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In this article, I present a theory of domestic support for foreign aid in the United States, focusing on the role played by American development firms or aid awardees in domestic politics. US Agency for International Development (USAID) delivers foreign aid to recipient countries through contracts with private for-profit development firms and non-profit organizations, most of which originate from America. This article argues that these domestic firms promote domestic support for foreign aid by creating distributional effects and disseminating information through lobbying. This information includes not only the significance of foreign aid but also its distributive benefits to legislators' districts. Analyzing district-level USAID award data and firm-level lobby data from the 111th to the 115th Congress, I found that the district-level allocation of aid awards is positively associated with the frequency of (co)sponsorship for pro-foreign aid bills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an editorial overview of the complexities of lobbying in various political contexts, highlighting the differences in lobbying strategies across different governmental levels and systems. Topics include how lobbying practices vary between different countries and political systems, the adaptation of lobbying strategies over time, and the impact of targeting multiple branches and levels of government.

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is also implemented in agriculture, where larger agricultural holdings have a higher influence. We focused on them and situated our study to a country with a large average farm acreage - the Czech Republic. The aim of the paper is to assess to what extent large agricultural holdings perceive socially responsible behaviour as being important and how it is manifested in their relationship to the stakeholders and the behaviour in economic, social and environmental areas using Carroll's pyramid and concept of 3 'P'. It is also examined if the higher perception of CSR influences the assets. Firms were grouped according to the perceived CSR by a cluster analysis. The highest economic responsibility in cluster 1 corresponded to the relatively high value of the assets, but the highest was in cluster 2 and 3 with important legal and ethical responsibilities. Cluster 4 had the lowest CSR, the same as the value of the assets, but further investigation is needed. The most important stakeholders were the owners and employees, but also the range of activities was provided for the locals. CSR and the importance of the stakeholders in large Czech agricultural holdings were highly perceived, especially on an economic level and in the social area.

AbstractAcademic physicians are responsible for the education of medical students, residents, and other practicing physicians through clinical rotations lectures, seminars, research, and conferences. Therefore, the increasing need to recruit academic physicians holds immense value within the healthcare system. Academic Medicine Interest Group (AMIG) is a collective made up of students who share an interest in the growth and advancement of academic medicine. We present a guide and model on establishing an AMIG. We found that AMIG fostered professional growth by providing leadership, research, and teaching opportunities. Strategic planning, effective leadership, and group organization were all necessary for the success of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In February 2024, the South Korean government released a policy proposal for healthcare reform, with one of the main pillars being increased medical school admissions. This policy has sparked intense opposition from the physicians' top association. Most importantly, interns and residents--the bedrock of the medical workforce in Korean hospitals--began to leave en masse. Consequently, a medical crisis emerged, in which many medical and surgical procedures were delayed. Current Concepts: According to studies on comparative health policy and systems, the crisis could be attributed to the unique characteristics of the Korean healthcare system, in which the administration and doctors have failed to establish a substantive dialogue through which policy options are examined and deliberated. These dynamics necessitated the establishment of an institutional space for interest group politics, causing both to suffer from a lack of action repertoires. The stalemate we witness reflects the enduring patterns of the same issue. Discussion and Conclusion: To ensure the success of the current initiative, institutional arrangements must be established in which policymakers and physicians make a credible commitment to each other. Alternatives, for instance, include reactivating and regularizing the Health and Medical Services Policy Deliberation Committee, which could pave the way for establishing a venue where key stakeholders can discuss future agendas, such as how to ensure improved accessibility to "essential" care and mitigate its subnational variation, thereby creating a long-term vision for new health system governance in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is also implemented in agriculture, where larger agricultural holdings have a higher influence. We focused on them and situated our study to a country with a large average farm acreage -- the Czech Republic. The aim of the paper is to assess to what extent large agricultural holdings perceive socially responsible behaviour as being important and how it is manifested in their relationship to the stakeholders and the behaviour in economic, social and environmental areas using Carroll's pyramid and concept of 3 'P'. It is also examined if the higher perception of CSR influences the assets. Firms were grouped according to the perceived CSR by a cluster analysis. The highest economic responsibility in cluster 1 corresponded to the relatively high value of the assets, but the highest was in cluster 2 and 3 with important legal and ethical responsibilities. Cluster 4 had the lowest CSR, the same as the value of the assets, but further investigation is needed. The most important stakeholders were the owners and employees, but also the range of activities was provided for the locals. CSR and the importance of the stakeholders in large Czech agricultural holdings were highly perceived, especially on an economic level and in the social area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a theoretical perspective for the comparative analysis of the advocacy behavior of political parties and interest groups in legislative policy-making. It conceptualizes the policy-centered and group-centered statements of political actors as policy frames and constituency frames, respectively. In order to gauge the analytical leverage provided by policy and constituency frames, I will theorize the extent to which political parties and interest groups rely on these two types of frames respectively. The empirical relevance of both types of frames is assessed in two cases of legislative policy-making in Germany. Drawing on parliamentary debates, position papers presented in committee hearings, and press statements released by interest groups, I show, amongst others, that constituency frames play a significant role in these actors' advocacy. While the use of policy and constituency frames varies between radical and moderate parties, there are hardly any differences in their use between parties and interest groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Political communication is an area of maximum relevance in the construction of spaces for public discussion and is a basis for organisations in the direction of communication strategies and their techniques for an adequate interaction between organisations and their publics (Almansa-Martínez and Fernández-Souto, 2020; Castillo-Esparcia et al., 2020). Lobbying is a form of communication that seeks to influence the decision-making processes of public institutions on issues of interest to organisations (Castillo-Esparcia, 2011). Methodology: In this sense, the proposal aims to find out how lobbies are treated in the Spanish press. To this end, a quantitative methodology is carried out by means of a content analysis that will allow us to know the number of news items and the typology most included in the main generic Spanish newspapers such as ABC, El País, El Mundo, and two specialised newspapers such as Cinco Días and Expansión, in the last six years, from 2017-2022. Results: It can be established that it is the generalist newspapers that generate the most publications on lobbying. Discussion: Based on previous studies (Castillo-Esparcia et al., 2017), the presence of lobbies in the media continues to be evident and constant, as has been observed in the field study carried out. Conclusions: Lobbies use the media as a tool to exert indirect influence on public policy decisions, forcing policy makers to listen to the majority opinion of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of apartheid, coinciding with a negotiated settlement between political role players in the process of establishing the new South African political dispensation after 1994, is still widely regarded as a remarkable achievement. However, this process did not take place in a vacuum; other role players outside the political environment played a pertinent role in changing mindsets within the Afrikaner establishment, thereby ensuring a climate within which political reforms could take place. One of these role players was the Afrikaner-Broederbond (AB). The study highlights the role of this organisation from a historic perspective and is based on a systems-analytical model. Since its establishment, the Afrikaner-Broederbond has been part of the political arena at various junctures. Initially established as a cultural organisation representing Afrikaner interests, it increasingly functioned as an Afrikaner think-tank for the National Party and, after the 1948 election, also for the National Party in