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This study sought to identify Iranian preschool children's (N = 318) knowledge of genital and non-genital body parts. Assessment consisted of children naming selected external body parts in drawings of same-sex counterparts. Results indicated that almost all children knew the correct terms for their non-genital body parts, but few knew the correct terminology for their genitals. Many used slang terms and some appeared embarrassed or reluctant to reply (girls were more likely than boys not to respond). No statistically significant difference between the sex of children in knowledge of correct names of all genitals emerged. Boys knew the correct name of their genitalia (penis) significantly more than girls. Results indicated children are learning the names of their body parts but not their genitals, perhaps indicative of a lack of sexual health education that may be representative of the conservative culture in Iran. It is critical for young children to learn about their genitals as this knowledge provides the foundation for subsequent sex education and facilitates discussion about bodily safety to prevent sexual abuse. When children learn these names, it can facilitate disclosure of abuse and can assist those working with young children in medical settings, child protection and legal arenas.

This study sought to identify Iranian preschool children's (N = 318) knowledge of genital and non-genital body parts. Assessment consisted of children naming selected external body parts in drawings of same-sex counterparts. Results indicated that almost all children knew the correct terms for their non-genital body parts, but few knew the correct terminology for their genitals. Many used slang terms and some appeared embarrassed or reluctant to reply (girls were more likely than boys not to respond). No statistically significant difference between the sex of children in knowledge of correct names of all genitals emerged. Boys knew the correct name of their genitalia (penis) significantly more than girls. Results indicated children are learning the names of their body parts but not their genitals, perhaps indicative of a lack of sexual health education that may be representative of the conservative culture in Iran. It is critical for young children to learn about their genitals as this knowledge provides the foundation for subsequent sex education and facilitates discussion about bodily safety to prevent sexual abuse. When children learn these names, it can facilitate disclosure of abuse and can assist those working with young children in medical settings, child protection and legal arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The university entrance exam or Konkoor is a determining event for the Iranian adolescents and their families. It is considered as the most important opportunity for adolescents for creating their ideal futures. Hence, regarding the importance of this exam and its accompanying pressures during the critical and stressful adolescence period, this study describes adolescents' perspective about what make them worried about the university entrance exam. Methods: This study is based on responses of 500 high school female students to an open-ended question completed in their class. In total 482 adolescents wrote down their answers. Using quantitative content analysis, these statements were analyzed. Results: The findings showed that three categories including "individual" category (87.90%) with three subcategories; Konkoor's outcome, readiness for Konkoor, self-blame, and "family" category (7.12%) with three subcategories; consequences of failure, family expectations, family conflicts, and "religious- socioeconomic" category (4.98%) with three subcategories; religion, financial status, educational policies as the main adolescents concern sources about the university entrance exam. Conclusion: Considering the high concerns of female adolescents about the university entrance exam and the pressures that they receive from their families, society, and even themselves, modifying the educational policies, applying some measures to promote knowledge, and gaining required skills to deal with different aspects of such concerns are necessary for adolescents and their parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background In recent years, high-risk sexual behaviors due to their negative consequences both for the individual and society have received more attention than other high-risk behaviors. Objective The aim of this study was to review the influencing factors of high-risk sexual behaviors among young people from an ecological point of view. Methods This review was conducted through searching databases including PubMed, Web of Science, Scopus, Google Scholar and the Cochrane Library with keywords such as sexual risk-taking behavior, high-risk sex, unprotected sex and unsafe sex. The relevant papers published between 1995 and 2016 were extracted. After reviewing the abstract and full text of the articles, 45 papers were used to write this article. Results From an ecological theory approach, factors which influence high-risk sexual behaviors are divided into three categories - the microsystem, the mesosystem and the macrosystem. The microsystem includes factors such as age, gender, race, marital status, place of residence, religion, level of education, personality traits, psychological problems, childhood experiences, body image and coincidence of high-risk behaviors; the mesosystem includes factors such as family structure, peers and sex education; in the macrosystem, the impact of culture and traditions of the society, economic status and the media are presented. Conclusion Given that high-risk sexual behaviors often have multiple causes, it seems that health policymakers must consider multi-dimensional interventions to influence high-risk sexual behaviors based on the ecological approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared.