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Just outrageous things - like the fact that they used all those FBI documents in the hearing against Oppenheimer, but denied Oppenheimer's lawyer any access to them, saying that they were still classified. But because Oppenheimer let several months go by before reporting the conversation to US intelligence authorities, it became a key issue nearly a decade later, in subsequent hearings about Oppenheimer's trustworthiness. I mean, you know, it was a feeler, and Oppenheimer said: "No." End of story. B Bird: b But the security people were concerned about the fact that Oppenheimer didn't volunteer this information for three months. Chevalier thought that Oppenheimer should know what happened; Oppenheimer cut him off. [Extracted from the article]

This study delves into how the Chinese intellectual community of the early 20th century interpreted scientific ideas, specifically the “theory of evolution” and “theory of relativity.” The conservative publication, The Eastern Miscellany, underwent a transformation during the May Fourth Movement, embracing concepts like “Mutual aid: A factor of evolution” and the theory of relativity in the 1920s. Editors and writers used these scientific concepts to counter radical intellectuals, reshaping cultural and ideological perspectives in journal texts. This reinterpretation aimed to not only adopt modern values but also challenge the dogmatism of scientific discourses in China’s political and cultural context. Scholars associated the mutual help hypothesis with evolutionary studies, aligning it with cultural diversity and opposing centralized political structures. The relativistic theory, connected to anarchism and coexistence within civilization, offered an alternative discourse to radicalism, rejecting a singular modern value system. Their goal was to establish a discourse community reflecting their rationality and principles while restoring traditional values in Eastern civilization. This paper considers this as evidence of how they struggled to maintain conservative legitimacy during the political system’s modern transition and aims to elucidate it through textual analysis of contemporary magazines. Furthermore, the paper aims to remind us once again of the dangers of scientism, which are often overlooked when compared to the absolute nature of science that is still recognized today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with the introduction of the “neo-colonial division system” as a core problematic, which both historically and geographically inscribes subalternity in South Korea. Then it explains the subalternity in Taiwan, Chen Yingzhen’s literary practice as an intellectual movement, and the significance of referencing Taiwan to South Korea. With this it revisits the setbacks of the South Korean intellectual movements in the 1980s and explores a new starting point for the intellectual movements in South Korea. Within this framework of reference, the thesis on people’s literature proposed by Park Hyun-chae in the 1980s is re-evaluated. Although Park Hyun-chae was deeply restricted by the asymmetry of knowledge within the neo-colonial anti-communist system, as one of the few surviving left-wing intellectuals, he insisted on loving the people and consistently reflected on the ethical issue of intellectuals. However, he was unable to escape the constraints of the intellectual asymmetry in knowledge and the pitfall of the absence of reference points within the Cold War/division system. Thus, rereading Park Hyun-chae illuminates the starting point, method, and direction of restarting the intellectual movements in South Korea, that is, “people, region, and culture.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the subject of drifting (hyōryū) at sea and its relationship with modernity in mid-twentieth century Japanese intellectual discourse. During this period, castaway stories and the figure of the castaway or drifter (hyōryūsha) drew the attention of key Japanese intellectuals as an important subject in the formation of the modern world and society. This article focuses on the discourses of three radical and progressive Japanese intellectuals influential in the mid-twentieth century, namely Fukumoto Kazuo (1894–1983), Tsurumi Shunsuke (1922–2015), and Hanada Kiyoteru (1909–1974), whose works engage extensively with the subject of those adrift at sea. While paying attention to the different methodological perspectives of the three intellectuals, this article argues that their discussions of the drift addressed a shared interest in a re-examination of modernity. By addressing the ways in which the sinuous passage of the drift inspired a critical examination of modernity, this article helps expand the discussion of modernity in Japanese intellectual