government. By the 1980s and early 1990s, the organisation was, in fact, an integral part of the South African political system. A political system is defined as the interaction through which values are authoritatively allocated to a community. Sometimes the demands on a system are of such a nature that they threaten the stability of the system, which was certainly the case in the 1980s. When it became evident in 1985 that the National Party's reform process was stagnating, the Afrikaner-Broederbond took the lead in influencing the Afrikaner mindset, thereby creating an environment within which the nature and extent of reform could gain momentum. During this period various policy documents were circulated. One of the more important, if not the most important, being the Afrikaner-Broederbond's contribution titled Basiese Staatkundige Voorwaardes vir die Voortbestaan van die Afrikaner / Basic Political Conditions for the Continued Survival of the Afrikaner, which was distributed to branches in November 1986. This document undoubtedly signalled a division in ways of thinking about the political direction. With this, the Rubicon was crossed. The Afrikaner-Broederbond perceived a formal role for itself in the political processes that constituted the journey towards a negotiated settlement. However, this role, as pointed out in the study, did not materialise, and the Afrikaner-Broederbond was in fact marginalised by the National Party and excluded from the settlement as well as the processes preceding it. For the purposes of this study, the Afrikaner-Broederbond's formal participation, which started in 1986, finally came to an end with its support of the 1992 referendum. This support was conditional, however, and the research shows that there were expectations from businesses as well as from significant segments of especially Afrikaans voters involving a follow-up referendum with a view to testing the white population's support for, and opinion of, a new constitutional dispensation resulting from the negotiated settlement. The research findings also indicate that the Afrikaner-Broederbond simply helped to create a more conducive climate for the Afrikaner establishment to dispose with apartheid by means of comprehensive political proposals. These proposals and preceding interactions with the ANC also helped to create a more encompassing political climate within which a negotiated settlement could be achieved. However, the Afrikaner-Broederbond, while helping to develop proposals to ensure certain conditions pertaining to the Afrikaner, was not itself officially involved in the negotiations and therefore had to depend on the National Party to represent Afrikaner interests. The research points out that some of the conditions for safeguarding specific Afrikaner interests, as proposed in 1986, were also abandoned during the negotiations. For a long time, there had been a particularly close relationship between the National Party and the Afrikaner-Broederbond. During the critical period of negotiations, the National Party, however, preferred to take sole responsibility for the negotiation process, refraining from officially involving expert role players from the Afrikaner establishment, or interest groups such as the Afrikaner-Broederbond. The respective leaderships of the AB and the political parties that represented mostly Afrikaner sentiments (including the NP), apparently in the end had come to prioritise different values and principles in their respective attempts to protect and promote Afrikaner interests as perceived by them. For the purposes of this study, access to internal documents, including minutes and other discussion documents, as well as interviews with role players both within and outside the organisation at the time, resulted in valuable insights and perspectives about such issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective is to reveal the added educational value for the performance of specialist nursing professionals by areas. Qualitative descriptive exploratory approach and phenomenological-hermeneutic approach. Ten nurse leaders and 10 relatives of patients cared for by specialist nurses participated. The results obtained show that 3 categories and 24 subcategories arose in total from the point of view of the leading nurses and the relatives of the patients attended. Performance attributes of nurse specialists and subcategories of nurse leaders: Precision, competence, respect and teamwork. Family member subcategories: Continuous evaluation of problems and risks, opportunity in interventions and control of devices, health education and emotional support. Substantive elements present in the performance of nursing professional specialists and subcategories of nursing leaders: scientific knowledge, leadership, empathy, responsibility and care planning. Family Member Subcategories: Dedication, Empathy, Responsibility, Inspiring Trust, and Emotional Support. Revealing the educational added value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the knowledge of interest groups' political power. It examines how interest groups shape political debates and decision-making, and what strategies are most successful to this end, through an in-depth case study analysis of the Norwegian transposition of the revised EU policy on public procurement. The case is unique as it illustrates a policy process that changed direction at the eleventh hour, embodies an ideational fight between different views of a good society, and—surprisingly—concludes in favour of non-profit interests. Based on hearing statements, media items, transcripts from the final parliamentary debate on the matter, and interviews with leaders of interest groups, the article demonstrates that the ability to coordinate action and frame and control the public and political debate was a vital power resource for non-profit interests, who did so using a broad range of both direct and indirect strategies. The political ideas advanced through these two strategies were nearly identical; however, the indirect strategy was more personified and strongly emphasised normative conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The postbellum rise of voluntary, federated associations set the stage for modern pressure politics in the American states, yet the connection between associations and lobbying in this era is grossly understudied. Relying on associations' own records and a new dataset of state lobbyists, we explore this relationship more deeply, documenting how federated associations gained membership, created political agendas, and lobbied state legislators for reform. To understand better the processes linking group strength with direct lobbying, we present descriptive case studies of the Grange (agriculture), the “Big Four” railroad brotherhoods (skilled labor), and the American Bankers' Association (finance). Our findings reveal how group strength, measured by association membership or local organizing, was not always related to the choice to lobby legislatures directly. These findings suggest pathways for future research comparing Progressive Era associations to one another, as well as showing how their actions parallel those of modern pressure groups. This analysis also paves the way for a more robust temporal understanding of lobbying in the American states.

