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'Capitalism vs. Socialism: A Clear Comparison'provides an insightful look into two prominent economic systems. We explore the development of capitalism, which evolved gradually since the late Middle Ages, and how industrialization transformed societal and market structures. Readers will gain a comprehensive understanding of the capitalist market system. The second half of the book delves into socialism, a political, social, and economic philosophy characterized by social ownership of the means of production. We discuss various forms of social ownership, including public, collective, and cooperative ownership, and the political theories and movements associated with socialism. This book offers a thorough comparison of capitalism and socialism, making it an invaluable resource for understanding these economic systems. We present the information in a clear and accessible manner, ensuring readers can learn about these topics without complexity.

In The Inner Life of Race, Leerom Medovoi turns away from conventional views of race as a politics of the phenotypical body to theorize race instead as a politics of populational threat. Racism's genealogy, argues Medovoi, invokes longstanding theological distinctions between the body and the soul. While the body can be seen and marked, the soul signals potentially threatening interiorities: dangerous intentions, beliefs, or desires. Race is the power-effect of reading the body in order to police the political threat of the soul. Medovoi's genealogy begins with medieval deployments of inquisition and confession to wage war against heretics, infidels, and their threat to the salvation of souls. In early modern Spain, these pastoral technologies of power catalyzed the invention of race as a language for the danger of formerly Jewish and Muslim converts. Medovoi shows how this discourse expanded into anti-Blackness and anti-Indigeneity throughout the colonial world and modern Europe, laying the foundation for racialized capitalism and liberal governmentality. Medovoi weaves histories of color-line racism, nativism, Islamophobia, antisemitism, and anticommunism into a pathbreaking account of the political work populational racism accomplishes.

Capitalism and Classical Social Theory offers a rigorous introduction to classical social theory, highlighting the enduring relevance of classical works for understanding the many crises of the contemporary world. This popular theory book introduces students to a selection of classical social thinkers and demonstrates the relevance of the classical canon in contemporary society – a society marked by social inequality, insecurity, transformative AI, and the climate emergency. The fourth edition features updated examples, data, and images throughout, as well as new material on early American sociology and new literature on classical social theorists from the past five years. It reintroduces a chapter on Georg Simmel and urbanism, and it includes a new chapter exploring the intersection of the COVID-19 pandemic and class, race, and gender. While attentive to historical context, Capitalism and Classical Social Theory argues that classical theorists speak directly to the present challenges of inequality, social change, and the climate crisis in the twenty-first century.

La pratica di tirare giù Lenin dal suo piedistallo ha riguardato tutto lo spazio post sovietico e, in Ucraina, ha assunto contorni talmente importanti da essere indicata con il termine Leninopad: il più grande movimento d'iconoclastia del Novecento, esploso prima ancora delle proteste che, più di recente, abbiamo visto in Gran Bretagna o negli Stati Uniti. A un secolo dalla morte di Lenin, Antonella Salomoni ne racconta ascesa e declino attraverso la storia del suo corpo e delle sue immagini: innalzate, rispettate e poi rimosse, distrutte, vandalizzate, reinterpretate come simbolo di sottrazione al colonialismo russo, e persino ricollocate sui piedistalli dagli occupanti durante la guerra in Ucraina. Un libro sulla memoria imposta e poi sovvertita, che va al cuore delle inquietudini del mondo contemporaneo.

'Die Weltgeschichte ist der Fortschritt im Bewusstsein der Freiheit, ein Fortschritt, den wir in seiner Notwendigkeit zu erkennen haben', sagte Hegel. Dieses Diktum darf für den Fortschrittsoptimismus der Aufklärung als paradigmatisch gelten. Aber unabweisbare Errungenschaften des Fortschritts in allen Lebensbereichen gingen von Anbeginn mit Schattenseiten desselben Fortschritts einher. Moshe Zuckermann geht in seinem Essay dieser Dialektik nach. Im ersten Teil zeichnet er panoramisch die theoretischen Dimensionen, Bestrebungen und Widersprüche von Moderne, Aufklärung und Fortschritt nach. Im zweiten Teil befasst er sich mit empirischen Auswirkungen dieses Gesamtkomplexes auf die Bereiche der Politik, der Gesellschaft, der Technik, der Kunst und des Alltags.

C'è stato un momento nella storia in cui tutta l'Europa è stata in fiamme. Una scintilla accesa a Palermo si diffuse per tutto il continente producendo un incendio che fece cadere, uno dopo l'altro, governi e monarchie. Fu una'primavera dei popoli'che ebbe breve durata, ma produsse un impatto profondissimo sulla vita pubblica e sulla politica in Italia come in Francia, in Germania come in Ungheria. Nel 1848 la rivoluzione cominciò a Palermo e si diffuse subito in tutta Europa. Folle enormi si radunarono in nome della democrazia e dell'indipendenza nazionale in un flusso inarrestabile che cancellò, in pochi mesi, l'ordine politico che reggeva il continente dalla sconfitta di Napoleone. Alcuni governanti si arresero subito, altri combatterono aspramente, ma ovunque si fecero strada nuovi politici, nuove convinzioni e nuove speranze, portando a cambiamenti significativi e duraturi che continuano a plasmare il nostro mondo: il ruolo delle donne nella società, la fine della schiavitù, il diritto al lavoro, l'indipendenza nazionale e l'emancipazione degli ebrei. Christopher Clark, il grande storico autore del bestseller mondiale I sonnambuli, descrive il 1848 come la «camera di collisione al centro del XIX secolo». Frutto di una ricerca meticolosa, elegantemente scritto e ricco di descrizioni di figure carismatiche, questo libro offre una nuova interpretazione del 1848. Clark, infatti, evoca questo incredibile fermento di idee nuove, ma anche la serie sempre più spietata ed efficace di contrattacchi lanciati dagli antichi regimi. Nonostante la sconfitta, gli esuli diffusero le idee del 1848 in tutto il mondo e dalle macerie emerse un'Europa nuova e molto diversa.

Ludwig von Mises é um dos maiores, se não o maior, nome da Escola Austríaca de Economia. O box volume II é composto pelas obras: Livre-mercado e seus inimigos; Os fundamentos últimos da ciência econômica; O marxismo desmascarado;Crítica ao interencionismo. Esses livros reúnem palestras ministradas por Mises, ideias que reforçam sua análise de questões filosóficas, apontam as falhas inerentes à proposta de economia de mercado controlada, analisa os erros tanto do liberalismo social quanto do antimarxismo.