history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a transnational and microhistorical approach, this article seeks to interpret the Brazilian Emperor Dom Pedro II’s 1876 visit to Boston, Massachusetts, with a focus on the June 10 dinner between Dom Pedro II, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and other famous literary guests. Personal and cultural factors created a bridge between the Brazilian monarch and the New England intellectual elite that resulted in a series of transnational intellectual encounters during the Emperor’s 1876 trip. The friendship between Dom Pedro II and Longfellow serves as a microcosm of the increasing cultural impact of American literature on the elite stratum of Brazilian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dialogue (diálogos) is a fundamental concept in the existential foundations of philosophy, and metaphysics, from Aristotle to the present day, has been the fundamental form and very essence of philosophy. The first forms of dialogue can be traced back to ancient Greek tragedy, which portrays fateful events. In these tragedies, the chorus and actors engage in a dialogue that goes beyond everyday conversation. It serves to represent and understand these fateful events, involving both the posing of a thesis (statement) and its antithesis (opposition) in ancient Greek terms. This logical and linguistic structure finds its foundation in the concept of logos, which for Heraclitus extends beyond mere speech or words. The foundations of philosophical dialogue lie partly in ancient tragedy and partly in Heraclitus' concept of the struggle of opposites. Dialogue is a form of communication aimed at overcoming misunderstandings. It is distinct in its origin, foundation, and multifaceted development from both discussion and dispute. Particularly in the context of contemporary communication, it is valuable to revisit some of the elements and characteristics that differentiate these terms. From a historical perspective, philosophical dialogues are not always unambiguous or unified in form. Therefore, it is important to re-emphasize the core thread and crucial significance of philosophical dialogue, which has persisted for millennia and embodies the "eternal return" to humanity's metaphysical quest for truth and meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass persuasion is crucial to politics, and sophisticated leaders utilize political persuasion to influence citizens' attitudes and emotions, alter their behaviors, and solicit regime support. In recent decades, a variety of actors have engaged in mass persuasion on China's internet. Using online ethnography and archival research, this study examines a newly emerged but less studied group—pro-regime intellectuals and their online mass persuasion strategies. First, we find that pro-regime intellectuals act as outspoken critics of the West to promote China-centric theories by utilizing their academic knowledge and reasoning. Meanwhile, given their close government connections, they stand as intermediaries between the state and society to channel public discontent and articulate public policy. Furthermore, they proactively adapt to cyberculture by interacting and cultivating close bonds with netizens, as well as by collaborating with platforms to attract public attention. By deciphering this set of mass persuasion strategies, this article contributes to our understanding of how pro-regime intellectuals' digital mass persuasion helps maintain the state's discursive hegemony, which facilitates regime resilience in the era of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates how and why students, graduates, and educators of the Tōyō Eiwa Jogakkō girls' mission school network developed a transnational community in 1920s and 1930s Japan. It reveals the methods through which Japanese and Western women and girls created links to the wider world across nations and empires to build connections and knowledge in a turbulent and nationalistic time. Using a transnational approach to examine the activities of actors generally not viewed as engaging in internationalism reveals networking and ideas that did not necessarily align with period social and intellectual trends and state ideology, and in fact sought to address and temper these and build the world they envisioned. Thus, this networking widens our understanding of women's internationalism by looking beyond diplomacy and prominent intellectuals to illuminate adult women and girls' engagement with, and mobility into, the wider world across borders in 1920s and 1930s Japan and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Amitav Ghosh's The Living Mountain: A Fable of Our Times (2022) is an allegorical rendering of the repercussions of environmental degradation and the annihilation of indigenous ecological knowledge. As one of the notable public intellectuals of contemporary times, Ghosh in The Living Mountain deliberates on the ramifications of the discourses of colonialism and the Anthropocene, and depicts how those have been complicit in asserting a hegemonic Western episteme that has corroborated capitalist extraction and ecological commodification. This article examines Ghosh's The Living Mountain as highlighting the layered operation of colonial capitalism in disrupting ecological systems and marginalizing indigenous epistemologies. The article brings to the foreground that such capitalist subjugation becomes instrumental in unleashing "testimonial injustice" on indigenous knowledge systems, culminating in horrendous forms of epistemicide and ecocide. To counter such a pervasive objectification, Ghosh calls through this narrative for a "decolonial turn" that is attendant on "epistemic disobedience" and repudiates the dominant meaning-formations. This article finally argues that Ghosh elucidates the necessity of a collective epistemic responsibility that would discard the hegemonic capitalist perceptions of nature and ecology and celebrate their primacy and organic existence. It is only through the recuperation of indigenous knowledge and an epistemic re-centering that escalating environmental disasters can be checked and new forms of sustainable planetarity and planetary solidarities can be accomplished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores pre-modern Chinese intellectuals' identity construction through the choice of self-referring forms in their letters home. Based on a case study of Hu Shih's letters home, it categorizes the self-referring forms he used and self-identities he constructed, and further investigates the underlying sociocultural factors. It shows that Hu Shih employed four categories of self-referring forms, namely first-person pronouns, kinship terms, names, nicknames, and pen names, and appositive expressions. With these forms of self-reference, he constructed himself as a kin member, an independent person, and a scholar. Hu's construction of the first self-identity might have been influenced by the traditional family ethics and ideology prevalent within Chinese social structure, whereas that of the other two could be ascribed to the emerging social changes at the historical turning point, and scholarly principles. The study provides a new perspective for understanding traditional Chinese intellectuals' letters home in the pre-modern society of China. • Traditional Chinese intellectuals constructed varied self-identities in their letters home. • They employed various self-referring forms for self identity construction. • Their identity construction had communicative and sociocultural underpinnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a summary of a conference organized by ISSEI and the Berlin Center for Intellectual Diaspora that took place in Berlin in July 2023. The conference focused on the crisis of democratic institutions in Europe and the search for solutions. The article includes seven articles based on papers presented at the conference, covering topics such as the role of intellectuals in public debates, the history of Zionism, the life of Czechoslovak public intellectual Antonín J. Liehm, the disappointment with European integration in Romania, transcultural theater productions, the capacity of human brains to absorb information, and the history of Western liberalism. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of good public debate. [Extracted from the article]

Antonín J. Liehm (1924–2020) was a prominent Czechoslovak journalist and cultural critic, who played a significant role in the cultural liberalization during the 1960s as editor of the literary magazine Literární noviny. Following the Soviet invasion of 1968, Liehm went into exile and joined the struggle to liberate his homeland. He was a major contributor to the exile magazine Listy, established in Rome in the early 1970s by Jiří Pelikán. After some years of teaching at universities in the United States, Liehm moved to Paris where, besides teaching at a number of institutions of higher learning, he founded the cultural magazine, Lettre internationale. In 2010, I met Liehm for the first time and we remained in close contact until his death ten years later. In this article I present Liehm's most significant achievements and my own personal recollections of him as a public intellectual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the cognitive processes involved in poetry, emphasizing how poems can facilitate unique forms of thinking and intellectual engagement. Topics include: the transformative potential of poetry in expanding cognitive capacities, the role of poetic structure in shaping thought, and the interplay between poetic and philosophical thinking.

The arrival of a pirate ship in Loch Craignish in 1720 was an episodic occurrence, which introduced a local community in Argyllshire to the process of globalisation, a process marked by the transoceanic movements of people, goods and ideas. For literate Scots, the wider horizons of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries were opened up by novels, travel literature and newsprint. While reading material stimulated the mind and promoted discussion about matters of global interest, actual commodities from overseas variously engaged all the senses. Globalisation became an active rather than a passive experience. Sight, hearing, smell, touch and taste affected all, from the social, commercial and intellectual elites to the woman in the field and the man in the street in early modern Scotland. Nevertheless, public knowledge of where colonial commodities came from became distanced by time. A global awareness of place was retained in families and communities overtly engaged in mercantile and military adventuring, especially when accompanied by death whether through natural causes, misadventure or mortal combat. Illicit activities had a no less profound impact. Indeed, covert people trafficking, enslavement, smuggling, shipwrecking and piracy had a more local immediacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the relationship between Argentine intellectuals and democracy between 1958 and 1962. In the Argentine magazine Contorno (1953-1959), renowned figures such as Ismael and David Viñas, Noé Jitrik, and León Rozitchner aimed to rethink the role of intellectuals in the face of democratization. Contorno initially supported Arturo Frondizi's presidency (1958–1962), as they regarded it as a valuable political experience distanced from Peronism (1946–1955) and Revolución Libertadora (1955–1958). While the magazine published a series of essays regarding the post-Peronist cultural and political scenario, some of its members were also part of Frondizi's campaign and administration. However, Contorno finally contested this democratic experience. They deeply critiqued the traición Frondizi, as the government's political and economic policies radically differed from its initial election promises. Studying Contorno allows us not only to review an oscillatory period of Argentine politics but also to reconsider the always-problematic links between intellectuals and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on the mentorship of Chief Judge Bill Pryor, highlighting three key topics: lifelong learning, smart work ethics, and the importance of clear communication. Chief Judge Pryor's approach emphasizes continuous intellectual curiosity, efficient work practices, and precise communication skills, which have profoundly influenced the author's professional growth and legal career. His mentorship underscores the value of these qualities in fostering excellence and ethical standards.

Although Jürgen Habermas is one of postwar Europe's leading philosophers and public intellectuals, the secondary literature often portrays him as an apolitical thinker with little interest in "real politics." This article demonstrates that from the beginning of his career Habermas was an intensely political thinker, who tried to mediate his political convictions and philosophical interests. Drawing on articles he produced as a freelance journalist before arriving at the Institute for Social Research in 1956—as well as the correspondence contained in the Habermas archives at the Goethe University in Frankfurt am Main—the article shows that Habermas sought to combine his political and philosophical interests from the start. It argues that these relatively unknown and understudied texts highlight the development of Habermas's understanding of the relationship of theory to practice and also help explain his attraction to the Frankfurt School in general, as well as to Theodor Adorno specifically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is an interview with Vappala Balachandran, a former Indian intelligence officer, who discusses his career and experiences in intelligence work. Balachandran focuses on the relationship between Indian intelligence agencies and political leaders, particularly Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. He highlights the differences in management styles and approaches to intelligence between the two leaders. The text also touches on India's intelligence relationships with neighboring countries, media-intelligence relationships, and the need for better intelligence adjudication. Balachandran criticizes the disruption and dismantling of intelligence processes in recent years and emphasizes the importance of transparency and public participation in intelligence operations. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura is the property of Jurnal Ilmiah Islam Futura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Even as educational institutions (re)produce inequitable forms of power and knowledge, critical qualitative inquiry often challenges these exclusionary, confining ways of being and knowing perpetuated within academic spaces. Drawing upon a conceptual framework that unites critical qualitative inquiry, poststructuralism, and intersectionality, this work interrogates how neoliberal academic spaces complicate detachment from and our un-learning of narrow ways of scholarly being and knowing, what and whose knowledge counts in these spaces, and our enactment of knowledge and power circulation more broadly. By framing our positions as critical public intellectuals, we utilize co-authorship between a practitioner and practitioner-oriented scholar to unpack narrow, whitewashed, neoliberal notions of expertise often entrenched and normalized within realms of pedagogy and scholarship. Finally, we seek to challenge and (re)envision such maintenance of singular perspectives, voices, and knowledge bases, arguing that critical qualitative inquiry can and should meet such a moment to upend existing structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines centenarian memoirs as a popular