The American politics literature on representation focuses on voters and elected officials, but a growing group of political scientists are arguing that more should be done to study interest groups. Yet there already is a large literature on interest groups, and it has struggled to show evidence of interest group influence. I argue here that the interest group lit-erature’s near-exclusive focus on the federal government has hindered its progress: basic questions have gone unasked, important interest groups have gone underappreciated, and the amount of influence has been underestimated. By studying US subnational policy making, scholars would discover different constellations of interest groups, and they would find that the variation in subnational governments allows for empirical designs that are better able to detect interest group influence when it exists. The payoffs of a subnational focus would be substantial—both for our understanding of interest groups and for the study of political representation.

Do lobbyists always advocate for the interests of the members or clients employing them, or, under competing pressures, do they sometimes take positions on bills reflecting the interests of lawmakers or other lobbyists? Do they, in fact, lobby strategically by making choices that balance competing pressures in pursuit of goals like furthering their careers? Most lobbying research assumes that interest groups and lobbyists are the same, but I argue that the interests of lobbyists may be different from those they represent, which I test with a model of strategic lobbying using data on positions lobbyists took on bills in Congress from 2006 to 2017 made available by MapLight. I find that lobbyists sometimes do take positions at odds with member interests under pressure from legislators, other lobbyists, and the president, though some groups can constrain their lobbyists. I conclude by speculating on what this means for lobbying as a form of representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article announces the winners of the 2021 Donald A. Pegg Student Leadership Award from the American College of Lifestyle Medicine, which includes students Caitlin Magee of Rocky Vista University College of Osteopathic Medicine, Simal Ali of Touro College of Osteopathic Medicine and Brent Gawey of Emory School of Medicine.

An important aspect of the interaction of the subjects of legal relations is the process of making a management decision on the possibility of partnership. This makes it necessary to assess the economic reliability of a participant in the relationship, both a potential partner and within the framework of the interaction that took place. The purpose of the article is to show a variety of approaches when analysing the organisation economic reliability. The approach proposed to assessing the organisation reliability from the point of view of the goals of different interest groups of the organisation business environment has been illustrated. The object of the study is the concept of the organisation economic reliability. The subject of the study is the differences between the goals (markers) of different interest groups in assessing the organisation economic reliability. The methodological and theoretical basis of the research is general and private scientific approaches to studying the essence of the definition and methods of assessing the organisation economic reliability. The article is based on the system approach methodology. During the study the methods of comparative analysis, the method of expert assessments, normative and logical methods were used. In addition, CyberLeninka, eLibrary.Ru, Scopus, Web of Science, and Google Scholar were used as academic citation database. To ensure the accuracy of the literature review process, all publications were studied independently by the authors. The article reveals the dependence of the assessment and the form of presentation of the results of the assessment of the organisation economic reliability on the group of users in whose interests it is carried out.

This article analyses whether European political parties were responsive to the policy preferences of citizens and economic elites over immigration during the migration crisis. To do so, it derives hypotheses from the scholarly literature on party responsiveness and tests them on survey data collected in 2016 and 2017 from among voters, political parties, and economic elites in 10 different EU member states. Contrary to the widespread belief about the crisis of contemporary representative democracies, the article shows that political parties’ positions on immigration changed consistently with changes in public opinion. On the contrary, the article finds no significant relation between the positions of economic elites and those of political parties. These empirical results are particularly relevant for the study of democratic representation, as they challenge the widespread assumption about the crisis of contemporary representative democracies.

The COVID-19 pandemic has placed tremendous strain on medical education and prevented multiple in-person activities like specialty interest group meetings. Specialty interest groups are important resources for students interested in competitive fields like otolaryngology where they may find mentoring, research opportunities, and teaching sessions. To allow continued meetings despite COVID-19, the Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center otolaryngology interest group transitioned to virtual meetings and added student-led didactic sessions. Most students who participated found the virtual didactic sessions helpful and appreciated the opportunity to practice presenting cases. Students were able to network with residents and faculty members, resulting in 60% of participants finding involvement in research projects. Virtual meetings allowed the participation of students from multiple institutions. Participants agreed that the networking, teaching, and research opportunities presented by the virtual sessions made them better applicants for otolaryngology residency. This study provides a framework for transitioning specialty interest group meetings to a virtual platform while adding student-led didactic sessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reuse of biosolids in agriculture and its inclusion within the circular economy model requires evaluating and analyzing factors that intervene in its management. The objective of the study was to analyze those factors that influence the management and use of biosolids. Fifty-three actors were questioned, and their answers were analyzed using two prospective methods and Social Network Analysis (SNA) identifying between 14 and 19 variables. Six should be prioritized due to their criticality and potential in management and reuse scenarios. It was observed that the formulation of objectives, such as the improvement of infrastructure, creation of an institutional policy, and the establishment of definitions for the kinds of biosolids, are opposed by internal agents. Seven key actors and four to six determining agents were identified in the scenarios. The network of management and use of biosolids in agriculture presented low density (0.28) and the exclusive action of three key actors. Consequently, the participation of a greater number of better-connected actors is required to project networks with a higher density (between 0.49 and 0.57), facilitating the diffusion of information and the inclusion of new actors not previously contemplated. The application of prospective and SNA methodologies focused on biosolids allows the prioritization of determinants, the evaluation of the level of involvement and communication between actors, and other aspects that have not been considered previously in the management of WWTPs in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the researchers in American politics and public policy focus on the Presidency, Congress, and Judiciary as the main institutions in the U.S. and consider the relations and interactions among them. However, the relationship between these main institutions affected by interest groups which can be seen in the process of decision making and their contribution to the public sphere. In an attempt to consider the role of interest groups, this paper's main concern is to study the influence of interest groups on the public sphere in general, and particularly, the role of religious interest groups in the process of decision making for Muslim communities. The paper's assumption is that the mosque and other religious institutions in the U.S. have multifaceted roles to mobilize Muslims and push them for sociopolitical participation and on the other hand; they can affect legislative and executive branches in their process of decision making. I will review the literature of interest groups, religious organizations, and policy-making models to explain the process of decision making and the factors that affect these procedures. Then I consider the effect of these Muslim institutions on the process of decision making in the U.S. and explain the relationship between these interest groups and policymakers in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we discuss selected aspects of organisation: organisation as an instrument for achieving objectives, and organisation as an interest group, as well as defining the organisation as a process. Based on a literature review we have summarised the findings of different authors and presented what defines the organisation from the aforementioned aspects. The structure of the article follows the AIMRAD methodology: abstract, introduction, methodology, research and analysis, and discussion (Cargill and O’Connor 2009). The literature study research method was used. Findings are presented descriptively and in tabular form with a discussion and comments. Findings of this research are useful for the general, professional public, for the management of different organisations and for researchers from the fields of organisation and management, because selected aspects of organisations are intertwined, and their understanding is related to the basic management activities of each organisation such as planning, organising, leading and supervising and thus related decision-making.

In this article, we discuss selected aspects of organisation: organisation as an instrument for achieving objectives, and organisation as an interest group, as well as defining the organisation as a process. Based on a literature review we have summarised the findings of different authors and presented what defines the organisation fromthe aforementioned aspects. The structure of the article follows the aimrad methodology: abstract, introduction, methodology, research and analysis, and discussion (Cargill andO'Connor 2009). The literature study research method was used. Findings are presented descriptively and in tabular form with a discussion and comments. Findings of this research are useful for the general, professional public, for the management of different organisations and for researchers from the fields of organisation and management, because selected aspects of organisations are intertwined, and their understanding is related to the basicmanagement activities of each organisation such as planning, organising, leading and supervising and thus related decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Otolaryngology is a small and highly sought-after surgical subspecialty with sparse residency positions, making it competitive to match into. Allopathic (MD) students without home otolaryngology residency programs, osteopathic (DO) medical students, and underrepresented minorities have historically faced additional challenges in matching into otolaryngology. These specific populations generally experience limited opportunities in establishing mentors, engaging in scholarly activity, and gaining early exposure to clinical settings. Even though the American Osteopathic Association and the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education merger was in part established to create equity among applicants, there remains a substantial disparity among the match rates of medical students of various educational and cultural backgrounds. The National Otolaryngology Interest Group is a student-led interest group created to provide all medical students, especially those facing barriers, with the resources needed to best prepare for matching into an otolaryngology residency program and ultimately a career in otolaryngology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the lobbying practices and influence processes carried out by different special interest groups in Morocco. It tries to trace the outline of an activity shrouded in mystery, which is growing significantly and making constantly the headlines of Moroccan newspapers that criticize the primacy of the private interest of pressure groups, qualified as “lobbies” and “shadow’s influencers”, on the general interest. While highlighting the characteristics and salient features of the lobbying activities and influence practices carried out by the various interest and influence groups in Morocco, this paper defines a conceptual framework on the potential and major targets of lobbying on Moroccan territory. The mapping of institutional stakeholders targeted by the lobbying activities highlights the multiplicity of public entities concerned by lobbying practices and the diversity of strategies of influence that can be exercised on the legislative power, the executive power and the judiciary at the national, regional and local level. The paper presents also a vision for the development of a transparent, ethical, responsible and accountable lobbying system in Morocco, within the framework of a coherent and integrated national strategy. This forward-looking strategic vision is based particularly on the institutionalization and moralization of influencing practices carried out by special interest groups, the professionalization of the lobbying practices according to international standards, the demystification of lobbying as a practice of representing particular interests as well as taking into account digital and territorial lobbying practices.

