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Securitization of refugees and migrants is a growing global phenomenon that is well illustrated by how refugee camps have emerged as governmental technologies of control in major host countries across the world. Policymakers and the media prominently feature the migration-security connection and depict refugees as threats to internal security, linking their presence to acts of terrorism and crime. This article examines how the securitization of Somali refugees in Kenya and Ethiopia, the two main host countries for this refugee group, has hindered their formal integration and exacerbated policies of encampment in these countries. Drawing on securitization theory, we highlight the discrimination of Somali refugees in Kenya and Ethiopia by demonstrating how this refugee group is seen as a specific security threat and treated differently from other refugee groups in these countries. A history of border conflicts that shaped the relationship between refugee hosting areas and the national governments long before the advent of camps, coupled with shared Somaliness between locals and refugees in hosting areas, and the back-and-forth refugee movements across international borders have created a confluence of factors that reinforce suspicion and distrust towards Somali refugees. The article adds a normative empirical dimension to securitization theory by providing a nuanced understanding of the concept as it applies to different refugee groups in similar contexts. It also contributes to refugee and migration literature by arguing that although shared Somaliness with locals has strengthened the informal integration of Somali refugees in the two study contexts, the same ties have also provided justification for securitizing this refugee group and denied it from benefitting from progressive laws on formal integration that are being implemented for other refugee groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emerging risks facing humanity have highlighted the need to address and prevent challenges through multilateral preventive strategies. The Mexico-United States (US) border is a region with great biological biodiversity and both countries shared a similar history and intense socioeconomic, and cultural interrelationships. Also, it has an extraordinary ecological contrast, resulting in an enormous biological diversity in a broad Nearctic-Neotropical transition zone. This dynamic region has important disparities due to the lack of bilateral strategies to face emerging issues (e.g., infectious diseases) in an integrated and holistic approach. In this context, we describe the various socio-ecosystemic contexts of the shared border and present different diseases transmitted, and different zoonoses that affect ecosystemic public health that must be addressed under collaborative schemes that can develop preventive policies under the One Health approach with emphasis on the Mexican zone. We describe the social determinants of health issues for the border, but we add ecological contexts infrequently studied in classical epidemiological approaches. Strategies towards One Health require international and multidisciplinary approaches that strengthen diagnostic capabilities, recognizing social, and environmental challenges. Recognizing these aspects will allow the establishment of joint monitoring, prevention, and mitigation strategies with benefits for both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the nature and main characteristics of the discourse on borderlands and border local communities during the process of delimiting the Spanish–Portuguese boundary that took place in the middle third of the nineteenth century. It examines how both local and state actors represented conflicts and violence in border areas and how these discourses played a crucial role not only in securing the involvement of central state agencies in local conflicts but also in legitimizing state intervention in border disputes. Beyond the case studied here, this research contributes to a comparative perspective across different geographical and historical contexts on how border regions and their inhabitants have been frequently represented as problematic spaces and societies. In this regard, the article provides a critical understanding of the border-delimitation process undertaken by the Spanish and Portuguese liberal states as part of a broader national and territorial building process that, among other objectives, sought to control, normalize, discipline and integrate peripheral regions and their populations. Drawing on some of the main concepts coined by Said's Orientalism and the contributions of Foucault in The Birth of the Clinic as well, it proposes the term borderism to describe the imaginative geographies that legitimized this kind of border-delimitation processes, not only in the Iberian context but also in other similar cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past two decades, the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has posed political, economic and social security threats in the Horn of Africa. The seemingly unexpected resurgence of jovial contact between Eritrea and Ethiopia grabbed national, regional and international attention. It was Abiy who jumpstarted the peace process in June 2018. Unfortunately, their relationship gradually deteriorated from a cheerful amorousness to a vicious enmity. Thus, Ethiopia and Eritrea have both shown the ability and readiness to utilise proxy armies against one another. However, the literature on Ethiopia–Eritrea relations now avoids the topic of how peace and security might be restored. Therefore, the primary goal of this article has been to discuss and analyse the development of the Ethio-Eritrean relationship since 2018, from jubilant liaison to paroxysm hostility. To record and analyse this exciting issue, the article would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, journals, interviews, live streaming media and published secondary texts that this writer has access to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ladakh region of India has been recently in the limelight due to border tension between India and China. The differing perception of borders and vague demarcation has led to contested claims in the Ladakh region. India and China have fought a war (1962) and are presently engaged in intermittent skirmishes in the Ladakh region. Following the conflict, the borderland of Ladakh witnessed increased troop presence in the area, which created problems for the Changpas, a semi-nomadic community of Ladakh that is primarily dependent on available natural resources for survival. The political tension between India and China leads to the militarisation of the region and restrictions on the movement of Changpas near the borders. These have unintended consequences for the borderland community. The areas with counter-territorial claims include pastures