cultural phenomenon and through it the promises of post-reform vernacular history. The argument posits that these memoirs are a genre that has been commercially successful through their transformation of self and historical narratives in the People's Republic of China, in particular, the transformation of these memoirs from vestiges of state-cultivated intellectual confessions to vernacular cultural memories in the popular print market. Focusing on celebrated centenary memoir writers centring on Yang Jiang, the study develops Chen Sihe's conception of the vernacular, emphasising its shifting intersection with the political–institutional and the intellectual elite. The popular historiography emerging from these trans-generational memory "fevers" reveals vanishing modern Chinese intellectual values percolating through the vernacular ethos in the cultural industries of the early twenty-first century. The vernacular has been the post-reform locus for contesting and retaining critical intellectual traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extant analyses identified the various channels through which the ongoing Russia‐Ukraine war is hurting Africa's aspiration toward sustainable food security. They however acknowledged that the crisis presents a viable opportunity to kickstart the process of reversing Africa's food dependence and minimizing the continent's vulnerabilities to future external food shocks. It is however feared that the well‐known leadership deficit in the continent poses significant impediment for exploiting opportunities offered by such 'good crisis'. The international community is, therefore, called upon to help Africa to better prepare for the next crisis. Taking this as our point of departure, we argue that the onus of reversing Africa's food dependence rests squarely on Africa's political leaders and policy makers and not on any external intervention. We then propose a residual option for tackling the leadership challenge and for launching Africa on the path of sustainable food security in line with the target of SDG‐2. The study relied on qualitative descriptive analysis of both primary and secondary data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracy is admired for fostering deliberation, debate and innovation. Yet there is also the persistent suspicion that it is anti-intellectual. This article turns to one of the foremost theorists of modern democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville, to assess his contribution to the debate on democratic anti-intellectualism. It argues that Tocqueville denies democracy is anti-intellectual, yet he also claims democracy favours a distinctive intellectual life, informed theoretically by a Cartesian scepticism and practically by the dominance of a practical and commercial perspective in the sciences, arts and literature. The article concludes by examining the technocratic implications of this form of intellectualism for democratic stability and legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The final years of Franco's dictatorship and the subsequent transition to a democracy saw the unfolding of parallel processes of economic and scientific modernisation in Spanish society. An unexpected interference between both processes occurred in the fields of ecology and the environmental sciences, when environmentally minded scientists defended threatened ecosystems, rural landscapes and traditional land-use systems. At the time, prevailing discourses and policies considered these ecosystems and landscapes backward remnants of an undeveloped Spain, ready to be transformed by irrigation plans, afforestation schemes and urban development. From the early 1970s onwards, ecologist Fernando González Bernáldez consciously chose to take on a dual role, combining and mutually reinforcing two distinct yet associated personae: a highly respected scientist and an outspoken defender of the environment. This paper examines González Bernáldez's various strategies to strike the right balance between both identities, and how his aims were challenged by the changing political context at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of global decolonization, nationalist movements, and civil upheavals in the early and mid-20th century, a renewed form of cosmopolitanism emerged through the intercultural encounters between African American and Chinese intellectuals. This cosmopolitan ideal was cultivated and embodied by these two historically, culturally, and geographically distinct communities and ultimately exerted lasting influences on a global scale. Despite initially perceiving China as a distant Other, African American authors such as Langston Hughes and W.E.B. Du Bois made their journeys to China in search of cultural inspiration for literary creations and social endeavors. While actively promoting the works of African American authors in China, the Chinese intellectual community in turn viewed the African American people as the Other Self and potential allies in international affairs. Mutual understanding and appreciation were pursued from both sides, leading to a co-reinvention of cosmopolitan ethos. By delving into the interconnected narratives, this article seeks to elucidate the nuanced dynamics and reciprocal influences that characterized the Sino–African American intellectual relationships in the context of international solidarity, decolonization, and the quest for social justice in the early and mid-20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, human rights activists have constituted political agenda-setting groups in the Maghreb countries, mainly following the international turn towards human rights in the post-Cold War decades. Despite this fact, only scarce attention has been paid to their social and professional background. The article explores this topic and provides hitherto unpublished data about the first generation of human rights activists in Tunisia, in particular the members of the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH). Its members were a product of post-colonial Tunisia’s investment in (higher) education, teachers and professors, white-collar public servants, lawyers, doctors and journalists. They formed a committed, intellectual elite concerned with relationship between the state and citizens, seeking to influence public policies, carve out public, independent political spaces and get a share in the management of state affairs. Factual evidence surrounding human rights activists in Morocco and Algeria suggests they shared the same characteristics as LTDH members. Given the human rights situation in the Maghreb countries, the article suggests more research should be done about how human rights activists could more effectively link-up up with moral activism of social–professional groups that are absent from the human rights organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the Alliance Française in the United States inspired Germany to enhance its relations with the USA from a cultural perspective. Germany’s own cultural policy traditions and its foreign cultural policy practices provided the theoretical basis for the development of a cultural policy towards the USA. Germany, which firmly believed in its position as a pioneer of world culture, hoped to distinguish itself from the cultural competition with France by generously transferring knowledge to the Americans and to gain a political and economic ally. In German-American academic diplomacy at the beginning of the twentieth century, German intellectual elites had already attempted to move away from the power-state and militaristic foreign-policy thinking that had prevailed in the Empire, and they harboured internationalist dreams of culture as a means of overcoming national antagonisms. Nevertheless, unfortunately, these intellectual elites were still unable to shake off nationalist values, even as Karl Lamprecht, who had joined the Society for International Understanding, embraced Pan-Germanism again after the beginning of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Howard Saul Becker, a member of the Popular Music and Society Editorial Board, passed away at the age of 95 in San Francisco, California. Becker was born in Chicago and had a lifelong passion for both sociology and music. He achieved his Ph.D. at a young age and became a professional sociologist, but also continued to pursue his career as a musician. Becker made significant contributions to the field of sociology, particularly in the areas of deviance and labeling theory. He was known for his collaborative and open-minded approach to research and encouraged others to use close observation as a research method. Despite his success in sociology, music remained an important part of Becker's life. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses U.S. president Grover Cleveland's legacy of bringing together populism and classical liberalism. Topics discussed include Cleveland's ranking in the Presidential Greatness Project surveys, author Troy Senik's goal of reviving interest in Cleveland through his book "A Man of Iron," and Cleveland's challenges during his two presidential terms including economic depression and labor unrest.

This essay focuses on the representation of the New Woman as a persona of the public intellectual in literary fiction. Topics discussed include the New Woman in Sarah Grand's "The Beth Book" which establishes a line of previous women of genius versus the Old Woman who resists progress, traditional gender roles and the ideal feminist in Grand's "Ideala," social discourse among men and women in Mona Caird's "The Daughters of Danaus," and women activists in Gertrude Colmore's "Suffrage Sally."

Rodrigo Fresán's writing had a significant impact on Southern Cone literature when his first book, Historia argentina, was published in 1991. Despite its high sales and favorable reviews, which earned Fresán the status of a celebrity writer, his works have often been criticized for possessing "an esthetics of insensitivity and/or an ethics of indifference" (Freidemberg). This essay refutes these accusations of postmodern shallowness in Fresán's writing and instead proposes an examination of the "politics of literature" (Rancière) in his 2001 work Mantra. The purpose of this essay is to challenge the aporias of the theory of "littérature engagée" derived from Jean-Paul Sartre's philosophy that were debated among Latin American intellectuals during the 1960s and 1970s. The main objective of this essay is to demonstrate that Fresán's writing is not only literary but also political in nature. In Mantra, we can observe a system of heterogeneities that disrupts the realm of experience, creating a non-dialectical paradox between the forces of unification and disintegration that elicits an emotional response and challenges the illusion of a concrete, complete identity. This, in turn, allows us to reconsider central themes such as memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the debate between intellectualists and anti-intellectualists regarding the unity of knowledge, specifically whether knowing how and knowing that can be considered the same type of knowledge. Topics discussed include the arguments of Natalia Waights Hickman on the unity of knowledge through rules and principles; the role of rules and facts in understanding knowledge; and a critique of Waights Hickman's interpretation of Ryle's intellectualism.

The author finds that, as a Marxist of the postmodern kind, Jack Amariglio's genuine commitment to engaging with different frameworks has enabled much-needed conversations in economics, a field dominated for so long by a scientific-objectivist posture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Lady Margaret Hoby's diary as a reflection of early modern female readership and its engagement with religious and political texts. Topics include her diverse reading habits beyond devotional literature, the extent of her engagement with theological and polemical works, and the implications of her reading for understanding early modern women's intellectual lives. This exploration highlights Lady Hoby's active role in religious and political debates.