The formation and active promotion of different economic, social, and other positions and interests accompany the formation of civil society and the development of democratic institutions. Differences in the focus of interests and competition in defending these interests inevitably lead to such a phenomenon as lobbying. This article explores the theoretical aspects of lobbying, its essence, and its particularities.

Involvement in a Dermatology Interest Group (DIG) allows students to learn about dermatology, partake in service projects, get involved in research, and ask questions about the application process for residency programs. In this article, we review the activities and member involvement of DIGs from 11 medical schools. To our knowledge, this is the first descriptive analysis of DIGs across the United States. This comparison of DIGs is not only potentially helpful for medical schools interested in establishing a DIG, but it also offers insight into how previously established DIGs could improve and have a greater impact both in individual medical schools and in the community at-large.

Scholars have recently shown renewed interest in the study of party‐interest group ties. According to previous studies, traditional ties between parties and organized interest are a matter of the past. Globalization, deindustrialization, and neoliberalism have posed serious challenges to their survival. Recent contributions suggest that, while these ties are indeed weaker than before, they have not disappeared. How do parties and groups protect their ties? This paper attempts to provide a partial, though often neglected, answer: their relationship survives when both actors work together to protect it. While previous literature identified regulatory policies, such as ethics and transparency regulations, as detrimental to party‐group ties, their introduction is erroneously treated as independent from these ties. Through a comparative case study of the introduction of lobbying laws in Austria, Australia, and Ireland, this paper suggests that parties and groups shape the content of lobbying regulations in such a way to protect their relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The divergent of actors within communicaton forum influence the changing of institution’s characters and escalate the interest contestation. The objective of this study is elucidating the dynamic relations and interaction among actors under the authoritative organization in Tuban district. This article employed qualitative method which uses literatures, documentations, observations, and in-dept interviews. The latest method relies on eleven central informants that represent company, country, and society who have relation with CSR Communication Forum in Tuban. Th result shows that the main actor who initiate the emergence of CSR Communication Forum is country, thus affect the nature of institution which more instructive (top-down) and state-centric. The local government is dominating the forum and other actors use the local regulation to produce dependency of company to country. In addition, shifting of power from regulation based to interest based create institution dilemma, institution disorientation and competition of resources among actors. Although using CSR governance, the political dynamics and institution development have not achieved its optimum result.

Background: Plastic surgery interest groups (PSIGs) provide an invaluable opportunity to enhance medical students' exposure to and knowledge of plastic surgery. Despite this, there have been no studies that provide information on the formation of these groups as well as the aspects that make for a productive PSIG. Methods: An anonymous survey was distributed by email via RedCAP to US medical students who hold leadership positions within their medical school's PSIG. Participants were asked baseline medical school information, the structure of their interest group, and perspectives on the most impactful and challenging components of their interest group. Results: Sixteen members (27.6%) of PSIG leadership completed the survey. Eighty percent reported having a membership of greater than 20 students. Fifty percent of the PSIGs were led by advisors who were medical school or hospital-affiliated faculty. Sixty-nine percent of groups were allocated a predetermined amount of money to fund activities and events throughout the academic year. Based on member feedback, groups reported that interactions with plastic surgery faculty, mentorship opportunities, and research opportunities were the most impactful and beneficial components of their PSIG. Forty-four percent reported that the biggest challenge faced by their PSIG was having a small active member group, followed by a lack of funding. Conclusion: Our study provides an in-depth look at the current structure and impact of PSIGs in the United States. It also provides a framework for medical schools that wish to start a PSIG and suggestions for established groups who wish to revitalize their PSIG structure., Competing Interests: The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article., (© 2022 The Author(s).)

