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This paper offers novel insights on articlelessness in noun phrases in Dutch and German headlines. Modified noun phrases that lack a determiner in headlines exhibit adjectival agreement that cannot be explained if one assumes an article that is phonologically null or that has been PF-deleted. We describe the pattern, consider different analytical options and eventually conclude that the interpretation, distribution as well as the observed adjectival agreement characteristic of articlelessness noun phrases calls for an account in which the article is never projected to begin with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the reason why aggressively non-D-linked items such as wh-the-hell (WTH) are allowed in swiping, but not in sluicing. Investigating the potential syntactic, semantic and prosodic licensors of WTH in sluicing and swiping in the British English variety, we conclude that syntactic or semantic constraints cannot be the source of the difference. Instead, we propose a novel prosodic account in which the WTH must satisfy the prosodic licensing condition that it cannot bear nuclear accent. We show that this is satisfied in swiping, but not in sluicing contexts. On the basis of the novel findings of an acceptability rating study of swiping, which reveal that both 'given' and 'new' prepositions are equally acceptable for British English speakers, we argue that the preposition is accentuated in this elliptical construction because it is structurally the deepest element. The licensing condition on WTHs in sluicing and swiping is therefore not mediated directly by the conditions on ellipsis, but by the particular prosodic distribution that a WTH happens to have in sluicing and swiping. We extend the account to similar constructions in Dutch. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we study the interaction between ellipsis and inflectional morphology and put forward a generalization about ellipsis blocking the application of some morphological operations. Working in the Distributed Morphology framework, we will demonstrate this generalization in the realm of NP ellipsis. We will show that NP ellipsis can lead to stranded affix filter violations, and that there are various strategies languages can resort to in order to resolve problems of convergence that stranded affixes cause at the PF interface. The resolution of the stranded affix filter configuration is responsible for the well-known observation that heads preceding NP ellipsis sites need to show overt inflection in languages that inflect these heads (Lobeck 1995). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the clausal ellipsis in English and Hungarian and provides a approach called the Syntactic Question approach (SQA). Topics include the SQA to standard fragments and English reprise fragments in anisomorphic elliptic copular clauses; and deriving the adposition-stranding and island-sensitivity generalizations with a range of data patterns, including fixed diathesis effects, sprouting-type fragments, in permitted mismatches.