Learn about how the world of government and power works in The Politics Book.Part of the fascinating Big Ideas series, this book tackles tricky topics and themes in a simple and easy to follow format. Learn about Politics in this overview guide to the subject, great for novices looking to find out more and experts wishing to refresh their knowledge alike! The Politics Book brings a fresh and vibrant take on the topic through eye-catching graphics and diagrams to immerse yourself in. This captivating book will broaden your understanding of Politics, with:- More than 100 groundbreaking ideas in the history of political thought- Packed with facts, charts, timelines and graphs to help explain core concepts- A visual approach to big subjects with striking illustrations and graphics throughout- Easy to follow text makes topics accessible for people at any level of understandingThe Politics Book is a captivating introduction to the world's greatest thinkers and their political big ideas that continue to shape our lives today, aimed at adults with an interest in the subject and students wanting to gain more of an overview. Delve into the development of long-running themes, like attitudes to democracy and violence, developed by thinkers from Confucius in ancient China to Mahatma Gandhi in 20th-century India, all through exciting text and bold graphics.Your Politics Questions, Simply ExplainedThis engaging overview explores the big political ideas such as capitalism, communism, and fascism, exploring their beginnings and social contexts - and the political thinkers who have made significant contributions. If you thought it was difficult to learn about governing bodies and affairs, The Politics Book presents key information in a clear layout. Learn about the ideas of ancient and medieval philosophers and statesmen, as well as the key personalities of the 16th to the 21st centuries that have shaped political thinking, policy, and statecraft.The Big Ideas SeriesWith millions of copies sold worldwide, The Politics Book is part of the award-winning Big Ideas series from DK. The series uses striking graphics along with engaging writing, making big topics easy to understand.

This book demonstrates the social and historical conditions for the existence and development of the representative system and uncovers the laws dictating its occurrence, development and operation. Due to the barriers of language and cultural communication, the understanding of democracy differs in western and Chinese cultures, which leads to many misinterpretations and even bias. The book displays the merits and drawbacks of different forms of democracy on the basis of a comparative study of the different representative systems and argues that different representative systems can co-exist side by side and that the selection of the appropriate form of democracy must reflect the actual conditions in a given country. Therefore, a blind evaluation or criticism is unreliable.The book could provide good opportunities for western scholars to see how the Chinese scholars understand democracy and the representative system, help the westerners to understand the forms of democracy with Chinese characteristics and rationality of the socialist people's representative system, grasp the true essence of Chinese Constitution and democracy and give up their bias towards China for a better communication and mutual understanding. This book constructs a theoretical framework for studying the representative system and provides a solid foundation for its further research, promoting the improvement and development of constitutional jurisprudence. Even today, the comparative study of the basic theories, system building, and operation of the representative system are of great theoretical significance and practical value in the Chinese political development and reform.The book is primarily intended for graduates and scholars in the areas of constitutional jurisprudence on China and abroad. It is a must-read for constitutional researchers and those who want to know the essential differences between Chinese and Western constitutional jurisprudence.

The Anglican Communion currently finds itself at an inflection point as it weighs its future prospects in light of discordant social, political, ecclesiological, and theological commitments. In this intellectual and political history of Anglicanism, Gary Dorrien shows that the Communion's present challenges are the upshot of a centuries-old clash of Anglican identities. Tracing the narrative of Anglicanism from its ancient and medieval origins through the English Reformation and up to the last quarter of the twentieth century, Dorrien argues that Anglican Christianity is at once an ecumenical project, residing at the halfway point between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, a theological movement informed by a brand of idealism centered in the incarnational faith of Logos theology, and an imperial enterprise complicit in the racist sickness of Western civilization.A book long in the making, Anglican Identities offers a comprehensive, informative, and sobering account of the story of Anglicanism. Dorrien covers the key figures, periods, movements, and theological concerns from the Communion's history, framing them in an interpretation of Anglican Christianity informed by decades in the classroom and his unique liberal-liberationist and activist reading of theology, ethics, and philosophy of religion. Dorrien contends that Anglicanism has been sort-of ecumenical from the beginning, with a radical ecumenical aspirational vision, and in its liturgies and teachings has embodied and enacted an idealist approach to the claims of the Christian theological tradition. But Dorrien urges that these features of the Anglican story are deeply at odds with English Anglicanism's entanglement with white colonialism. Indeed, in Dorrien's telling, this antinomy between its identity as an ecumenically generous religion of the incarnate Logos and its willing involvement in white supremacy is at the very heart of Anglican Christianity.

This is a translation of Ernst Troeltsch's last (1923) major work. It is an exhaustive study of the methods of historiography and of German, French, English, and Italian philosophies of history during the nineteenth century. It is motivated by the purpose of developing the proper concept of historical development, for overcoming'bad'historicism (i.e., unlimited relativism) with'good'historicism (with relativity, not relativism), and determining how values drawn from history can be used to shape the future. It concludes with a sketch of the unwritten second volume on the material philosophy of history.

Todos los imperios de la historia se han presentado como herederos de los antiguos romanos: el Imperio romano de Oriente, el Sacro Imperio Romano Germánico de Carlomagno, Moscú, «la tercera Roma», los imperios napoleónico y británico, los regímenes fascista y nazi, el imperio americano o el virtual de Mark Zuckerberg, un gran admirador de Augusto. Este libro explica la legendaria fundación de Roma, desde el mito literario de Eneas y de Rómulo, hasta la cristianización del imperio, pasando por la era republicana, la extraordina- ria historia de Julio César y de Octavio Augusto o la época de Constantino. A través de un relato repleto de detalles y de datos curiosos, al alcance de cualquier lector, Aldo Cazzullo reconstruye el mito de Roma a partir de los personajes y las historias hasta llegar a las ideas y a los símbolos. Un recorrido apasionante y único por una de las etapas más decisivas de nuestro mundo. Prólogo de JAVIER CERCAS

This book describes momentous events in the American and French Revolutions. The American revolutionaries were nationalist patriots, who wanted independence from Great Britain and to create a new nation based on the principles of classical liberalism and Natural Rights theory. Their goal was the attainment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, inherent in the God-given or Nature-derived rights of free men. They did not seek to overturn the basic institutions of society as eventually the French revolutionists did—when they destroyed churches, desecrated tombs, and even renamed the months of the year, creating a new revolutionary calendar. The French revolutionists adopted the revolutionary slogan Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité, but they did not grasp the fact that the leveling of society was incompatible with liberty. And regarding fraternity, they did not mean the brotherhood of all men because the nobility and common citizens who did not hold the purest aims of Jacobin ideology were exterminated.

n uno dei periodi più bui della storia italiana, di fronte a una maggioranza fascista sempre più grossa e minacciosa, Matteotti ebbe la forza di denunciare le brutalità sistematiche delle squadracce fasciste e le truffe elettorali che favorirono la conquista del potere da parte di Mussolini. Gramsci smascherò le reali intenzioni del regime, sottolineando la necessità di una lotta continua per la giustizia sociale. Croce criticò apertamente le leggi repressive e denunciò l'erosione dei valori democratici e liberali. Questo libro raccoglie i loro principali discorsi parlamentari, atti pacifici, potenti e al tempo stesso disperati, che anticiparono di almeno vent'anni la Resistenza vera e propria. Le parole del socialista Matteotti, del comunista Gramsci e del liberale Croce non solo offrono una panoramica dell'opposizione parlamentare al fascismo, ma risuonano ancora oggi come un monito contro ogni forma di tirannia.

Cuando el capitalismo pone en serios aprietos al planeta, volvemos la vista a Marx, redescubierto una y otra vez como el pensador que nos legó la crítica más penetrante y feraz. Y El renacer de Marx constituye probablemente la mejor introducción a la misma, la más actualizada y completa. Escrita en un estilo ameno y accesible por un grupo de especialistas de talla internacional, la presente guía temática recoge las interpretaciones contemporáneas más fecundas y sugestivas de la obra marxiana, y nos muestra las razones por las que esta es hoy más relevante que nunca. Una compilación, en suma, llamada a convertirse en herramienta indispensable, tanto para especialistas como para la nueva generación que se acerca, por vez primera, a la obra de Marx. «Poco sorprende que, en tiempos como los actuales, asistamos a un magno y renovado interés por Marx. ¿Pero qué Marx será el que resurja? Los ensayos aquí reunidos retratan a un pensador muy alejado de las ortodoxias de viejo cuño; en el proceso de esclarecer las interpretaciones heredadas en torno al trabajo, la lucha de clases y la revolución, revelan un intelecto indesmayable que lidia asimismo con la migración y la destrucción ecológica; la democracia, el nacionalismo y la guerra; las insuficiencias de género, identidad étnica y raza. El resultado es toda una revelación: un Marx para esta época». Nancy FraserGilbert ACHCARKevin B. ANDERSONRicardo ANTUNESPietro BASSOHeather A. BROWNAlex CALLINICOSJohn Bellamy FOSTERIsabelle GAROPeter HUDISSeongjin JEONGBob JESSOPMichael R. KRÄTKEMichael LÖWY Sandro MEZZADRAMarcello MUSTOMoishe POSTONERanabir SAMADDARRobin SMALLBenno TESCHKEMarcel VAN DER LINDENImmanuel WALLERSTEINAmy E. WENDLINGEllen Meiksins WOOD

What accounts for the widespread disillusionment with politics? Person-centered Politics suggests that politics today, through its structures, processes, and institutions tends to presuppose and to impose a certain caricature of the human person that inhibits and frustrates a real sense of personal participation in an authentic common good of politics and society. In 12 chapters that touch on fundamental themes of political philosophy, Person-centered Politics proposes the social and transcendent dimensions of personal existence and their application to the renewal of politics today. The themes explore the commonly accepted assumptions of politics today and how a renewed understanding of the person can invigorate political discourse and action.In Person-centered Politics the author is in continuous dialogue with some of the major contemporary philosophers and thinkers, such as Eric Voegelin, David Walsh, Robert Sokolowski, Vaclav Havel, Pierre Manent, Peter Simpson, and Joseph Ratzinger/Benedict XVI. Detailed footnotes in each chapter provide reference to further sources of enlightenment and research. Person-centered Politics proposes an outline for a renewed vision of politics that is centered on the truth of human existence, and not a politics that distorts and suffocates the human spirit, because, in the words of E. Voegelin, ‘the right order of the soul through philosophy furnishes the standard for the right order of society'—and not the other way round.

Three decades since the Soviet Union's collapse prompted Francis Fukuyama to proclaim the ‘End of History', things look different. Russia may no longer be Communist, but Stalin is more admired there than at any time since his death in 1953. The United States has bled power and prestige in uncanny parallel with China's rise in economic strength and global influence—not least in the US itself. Liberal democratic capitalism seems moribund, while Chinese Communism assimilates the world. How and why did this happen?In his sweeping history, Sean McMeekin investigates the evolution of Communism from the seductive ideal of a classless society into the ruling doctrine of tyrannical regimes. From Marx's writings to the global resurgence of Communism in the twenty-first century, McMeekin argues that, despite the endurance of this political system, it remains deeply unpopular. Where it has arisen, it has always arisen by force.Blending narrative with cutting-edge scholarship, To Overthrow the World revolutionises our understanding of Communism—an idea that seemingly cannot die.

„Privilegien“ gehören heute in allen Ländern zur politisch-sozialen Sprache mit einer negativen Konnotation, da sie dem Gerechtigkeitswert der „Gleichheit“ in Staat und Gesellschaft widersprechen. Die ursprünglich rechtliche Bedeutung dieses ubiquitären Begriffs, die auf das römisch-kanonische Recht zurückgeht, ist heute weitgehend verschüttet. Der Autor zeichnet die europäisch dimensionierte Geschichte der „privilegia“ und deren Bedeutung für die Entwicklung von Recht, Staat und Gesellschaft in der longue durée nach. Eine umfangreiche, territorial gegliederte Quellenübersicht, die in geringerem Umfang ursprünglich für Coings Handbuch (Bd. II/3) vorgesehen war, und eine nach Materien geordnete Bibliographie vom Mittelalter bis heute begleiten die Darstellung. So wird deutlich, dass Privilegien durch Differenzierung des Rechts für Einzelpersonen, Personengruppen und territorial bestimmte Geltungsbereiche auch einen individualisierten Gerechtigkeitswert repräsentieren, den erst die Aufklärung im Sinne der modernen „égalité“ und des allgemein wirkenden Gesetzes – oft vergeblich – abzulösen versuchte.

Das 19. Jahrhundert: Dampfkraft und Eisenbahn treffen auf einen bis dato agrarisch geprägten, vormodernen Kontinent und setzen eine unaufhaltsame Dynamik in Gang. Der Band beleuchtet Gründe, Folgen und Kollateralschäden der technologischen und industriellen Revolution. Ihren Ausgang nahm die Industrialisierung in England. Rasch sprang der Funke auch auf andere Länder über. Schlaglichter wirft der Band aber nicht nur auf die Ausbreitung und Ausformung. Er zeigt auch die Schönheit der Ingenieurskunst, wie sie sich etwa auf den Weltausstellungen manifestierte. Und beleuchtet die sozialen Auswirkungen, die Lage der Frauen, Kinderarbeit, die Veränderung der Städte und der Landschaft und den Krieg als Motor der Industrialisierung. Und schließlich geht es um die Folgen der Industrialisierung bis heute.

SAKRILEG! Tiberius Gracchus – vor Übergriffen geschützt durch den heiligen Schwurbund des Volkes, der jedem seiner Tribune Unverletzlichkeit garantiert – wird im Jahr 133 v. Chr. von Senatoren und ihren Gefolgsleuten auf dem Kapitol erschlagen. Tiberius hatte es gewagt, gegen den Willen des Sensats eine Bodenreform zur Landverteilung durchzusetzen. Doch den Senatoren geht es um mehr als um ein paar Äcker – sie fürchten um ihre Macht. Dennoch wagt es zehn Jahre später der Bruder des Ermordeten, Caius Gracchus, die Politik des Tiberius aufzugreifen und voranzutreiben, und so widerfährt ihm das gleiche Schicksal. 133 v. Chr. – das hat Rom in den mehr als 600 Jahren seit seiner Gründung noch nicht erlebt: Mitglieder des ehrwürdigen Senats verwandeln sich in einen rasenden Mob und erschlagen den durch heiliges Recht unantastbaren Volkstribunen Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Er hat es gewagt, ein Gesetz zur Bodenreform einzubringen, das die Armen begünstigt, der römischen Elite aber nicht willkommen ist. Doch die mordlüsternen Senatoren ahnen noch größeres Unheil voraus – eine Verschiebung der politischen Kräfteverhältnisse insgesamt zu ihrem Nachteil. Zehn Jahre später wiederholt sich die Tragödie, als der jüngere der Gracchen-Brüder, Caius, ein komplexes politisches Programm ins Werk setzt, dessen Kern abermals eine Bodenreform ist. Auch er findet den Tod durch die Hand seiner senatorischen Gegner. Charlotte Schubert hat ein spannendes Buch über den Anfang vom Ende der römischen Republik geschrieben. Sie erhellt die komplexen Motive, welche die Gracchen zu ihren politisch wegweisenden Vorhaben veranlassten, und beschreibt die dramatische Wucht der darauf einsetzenden Konflikte. Die reaktionären Kreise Roms wussten sich keinen anderen Rat, als die Urheber und ihre Projekte in einem Blutbad untergehen zu lassen, anstatt für die drängenden wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und gesellschaftlichen Probleme nach alternativen Lösungen zu suchen. Dafür sollten sie Jahrzehnte später in den dunkelsten Stunden Roms einen hohen Preis zahlen, als die Republik in den Bürgerkriegen versank.

Werktitel. Kaum im Bild, schon verflogen. Oder eingebrannt in das Gedächtnis. Eine überragende Kulturtechnik der Neuzeit, die uns vor der Vulgarität des Alltags schützt und das Erschaffene als Ware markiert. Titelstile dienen zur Abgrenzung der Sparten und Genres. Wie entwickeln wir das richtige Gefühl dafür? Wie kommt das Werk zu seinem Namen? Womit formulieren wir ansprechend und überzeugend? Welches Wort besteht am Ende den Test der Zeit? Kurz, prägnant, scharfsinnig und charmant soll die Überschrift sein, in Kunst, Wissenschaft und Medien die Arbeit konzipieren, ankündigen, bewerben, auffindbar machen. Werktitel sind die lauteste literarische Kunstform im Wissensraum. Doch sie folgen nicht einfach der Logik der Sprache, sondern kommunizieren bestimmte Aspekte der menschlichen Realität. Ist die Titelkultur durch die Tags (Schlagworte) von Big Data bedroht? Und wieso können uns Titel augenblicklich entfallen? – Das kulturhistorische, medientheoretische und sprachphilosophische Kompendium erzählt erstmals die Komödie der Titelkunst. Der Autor blickt in der Champions-League von über 1.000 Denotationen und lehrt das Nachdenken über den unaufhörlichen Strudel der achtungsgebietenden Formulierungen.

Robert Southey's Essays Moral and Political, originally published in 1832, brings together many of Southey's most influential journal pieces, providing important evidence for students of the political and literary culture of the Romantic period. Edited by Tim Fulford, this volume features a full introduction and detailed editorial notes setting the Essays in their contexts. The volume sets the Essays in the context of the political and social issues and controversies on which they comment, and will be of great interest to students and scholars of Literary and Political History.

In Europa und den USA des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts revoltierten mehrere Bewegungen für einen »starken Liberalismus«: in England die Leveller, in den USA Unabhängigkeitskämpfer um Tom Paine und in Frankreich der Cercle Social. Sie kämpften nicht nur für Menschenrechte und Demokratie, sondern auch gegen eine Machtkonzentration in der Wirtschaft. Trotz großer Anhängerschaft wurden sie verfolgt, eingekerkert oder ermordet und ihr Gedankengut geriet in Vergessenheit. Walter Oswalt macht ihre Ideen und Lösungsvorschläge in diesem posthum erscheinenden Band zugänglich und zeigt, wie aktuell ihre Tradition in der heutigen Welt einer globalisierten Wirtschaft ist. Mit einem Vorwort von Carsten Herrmann-Pillath.

Traditionally, there has been a long and sustained interest in studying the history of economic ideas in France. Interest appeared to wane after World War II, but in recent decades, there has been a marked renaissance of interest and research in the contributions of French-speaking authors. Drawing on the flow of recent research, this book presents a new assessment of the history of political economy in France incorporating both novel presentations of some traditional subjects and topics that are not usually studied.This first volume deals with the history of political economy in France in the Age of Enlightenment. After presenting a kind of “review of the troops” and some main developments inherited from preceding centuries, the chapters are devoted to P. de Boisguilbert's foundation of liberal political economy; J. Law's monetary theory and policy; the many strands of “commerce politique”; the theoretical developments of F. Quesnay and the physiocratic movement; and A.-R.-J. Turgot's, J.-J.-L. Graslin's and M.-J.-A.-N. Caritat de Condorcet's sensationist political economy. The volume then examines some political critiques of liberal political economy and goes on with a study of the first attempts to quantify economic variables and to formalise the economic discourse. It concludes with a chapter on the importance of translations into French of books published abroad, and with the main institutional and theoretical developments which happened during the French Revolution.A History of Economic Thought in France will be invaluable reading for advanced students and researchers of the history of economic thought, political economy, intellectual history and French history.

Traditionally, there has been a long and sustained interest in studying the history of economic ideas in France. Interest appeared to wane after World War II, but in recent decades, there has been a marked renaissance of interest and research in the contributions of French-speaking authors. Drawing on the flow of recent research, this book presents a new assessment of the history of political economy in France incorporating both novel presentations of some traditional subjects and topics that are not usually studied.This second volume analyses the evolution of political economy during the long nineteenth century, combining an assessment of both liberals and their opponents. Its first part covers the most outstanding contributions to political economy in the age of industry, from the founding fathers (L.-C.-C. Destutt de Tracy and J. –B. Say) until the pre-World War I period, including that of A.-A. Cournot, J. Dupuit, the French liberal economists, and L. Walras. The volume then outlines the critiques of liberal political economy, focusing on the analyses of J.-C.L.S. de Sismondi, C.-H. de Saint-Simon and his followers, and the successive generations of socialist and associationist authors, not forgetting the sociological critique. A substantial postlude concludes the volume with a survey of recent developments of French economic thought up to the present day.A History of Economic Thought in France will be invaluable reading for advanced students and researchers of the history of economic thought, political economy, intellectual history and French history.

Due autori meno che trentenni, Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels, nel 1848 scrivono il Manifesto del partito comunista. Sono poche pagine che riscuotono scarso successo inizialmente, ma che saranno poi destinate a cambiare il mondo. Un testo che alla fine del XX Secolo risultava pubblicato in oltre duecento lingue e in mezzo miliardo di copie. Storia e lotta di classe, borghesia e proletariato, lavoro e libertà, proprietà privata e sfruttamento, partito e rivoluzione, capitalismo e comunismo: questi i nodi cruciali di un'idea di uomo, politica e società che ha segnato il Novecento. Un testo che è stato tema di dibattito per storiografi, filosofi e politologi, i quali hanno cercato, da differenti prospettive, di interpretarlo, revisionarlo, applicarlo, confutarlo. Il Manifesto vive oggi una nuova giovinezza. Lasciato indietro dall'implosione teorica della sinistra mondiale, combattuto ideologicamente dal capitalismo globalista, il capolavoro di Marx ed Engels torna a fare capolino fra i testi più letti soprattutto dai giovani. Perché? Forse perché è un testo che mantiene saldo il proprio vigore polemico. Forse perché, debitamente riadattato, riesce a spiegare una buona parte delle dinamiche che a tutt'oggi viviamo. E forse perché esorta a immaginare che il capitalismo possa ancora venire messo in questione, in un'epoca apparentemente senza alternative.

Un siècle après la parution de l'opus magnum d'Arthur Moeller van den Bruck (1876-1925), Das dritte Reich, une traduction française de ce textephare de la Révolution conservatrice allemande trouve sa pleine justification. «Bible» des «Jeunes conservateurs», diffusé en près de 150.000 exemplaires, l'ouvrage attira rapidement l'attention de certains nationaux-socialistes avant d'être rejeté par eux pour des raisons qui, de leur point de vue, avaient toute leur légitimité. Etranger à l'idéologie racialiste des partisans d'Hitler, le livre est l'oeuvre d'un conservateur opposé à la République de Weimar et désireux de combattre à tout niveau les idées libérales et démocratiques avec pour objectif de tracer des pistes susceptibles d'ouvrir la voie à un redressement de son pays vaincu dans le cadre d'un «troisième Reich» doté d'un régimeautoritaire destiné à advenir à moyen terme et permettant, tel était son espoir, l'épanouissement de toutes les potentialités de la nation germanique.

Thomas Paine's collected writings - Common Sense; The Crisis; Rights of Man; The Age of Reason; Agrarian Justice, and much, much more.

The Collected Papers of Bertrand Russell, Volume 15 assembles Russell's writings on his experiences of visiting and reflecting on Russia and China.Having emerged from the Great War determined to prevent another armed conflict, Russell became a champion of international socialism as the antidote to the destructive forces of nationalism and capitalism. His quest for international reconstruction led to two enduring experiences, his trip first to Bolshevik Russia in 1920 and then to divided China in 1920-21. These letters describe those experiences which confirmed his emergence as a popular commentator on contemporary political issues.The volume includes two unpublished papers on Russell's trip to Russia.

The book takes an in-depth look at a hitherto unexplored part of the oeuvre of prominent Polish economist and historian of economic thought Tadeusz Kowalik: his thesis that the systemic transformation that took place in Poland in the late 1980s was a de facto'epigonic bourgeois revolution'. Since Kowalik actually never extended his argument to support this thesis, the aim of the book is to answer the following question: If some important reflections on the revolutionary character of the Polish transformation scattered throughout Kowalik's works were to be found, would they together constitute a convincing justification for the thesis of the'epigonic bourgeois revolution'?

Post- Cold War Predictions examines how the international order evolved after the collapse of the Soviet Union (and before the attacks on 9/11) by focusing on the ways we study and understand major powers'security behavior within the evolving multipolar order. Beginning with an overview of Post-Cold War literature, Kassab summarizes and evaluates influential Post-Cold War texts to better understand scholarship's need to predict. First, he discusses the central importance of power in international relations and drives home the central focus of international structures, linking findings to the broader structure-agent problem. He then reinterprets the purpose of theory, preferring explanatory theories to those that aim to predict outcomes. To understand the context by which political ideas were developed and followed as if they were political ideologies, Hanna Samir Kassab makes explicit the links between historicism and historiography, forwarding a new methodology for studying political science: Politicist analysis. Using simple jargon and defining terms where necessary, this succinct and enlightening text is required reading for all those interested in international politics.

Yaʿqūb Ṣannūʿ, Giacomo Sanua, James Sanua, Molière d'Egitto, Abou-Naddara, l'Egizio Cantor d'Italia… Tanti nomi per un solo intellettuale, fra i più brillanti della Nahḍa: italo-egiziano, ebreo, esule, massone, nazionalista, ma anche pioniere del teatro egiziano, poeta, giornalista, vignettista, con una vita in bilico fra Livorno, il Cairo e Parigi. Il volume intende ricostruire l'affascinante personalità di Yaʿqūb Ṣannūʿ (1839-1912), con l'ausilio anche di documenti nuovi, e ripercorre, attraverso tre delle sue commedie in arabo egiziano, alcuni dei temi a lui cari: il sostegno all'istruzione, l'emancipazione femminile, l'impegno politico per la liberazione dell'Egitto dal dominio britannico.

Der Begriff der Revolution bezeichnet ursprünglich den kreisläufigen Umlauf der Gestirne, dessen astronomische Bedeutung mit dem Anbruch des Revolutionszeitalters nicht erlischt, sondern auch in der Moderne als Denkmodell sozialer und politischer Bewegungen in Geltung bleibt. Doch vollziehen revolutionäre Neuerungen nicht mehr die alte Ordnung des Himmels nach, sondern beziehen sich auf die Kugelförmigkeit und Beweglichkeit des Erdkörpers, auf dem politische Ideen in die Tat umgesetzt werden. Ausgehend von dieser Wende innerhalb des astronomischen Paradigmas nimmt die Theorie des Revolutionsdramas die Erde als Stern der Staatsumwälzungen in den Blick. In Einzelstudien zu Gryphius, Schiller, Hölderlin, Büchner, Brecht, Peter Weiss und Heiner Müller wird das moderne Theater als Spielraum einer Politik des mobilen Grundes profiliert.

Understanding an infamous political movement's grounding in festivity and defiance Beer and Revolution examines the rollicking life and times of German immigrant anarchists in New York City from 1880 to 1914. Offering a new approach to an often misunderstood political movement, Tom Goyens puts a human face on anarchism and reveals a dedication less to bombs than to beer halls and saloons where political meetings, public lectures, discussion circles, fundraising events, and theater groups were held. Goyens brings to life the fascinating relationship between social space and politics by examining how the intersection of political ideals, entertainment, and social activism embodied anarchism not as an abstract idea, but as a chosen lifestyle for thousands of women and men. He shows how anarchist social gatherings were themselves events of defiance and resistance that aimed at establishing anarchism as an alternative lifestyle through the combination of German working-class conviviality and a dedication to the principle that coercive authority was not only unnecessary, but actually damaging to full and free human development as well. Goyens also explores the broader circumstances in both the United States and Germany that served as catalysts for the emergence of anarchism in urban America and how anarchist activism was hampered by police surveillance, ethnic insularity, and a widening gulf between the anarchists'message and the majority of American workers.

This book critically explores global challenges from linguistic and literary standpoints aimed at contributing towards their mitigation. Composed of two parts, contributors to the first section examine issues such as language use in the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon, the Covid-19 pandemic, migration, ethnic conflict, hate speech and language shift. The second part comprises essays that foreground global problems in literary texts. Contributors survey global problems like terrorism, gender inequality, racism and neo-colonialism, which engender horror and fuel violence. Drawn from various literary texts from Cameroon, Africa, Europe and America, contributors propose language and literature responses to global issues. These include using appropriate language and concrete techniques to assist citizens and world leaders convey precise messages for better understanding and nation-building. New communication strategies could also be adopted to keep life going and improve solidarity worldwide. Finally, contributors submit that dialogue could be a panacea through stakeholder collaboration and that negotiation is a productive solution to peace and harmony.

Partnerschaften zwischen Frankreich und der DDR hatten vorranging einen politischen Nutzen zu erfüllen. Die SED wollte sich von der Bundesrepublik abgrenzen und die Überlegenheit des zweiten deutschen Staates demonstrieren, was in Bonn mit großer Aufmerksamkeit beobachtet wurde. Die zunehmende Öffnung gegenüber dem Westen ab Ende der 1950er Jahre brachte die DDR jedoch in eine Zwickmühle, da sie einerseits auf politische und gesellschaftliche Kontakte nach Frankreich angewiesen war, andererseits aber Angst vor westlicher Einflussnahme hatte. Diese Konstellation blieb nicht ohne Rückwirkungen auf die Praxis und die Kontakte zwischen den Städten beider Länder, die geprägt waren von der ideologischen Aufladung des Kalten Krieges. Anhand von sieben Fallstudien werden in dieser Arbeit die Intentionen der französischen und ostdeutschen Akteure, deren Ziele sowie die Praktiken der Partnerschaften analysiert. Berücksichtigung findet dabei die politische Instrumentalisierung und ihre Grenzen in der kommunalen Zusammenarbeit. Erstmalig wird in dieser Studie zudem die besondere Rolle der Stasi innerhalb der Städtepartnerschaften über den Eisernen Vorhang hinweg beleuchtet.

Wer ist ein guter Staatsbürger? – Über die Suche nach dem idealen Verhältnis von Staat und Bürger in der Literatur zwischen der Französischen und der Deutschen Revolution. Das Buch widmet sich der Figur des guten Staatsbürgers und der guten Staatsbürgerin in der deutschsprachigen Literatur von 1789 bis 1848. In diesem Zeitraum gehen Philosophen, Juristen, Ökonomen, Politiker sowie Publizistinnen und Publizisten der Frage nach, wer ein guter Staatsbürger und eine gute Staatsbürgerin ist, welche Tugenden, Fertigkeiten, Kenntnisse, Überzeugungen und Emotionen er und sie besitzen und wie die Bevölkerung zu guten Staatsbürgern erzogen werden kann. Der gute Staatsbürger verkörpert in ihren Augen ein harmonisches Verhältnis zum Staat, das in der Wirklichkeit allerdings nicht existiert. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung werden ausgewählte literarische Texte von Schiller, Goethe, Novalis, Kleist, Büchner, Aston und Heine als Gedankenexperimente analysiert, in denen die in der Öffentlichkeit diskutierten politisch-ethischen Ideale auf die Probe gestellt und staatliche wie zivilgesellschaftliche Alternativen zu ihnen entwickelt werden. Die literarischen Versuchsanordnungen offenbaren dabei, wie viel ein Mensch mitunter opfern muss, um ein guter Staatsbürger oder eine gute Staatsbürgerin zu werden.

[Over] the last decade there has emerged a growing explicit (theoretically formulated) or tacit (pragmatic) acceptance by Anglophone academics working in the field that fascism's ineliminable core is made up of the vision of a regenerated political culture and national community brought about in a post-liberal age. Inevitably, such a consensus can never be total and there are academics working in fascist studies who continue to apply a different ideal type of fascism, some of whom express deep scepticism about the very existence of an area of convergence on the centrality to fascism of an ultra-nationalist myth of rebirth. The most cited version of the consensus applied by academics who are sympathetic to it is the highly synthetic formula that I used to encapsulate my own ideal type: ‘Fascism is a political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism … The totalitarian movements represented by the PNF and the NSDAP and the totalitarian regimes that they underpinned became the role model for all revolutionary nationalists in the inter-war period and synonymous with totalitarian, mass-based revolutionary nationalism itself. This became known as ‘fascism'after the first such movement to achieve power, namely Mussolini's fascismo. However, it was only in Italy and Germany that the structural crisis of liberal society was profound enough to generate a genuinely charismatic form of populist politics, one which was not confined to the hard core of movement activists, but involved the particular type of consensus generated by a ‘palingenetic political community', thereby creating the basis for a fascist regime. (Aus dem Beitrag von Roger Griffin)

Why Cicero Matters shows us how the Roman philosopher and statesman Marcus Tullius, better known as Cicero, can help realize a new political world. His impact on humanitarianism, the Enlightenment and the Founding Fathers of America is immense. Yet we give Julius Caesar all our attention. Why? What does this say about modern politics and political culture? This book gives us Cicero as an antidote to the myth of the strong man of history. Reading Cicero's On Duties alongside two more introspective philosophical texts, On Friendship and On Old Age, we see how Cicero turned politics into a higher, intellectual form of art, believing in education, in culture and above all in the power of philosophy to instil morality. Cicero has reassuring words on the indispensable work philosophers make, and why the common good needs philosophy. In an age when anti-intellectualism runs rampant, Why Cicero Matters introduces us to an ancient thinker who argues culture is, or ought to be, the foundation of any modern democracy, and books its building blocks.

In The Sovereign Self, Grant H. Kester examines the evolving discourse of aesthetic autonomy from its origins in the Enlightenment through avant-garde projects and movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Kester traces the idea of aesthetic autonomy—the sense that art should be autonomous from social forces while retaining the ability to reflect back critically on society—through Kant, Schiller, Hegel, Marx, and Adorno. Kester critiques the use of aesthetic autonomy as the basis for understanding the nature of art and the shifting relationship between art and revolutionary praxis. He shows that dominant discourses of aesthetic autonomy reproduce the very forms of bourgeois liberalism that autonomy discourse itself claims to challenge. Analyzing avant-garde art and political movements in Russia, India, Latin America, and elsewhere, Kester retheorizes the aesthetic beyond autonomy. Ultimately, Kester demonstrates that the question of aesthetic autonomy has ramifications that extend beyond art to encompass the nature of political transformation and forms of anticolonial resistance that challenge the Eurocentric concept of “Man,” upon which the aesthetic itself often depends.

New York Times Book Review Editors'Choice • From the bestselling author of The Sleepwalkers comes an epic history of the 1848 revolutions that swept Europe, and the charismatic figures who propelled them forward “Refreshingly original... Familiar characters are given vibrancy and previously unknown players emerge from the shadows.”—The Times (UK)A BEST BOOK OF THE YEAR: New Yorker, The Economist, Financial TimesAs history, the uprisings of 1848 have long been overshadowed by the French Revolution of 1789 and the Russian revolutions of the early twentieth century. And yet in 1848 nearly all of Europe was aflame with conflict. Parallel political tumults spread like brush fire across the entire continent, leading to significant changes that continue to shape our world today. These battles for the future were fought with one eye kept squarely on the past: The men and women of 1848 saw the urgent challenges of their world as shaped profoundly by the past, and saw themselves as inheritors of a revolutionary tradition.Celebrated Cambridge historian Christopher Clark describes 1848 as “the particle collision chamber at the center of the European nineteenth century,” a moment when political movements and ideas—from socialism and democratic radicalism to liberalism, nationalism, corporatism, and conservatism—were tested and transformed. The insurgents asked questions that sound modern to our ears: What happens when demands for political or economic liberty conflict with demands for social rights? How do we reconcile representative and direct forms of democracy? How is capitalism connected to social inequality? The revolutions of 1848 were short-lived, but their impact on public life and political thought throughout Europe and beyond has been profound.Meticulously researched, elegantly written, and filled with a cast of charismatic figures, including the social theorist Alexis de Tocqueville, the writer George Sand, and the troubled priest Félicité de Lamennais, who struggled to reconcile his faith with politics, Revolutionary Spring offers a new understanding of 1848 that suggests chilling parallels to our present moment. “Looking back at the revolutions from the end of the first quarter of the twenty-first century, it is impossible not to be struck by the resonances,” Clark writes. “If a revolution is coming for us, it may look something like 1848.”

'El capitalismo entró triunfante en el si­glo XXI y su rival comunista quedó re­legado al pasado. Pero la gran recesión y el incremento de la desigualdad han socavado la fe en su estabilidad, reavi­vando los interrogantes sobre sus pers­pectivas a largo plazo. ¿Está el capita­lismo en vías de desaparición? Si es así, ¿qué podría sustituirlo? Y si perdura, ¿cómo afrontará las futuras crisis so­ciales y medioambientales y los inevi­tables costes de la destrucción creati­va? Francesco Boldizzoni muestra que estas y otras preguntas han estado en el centro de muchos análisis y especula­ciones desde los primeros socialistas y Karl Marx hasta la actualidad. El capita­lismo ha sobrevivido a las predicciones de su desaparición no, como muchos piensan, por su eficiencia económica o por las virtudes intrínsecas de los mer­cados, sino porque está arraigado en la estructura jerárquica e individualista de las sociedades occidentales modernas. Imaginando el fin del capitalismo nos lleva a un fascinante viaje a través de dos siglos de profecías incumplidas. Un tour de force intelectual y un llama­miento a la acción política, que cam­biará nuestra comprensión del sistema económico que determina el tejido de nuestras vidas. «Este libro, bellamente escrito, capta la peculiar complicidad entre la esperanza y la decepción que caracteriza las profecías sobre el fin del capitalismo en los últimos tres siglos. Una lectura de enorme interés, tanto como un relato que advierte sobre estas profecías como un estu­dio modélico de la lógica del propio capitalismo». Arjun Appadurai, New York University «Imaginando el final del capitalismo es un libro esencial para cual­quier persona interesada en la historia intelectual y la economía po­lítica. Desempeñará un papel fundamental en los debates actuales sobre el capitalismo y su futuro, así como sobre la crisis y la teoría de la crisis». Wolfgang Streeck, director emérito del Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung de Colonia «Francesco Boldizzoni muestra cómo la predicción del colapso del ca­pitalismo es tan antigua como el propio capitalismo. Analiza una tra­dición de pensamiento económico que ha justificado la postura de no hacer nada en nombre de la revolución y que se resiste a aprender las lecciones de sus propios fracasos». Jeremy Adelman, Princeton University «Boldizzoni nos lleva a través de la trepidante historia de los fracasa­dos agoreros del capitalismo, para explicar por qué subestimaron cla­ramente su alargada esperanza de vida y su obstinada durabilidad. Una magnífica historia intelectual de cómo los pensadores han predi­cho e imaginado (erróneamente) el final del capitalismo desde la épo­ca de Marx hasta hoy». Eli Cook, University of Haifa «Un logro intelectual... Imaginando el final del capitalismo será un excelente punto de referencia para debatir el futuro del capitalismo y de la historia humana». Hans G. Despain, Marx & Philosophy Review of Books'

Retopia tells the story of social innovation in times of crisis, and through its cross-disciplinary narrative it goes beyond existing forms of future anticipation and maps out a practice-based approach to the creation of new realities. It explores how new imaginaries, social experiments, and laboratories of societies can create spaces of possibilities, revalidate the peripheries, and create new forms of social coherence.The peripheral regions in Europe are facing a crisis triangle: depopulation, the rise of the ‘useless'class, and outdated social welfare systems. It is a crisis of political imaginaries and a lack of inspiring political stories. In response to this, the book specifically focuses on the concept of ‘retopia', the idea of creating inclusive spaces of social innovation that encourage active participation. Through the creation of relocalized societies with a high degree of autonomy in ‘leftover'spaces, such as Sicily, Western Latvia, or Northern Bulgaria, retopian redevelopment schemes offer new perspectives on ‘ruined spaces'. Retopia uncovers the common links and limitations of utopian studies, future studies, degrowth, narratology, the commons, and political geography.Retopia: Creating New Spaces of Possibility is an articulation of the potentialities of social innovation, political imaginaries, and future images, provoking a stimulating discussion among scholars and students in the fields of Politics and Future and Anticipation Studies.