The political reforms that have been going on since the 1990s have drastically changed the face of politics in Japan. The most significant of these reforms was the change of government, which brought an end, albeit only once, to the long-standing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) regime. These changes were expected to change the power structure by altering the contact of interest groups with political elites. I examine this issue based on a longitudinal survey conducted in four rounds between 1997 and 2017. The results show a robust structure of interest group politics, although the features were weakening. That is, contacts with the LDP and the bureaucracy were sources of political influence for interest groups. The impact of the two party system and its setbacks are seen in the change in contact with the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). However, The DPJ did not function as a source of interest representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Radiology Interest Groups (RIGs) are valuable for medical students and the radiology profession. The purpose of this study is to identify key components of a successful RIG and to discuss how to optimize available resources to increase student engagement in radiology. Methods: Anonymous feedback forms (n = 478) completed by preclinical medical students attending 20 RIG events between September 2016 and May 2019 were analyzed. A five-point Likert-type scale was used to determine event effectiveness, and important themes reflecting student perspectives were identified using thematic analysis of freeform comments. Results: Based on Likert feedback, 75% to 78% of students had a positive experience of RIG events and believed sessions were relevant to their studies. 31% to 42% of students believed these events increased their interest or insight into radiology and influenced their career choice. Four representative themes were identified by qualitative analysis of written feedback: engagement, professional development, mentorship, and suggestions for improvement. These themes provided insight into student perspectives of our RIG, and, along with experience from the RIG organizers, the authors present elements perceived to have contributed to these positive results. Conclusion: Thematic analysis of feedback reveals that students consider interactive events, contribution to professional development, and the opportunity for mentorship valuable elements of a RIG. From the perspective of the organizing committee, we embody these aspects through careful planning, innovative events, and consistent debriefing. In this way, our RIG promotes the future of the radiology profession and serves as a practical model for other similar organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agencies consult extensively with stakeholders such as industry associations, nongovernmental organizations, and trade unions. One rationale for consultations is that these improve procedural legitimacy and lead to greater acceptance of regulatory outcomes by citizens and the regulated industry. While this presumption of a positive relation between stakeholder consultations and the legitimacy of agencies is widespread, research analyzing this relationship remains scarce. Using a survey experiment, we examine the effect of open and closed consultations on the acceptance of procedures and regulatory outcomes in the field of environmental politics. The results demonstrate that consultation arrangements positively affect the acceptance of decision‐making procedures, especially when regulators grant access to different types of stakeholders. However, although the consultation arrangement itself does not directly affect acceptance of the regulatory outcome, procedural legitimacy matters, as it increases decision acceptance among individuals who are negatively disposed toward government regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we discuss selected aspects of organisation: organisation as an instrument for achieving objectives, and organisation as an interest group, as well as defining the organisation as a process. Based on a literature review we have summarised the findings of different authors and presented what defines the organisation fromthe aforementioned aspects. The structure of the article follows the aimrad methodology: abstract, introduction, methodology, research and analysis, and discussion (Cargill andO'Connor 2009). The literature study research method was used. Findings are presented descriptively and in tabular form with a discussion and comments. Findings of this research are useful for the general, professional public, for the management of different organisations and for researchers from the fields of organisation and management, because selected aspects of organisations are intertwined, and their understanding is related to the basicmanagement activities of each organisation such as planning, organising, leading and supervising and thus related decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have used varying terminology for describing non-state entities seeking to influence public policy or work with the EU's institutions. This paper argues that the use of this terminology is not and should not be random, as different 'frames' come with different normative visions about the role(s) of these entities in EU democracy. A novel bibliometric analysis of 780 academic publications between 1992 and 2020 reveals that three frames stand out: The interest group frame, the NGO frame, as well as the civil society organisation frame; a number of publications also use multiple frames. This article reveals the specific democratic visions contained in these frames, including a pluralist view for interest groups; a governance view for NGOs as 'third sector' organisations, and participatory and deliberative democracy contributions for civil society organisations. The use of these frames has dynamically changed over time, with 'interest groups' on the rise. The results demonstrate the shifting focus of studies on non-state actors in the EU and consolidation within the sub-field; the original visions of European policy-makers emerging from the 2001 White Paper on governance may only partially come true. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]