has the same name with the Road. It reminds us of the 19th century garden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to explore and illustrate some “dynamics of transition” across some six decades of British protection of the Brunei Sultanate, 1906-1967, with particular reference to the interaction of traditional administration and the new system of governance of a Residency, especially in the part of Tutong district that was home to the Dusun/Bisaya ethnic minority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article publishes for the first time selections of the private correspondence (placing them in their historical context) of John G. T. Shipman (1939–2016), who took up his position as assistant adviser in the Eastern Aden Protectorate at the end of 1962 just as the first signs of political and social change were appearing in South Arabia. He served from this position in different parts of the Eastern Aden Protectorate until 1967. Shipman's correspondence allows for an unmediated appreciation of how people on the ground experienced the historical events at the time, including the British withdrawal in 1967, and highlights the extent of their own grasp of the goings-on when contrasted with the historical record. In this sense, the scope of this article is to allow the voice of one of the many British colonial officials to directly narrate their encounters during the last five years of British colonial rule over southern Arabia. The perceptive eye of a young political officer coupled with the ephemeral character of his handwritten correspondence, which providentially survived for more than five decades although it was never intended for publication, offers a fresh insight into the political and social life of the Eastern Aden Protectorate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article seeks to complicate our understanding of the relationship between the camera and colonial rule in Africa. Based on a case study of the Uganda Protectorate between the years 1908 and 1960, it argues that photography was in fact more deeply embedded within processes of imperial governance than we may have previously appreciated. It substantiates this claim by focusing not upon the more coercive practices of photography, or the more derogatory elements of certain kinds of photographic representation, but instead upon the political ‘work’ that photography did within this colonial society. It argues that photography here operated within a wider ecology of state-controlled media, which not only represented various ideal or model futures but actively encouraged African subjects to physically engage with them. As such, photography was a key technology of governmentality. The article will substantiate this argument with a particular focus on the Uganda Protectorate’s official Photographic Section, between the years 1947 and 1960. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1860 and 1911, a total of 152,641 Indian indentured workers arrived in the then British Colony of Natal. The first group of workers who returned home in 1871 complained of ill-treatment and abuse by employers and the Indian government refused to sanction further allotments of labourers until the Natal government investigated their complaints. The ensuing Coolie Commission of 1872 called for the appointment of a Protector of Indian Immigrants, as one of several recommendations. The Natal Government duly complied as the Colony was desperate for labour. Such officials were also appointed in other colonial contexts around this time. Instances of worker abuse, however, continued throughout the period of indenture in Natal, notwithstanding some observers' claim that the appointment of a Protector was a watershed moment for bonded labour. It appears that the vastness of the area under the Protector's jurisdiction and the enormous power of planters made it difficult for Protectors to balance the needs of workers and employers. But workers found creative ways to use the office of the Protector to resist the system; and, on occasion, the abuse was so great that the Protector was forced to intervene publicly to safeguard the rights of workers and the integrity of his office. In focusing on the Protector, this article makes a contribution to the emerging literature on empire that focuses on connections and networks across colonies and the agency and actions of ordinary people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aboriginal Protectorates operated in the late 1830s and 1840s in the Port Phillip District of New South Wales (later to become the colony of Victoria) in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines a small selection of the extensive archive of Port Phillip and New Zealand Protectorates to illustrate the ways that language and communication work within colonial projects to support and extend colonial authority. Examining language acquisition by Protectors, it places attitudes to and use of Indigenous languages within the context of colonialism in each site, arguing that Indigenous voices in New Zealand were co-opted, and in Port Phillip were marginalised, in the service of divergent approaches to dispossessing Indigenous peoples from their land. The article also explores glimpses of Māori or Aboriginal experiences of humanitarianism, colonisation, and dispossession captured in this archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the office of the Fiscal in Berbice (later British Guiana) between 1819 and 1834--a period encompassing amelioration and emancipation. It looks in particular at the lives and concerns of enslaved women as revealed in an extraordinary set of slave testimonies collected as part of the Fiscal's duties. It outlines the peculiar nature of the Office of the Fiscal and how it allowed enslaved women a voice to complain about aspects of their treatment under slavery in a particularly harsh slave regime. It connects this office also to a developing ideology of "protection" to be extended to non-whites in the British Empire in the second and third decades of the nineteenth century. Using the concept of "moral economy" as developed many years ago by E.P. Thompson to analyse early nineteenthcentury British working class culture and as extended by Emilia Viotta Da Costa to Demerara and Berbice, it suggests that enslaved women had clear expectations of what could be rightfully expected of them and what were unjust demands within a slave system designed to keep enslaved women in their place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the guest editors' introduction to a special volume of Pacific Historical Review entitled "Protection: Global Genealogies, Local Practices." Guest editors Christina Twomey and Katherine Ellinghaus argue that the global discourse of protection had a strong presence beyond British humanitarian circles and a longer chronological and larger geographical reach than historians have previously noted. Articles in the special volume include Christina Twomey's examination of protection as a concept with its origins in European, rather than British, colonialism, Trevor Burnard's study of the Protectors of slaves in Berbice in the early to mid-nineteenth century, Goolam Vahed's analysis of the Protectors appointed to lobby on behalf of immigrant Indian indentured labourers in late nineteenth century Natal, Rachel Standfield's investigation of the use of language in Protectorates in Australia and New Zealand in the 1840s, Amanda Nettelbeck's exploration of the concept of Aboriginal vagrancy in Australia in the 1840s, and Katherine Ellinghaus's comparison of the discourse of protection in policies of exemption and competency utlised in Oklahoma and New South Wales in the 1940s and 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Protectorate ended in Tunisia, ethnography, a discipline disowned by local academics for being too primitive to analyse the fast-changing nature of the country, was recuperated in the mid-1960s by theCentre d’Arts et Traditions Populaires(CATP), the governmental body in charge of managing vernacular culture. Within the Centre, ethnography was used by researchers to serve the developmentarist paradigms supported by the Bourguiba government at the time. But this was not all. In a period which bore the stigma of colonialism and extreme modernisation, ethnography also assumed an important role of self-objectification and introspection. Its ambiguous status, as an emancipating tool developed in the colonising West, led to important interrogations within the CATP itself that echoed larger debates regarding the status of the social sciences in the postcolonial Arab World. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A press photograph taken at the 1922 National Colonial Exposition in Marseille captures Hubert Lyautey, resident general of the French Protectorate of Morocco from 1912 to 1925, departing from his own Moroccan-style imperial tent, pitched in the courtyard of the French protectorate’s pavilion. While it is tempting to understand this image as rather generic colonial propaganda built upon a visual language of Orientalizing tropes, this study argues that Lyautey’s appropriation of elite Moroccan tensile architecture indicates the early French protectorate regime’s larger strategy of exhibiting cultural authority in the service of political legitimacy in colonial Morocco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1950s onwards, at the height of the process of Afro-Asian decolonization, Portugal underwent various international pressures due to its colonial policy. Historically marked by its economic weakness, the country had implemented a dependent colonialist model based on the opening of its overseas domains to the international capital. In addition, the strategic interests of the United States and NATO within the context of the Cold War resulted in a deflation of the pressures against Portuguese colonialism by the great powers. Hence, despite the isolationist policy implemented by the Salazar regime and the condemnation of colonialism by international public opinion, the economic and financial interests of the great powers, as well the political and strategic constraints of the international conjuncture, granted the survival to the Portuguese Colonial Empire until the mid-1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]