In 2000, David Batchelor utilized chromophobia to describe how achromaticity has been favoured among Western intelligentsia since Aristotle. In contrast to white, hues have been linked to the feminine, the dangerous and the chaotic, and they have often been perceived to be something to abandon or control. The ominous associations remain the same when hues are desired (chromophilia), but in these instances, one desires to lose oneself to the somewhat ominous realm of colour. By approaching the Hebrew Bible with Batchelor's framework, and with a view to human agency, various texts of transitions between chromaticity and achromaticity are examined (Ps 51:9; Isa 1:18; Jon 3:6; Lam 4:7–8; Num 12:10; Exod 25–31). It is argued that colours, in some cases, are abandoned and controlled and that they receive a specific evaluation depending on whether an agent voluntarily desired or involuntarily suffered a transition between chromaticity and achromaticity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyses the ways in which the idea of the technical museum developed in the industrial region of Ostrava in the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The issue is determined by political, economic and cultural changes in the following time periods: from the end of Austro-Hungarian monarchy (until 1918); the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938); WWII (1938-1945); post-war development, the so called Third Republic (1945-1948); the communist era (1948-1989); and from 1989 to the present. The development was always determined by whether the idea of the regional technical museum was interesting to powerful and intellectual elites, and what the response was from broader society - hence the significance of newspaper articles and other period reflections of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research aims to explore the institutional history of feminist disciplines and the trajectory of their inclusion in the Romanian academic curriculum, as well as in the intellectual space from the late 90's to the present day. The adoption of feminist theories has been limited by two impediments that have made their curricular inclusion difficult and their circulation in Romania quite sporadic: firstly, the subject has been rejected and boycotted by a moralising conservative public discourse and secondly, their critical disciplinary implication has posed problems of institutional acceptance due to suspicion of leftist bias. The paper aims to analyse the public debates concerning feminism, compared to a form of totalitarianism, in Romania, on the one hand. The second part has in view to define the import channel of feminist studies in Romania, along with the difficulties that hindered the first feminist scholars and activists' efforts to disseminate the discipline in post-communist countries. The liberal ethos with conservative nuances of the Romanian academic space and the public intellectuals' anti-communist positions remain responsible for the poor representation of feminism in Romania, as its impiety towards feminist theories has to do with the protectionism of dominant, conservative discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pakistan has a long history of social movements, some of which have challenged the military’s domination. However, apart from a short period after 1998 nuclear weapon tests by India and Pakistan, there has been limited opposition to nuclear weapons owned by the military. This paper examines one potential factor for this near absence: the intellectual arguments deployed by the main proponents of nuclear disarmament in Pakistan over the last 25 years. The post-1998 anti-nuclear critique in Pakistan has overwhelmingly focused on challenges pertaining safety and security, command and control, geopolitical imperatives of arms races, the operational limits of delivery systems like the short-range ballistic missiles and the risk of a nuclear war. We argue that such arguments inadvertently normalize nuclear weapons. Other arguments based on geopolitics make nuclear weapons appear inevitable in an anarchic world. Highlighting the consequences of a nuclear war has limited purchase in Pakistan where nuclear weapons are seen as the ultimate defense against all large-scale wars, nuclear and conventional. The alternative, we suggest, is to engage a broader critique focussed on the many ways in which nuclear weapons are implicated in everyday social and political life.

This introduction charts the editors' evolving understanding of the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for literary studies in the real time of the crisis. Oriented around the themes of friendship and community, the introduction articulates the overall ambition of the issue as one of maintaining an engaged intellectual community during the isolation imposed by the pandemic. Foregrounding narrative as the issue's major emphasis, it describes how the issue engages with pandemic storytelling in relation to literary history and literary production, environmental literary studies, and higher education and the profession. Finally, it provides an overview of the issue's sections and essays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]