Tracing the origins of modern political thought through three sets of arguments over history, morality, and freedomIn this wide-ranging work, Michael Sonenscher traces the origins of modern political thought and ideologies to a question, raised by Immanuel Kant, about what is involved in comparing individual human lives to the whole of human history. How can we compare them, or understand the results of the comparison? Kant's question injected a new, future-oriented dimension into existing discussions of prevailing norms, challenging their orientation toward the past. This reversal made Kant's question a bridge between three successive sets of arguments: between the supporters of the ancients and moderns, the classics and romantics, and the Romans and the Germans. Sonenscher argues that the genealogy of modern political ideologies—from liberalism to nationalism to communism—can be connected to the resulting discussions of time, history, and values, mainly in France but also in Germany, Switzerland, and Britain, in the period straddling the French and Industrial revolutions.What is the genuinely human content of human history? Everything begins somewhere—democracy with the Greeks, or the idea of a res publica with the Romans—but these local arrangements have become vectors of values that are, apparently, universal. The intellectual upheaval that Sonenscher describes involved a struggle to close the gap, highlighted by Kant, between individual lives and human history. After Kant is an examination of that struggle's enduring impact on the history and the historiography of political thought.

Obydwa tomy Zarysu historii gospodarczej świata nie są klasycznymi podręcznikami historii gospodarczej, nie taki zresztą cel przyświecał autorowi przy pisaniu pracy. Bardziej zależało mu na rozbudzeniu w szerokich warstwach społecznych zainteresowania poruszanymi w książce zagadnieniami, skłonieniu do refleksji czy wzbudzeniu dyskusji. Mamy tu więc bardziej do czynienia z wysokiej próby erudycyjną publicystyką historyczną niż systematycznym podręcznikiem akademickim. Kwiatkowski był umysłowością iście renesansową. Przedstawił wizję gospodarki świata na przestrzeni dziejów, opierając się na literaturze polskiej, niemieckiej, francuskiej i angielskiej. Widać tutaj imponujące pole zainteresowań autora, który przyswoił sobie, w kilku językach, prace z wielu dziedzin, przede wszystkim humanistycznych, ekonomicznych, chemicznych i fizycznych. Szczególnie na uznanie zasługuje umiejętność syntezy, wyraźnie widoczna na kartach obydwu tomów. Autor doskonale zdawał sobie sprawę z trudności w tej kwestii, z owej mieszaniny subiektywizmu z obiektywizmem, był jednak przekonany, że nauka musi być wolna od wszelkiego doktrynerstwa. Na pewno nie uległ narzucanej po wojnie polskiej inteligencji doktrynie marksizmu-leninizmu i analizowanych zjawisk historycznych nie interpretował w tym duchu. Pisząc swoje dzieła, Kwiatkowski niejednokrotnie odwoływał się do nauk ścisłych, do praw fizyki, chemii, matematyki czy biologii, co jest zjawiskiem wielce oryginalnym i znowu nie tak często spotykanym u przedstawicieli nauk humanistycznych. […] Jak wspominał Jan Nowak-Jeziorański, Kwiatkowski łączył w sobie wiele sprzeczności, był technikiem i równocześnie humanistą, rozmiłowanym w historii. Był także politykiem i działaczem gospodarczym, jednym z najwybitniejszych w polskich dziejach. Ze Wstępu dr hab. Andrzeja Synowca, prof. UJ

W stronę krytycznej nowoczesności to na polskim gruncie ukrainoznawczym dzieło pionierskie, zapełniające jedną z najdotkliwszych luk badawczych. Z pełnym przekonaniem mogę stwierdzić, że recenzowany tom, stanowiący pierwszą część projektowej trylogii, wejdzie na stałe do polskiego czytelniczego kanonu. Co więcej, uważam, że jest to lektura obowiązkowa dla wszystkich tych, którzy pragną dogłębnie poznać istotę specyfiki naszego obszaru geokulturowego. prof. dr hab. Agnieszka Matusiak Była zbyt mądra, by nadawać jakąkolwiek wagę i znaczenie wartościom, które poprzednie pokolenia uważały za ustalone reguły, pryncypia, normy i zasady moralne. Dla Zyny nie było nic zakazanego, niedozwolonego, niemożliwego lub nieosiągalnego. (…). Mówiła tak, jakby chciała zniszczyć wszystko, co dla innych było nietykalnym i nienaruszalnym. Dziewczyna z misiem. Nieprawdopodobne historie [Doktor Serafikus] mimo całej swojej ociężałej, masywnej przysadzistości zdawał się abstrakcją i fikcją. Jakby naprawdę nie był człowiekiem, tylko ponurym gnomem, mieszkającym w tajnych lochach, głuchych, splątanych przejściach podziemnych, odludnych samotnych jaskiniach i który nie przywykł do wychodzenia między ludzi i radowania się na widok słońca. Miał w sobie coś z homunkulusa, kolby, laboratorium, z legendy o Fauście, z teorii Plancka, z chimer, iluzji, schematów i wzorów. Doktor Serafikus Zaczynać i nie kończyć. Projektować i nie realizować. Dokładać ogromnych wysiłków, bez miary naprężać mięśnie, doprowadzać napięcie mięśni do granicy katastrofy i nie zwyciężać. (…) Czuję wewnętrzny lęk. Strach, taki jak u człowieka stojącego na skraju przepaści, ogarnia mnie. Dreszcz przebiega po plecach. Lodowacieją ostygłe czubki palców, które leżą nieruchomo, trzymając graniasty słupek, nagrzany w słońcu. Myślę: – Za rewolucji rozstrzeliwano k l a s y. Może należało rozstrzeliwać psychologię? Bez gruntu Seria: Re-trans-misje Seria wydawnicza TAiWPN Universitas poświęcona jest interdyscyplinarnej refleksji nad kulturą ukraińską pod kątem transformacji dyskursów nowoczesności. Celem serii jest zrozumienie kodów, wyobrażeń, narracji oraz ich reemisji historycznych kształtujących Ukrainę (po)nowoczesną wraz z jej kulturowym otoczeniem. Zespół redakcyjny Katarzyna Glinianowicz, Paweł Krupa W przygotowaniu: Wiktor Petrow, W stronę krytycznej nowoczesności, tom II

Le premier volume de cette Généalogie philosophique et politique de la démocratie part des premiers signes de ce qui deviendra la démocratie. Il fait ainsi état des recherches sur l'origine de la démocratie dans la préhistoire ou chez les peuples dits premiers. Mais c'est bien sûr avec l'émergence de la démocratie athénienne que commence véritablement cette généalogie de la démocratie, à partir des lois de Solon, Clisthène et Ephialte. Cette étude décrit le développement historique du concept de démocratie dans les institutions politiques athéniennes, qui finissent par atteindre un niveau de complexité élevé, mais aussi dans les textes de philosophie politique, principalement de Platon et Aristote. Il analyse les raisons de la chute de la démocratie athénienne en 322 av. J.-C., après deux siècles d'existence. Elle met en lumière l'absence de continuité entre la démocratie athénienne et la nouvelle conception de la démocratie qui émerge dans l'Europe de lumières.