for grazing the herds, and due to the dispute, the Changpas cannot access them. As a result, Changpas suffer economically and socially. While there is much discussion on the India and China border dispute in the region and beyond, the Changpas hardly get required attention in the mainstream debate. Drawing from Border Studies, this article argues that Changpas are an alienated borderland community. Changpas, because of their semi-nomadic lifestyles, lack an agency to highlight their plight or to articulate demands. This article underlines the ordeals of Changpas to present how border communities in conflict zones are compelled to adopt a life forced by circumstances and controlled by external actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's economic and political development under the third term of Xi Jinping's leadership presents both opportunities and challenges, viewed by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi. While there are potential rooms for cooperation and diplomatic engagement between India and China, there are also significant disagreements related to border disputes, trade imbalances, and geopolitical tensions. Navigating these dynamics requires careful diplomacy, strategic arrangements, and a balance of interests among the leaders in both countries. However, the conflict between India and China is potentially and geopolitically inevitable because of several key factors inherent in the international system. Since both are rising powers, seeking to assert their influence and interests either regionally or globally; moreover, both states have strong nationalist sentiments that can be mobilized by ambitious leaders to justify assertive policies and provocative tongues, making it difficult to compromise on unresolved problems and easier to ignite a destructive blaze. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This provocation examines the resurgence of border significance, arguing that the contemporary impetus of such revival is intricately linked to territorial discontents and their geopolitical imaginations. Our analysis of borders as conflictual spaces identifies three converging factors contributing to this phenomenon: the endogenous nature of borders as inherently artificial constructs, the contextual decline of US hegemony, and the habitualization of territorial contestations. Finally, we suggest that the current trend towards border revisionism heralds a new era of territorial instability and geopolitical insecurity, which calls for a transdisciplinary approach that puts borders at the center of the equation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the land-legal aspects of applying mediation, a form of alternative dispute resolution, in Ukraine. It is established that mediation has deep historical roots and has evolved over the centuries into a modern tool for conflict resolution. Attention is given to the role of mediators in resolving disputes across various cultures and societies for thousands of years. It is noted that contemporary mediation, as an institutionalized process, emerged in the 20th century, particularly after World War II, becoming a tool not only for resolving interpersonal or community conflicts but also for business, labor, international, and even legal disputes. In Ukraine, it has been found that mediation began to actively develop in the early 2000s, when the need for alternative dispute resolution methods grew. These methods were aimed at reducing the burden on the judicial system and providing faster, more cost-effective conflict resolution. The adoption of the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» in November 2021 marked an important step toward recognizing this process at the state level. The article provides an analysis of its provisions, emphasizing that this law still requires adaptation to the specificities of land relations. It is highlighted that mediation in land disputes can be applied in various situations related to the ownership, use, or management of land plots. The author identifies several prospective areas for the application of mediation in land legal relations, specifically: 1) boundary disputes over land plots; 2) land use procedures; and 3) violations of environmental regulations. The article stresses that mediation in land disputes in Ukraine has significant potential, particularly given the need to expedite conflict resolution and alleviate the pressure on the judicial system. It is established that many landowners and participants in land relations currently lack sufficient information about mediation as a dispute resolution tool or do not trust its effectiveness. The article asserts that mediation requires adequate support and cooperation with state institutions, which will also contribute to more effective dispute resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contains insights into the creation of transboundary protected areas, their features, the relationship between nature protection and achieving and maintaining peace in a global and regional context. Using various cases, the goals, benefits, and advantages of transboundary cooperation are elaborated, with a particular emphasis on the areas of nature protection and peace. Regardless of the causes that lead to disputes and conflicts between states, many of them occur in transboundary areas. Conflicts over disputed border lines are becoming more frequent, and some of them pose a serious threat to important biodiversity and geodiversity sites around the world. Therefore, the concept of peace parks offers an alternative to tensions in crisis and conflict hotspots via joint management of natural heritage and the environment, involving multiple stakeholders, with local communities playing an important role as the first and immediate beneficiaries of such cooperation. Despite the numerous benefits offered by transboundary nature protection, there are only a few examples in the Balkans, mostly in the initial stages. Despite its relatively small territory, Kosovo has very heterogeneous natural conditions, with various morphological units. Some of them extend beyond its borders, thus offering numerous opportunities for transboundary cooperation for the protection of natural heritage and the environment, which would transcend its narrower goal and serve as a means of establishing and preserving peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Prior research has extensively examined how bringing technology from work into the non-work life domain creates conflict, yet the reverse pathway has rarely been studied. The purpose of this study is to bridge this gap and examine how the non-work use of smartphones in the workplace affects work–life conflict. Design/methodology/approach: Drawing from three literature streams: technostress, work–life conflict and role boundary theory, the authors theorise on how limiting employees' ability to integrate the personal life domain into work, by means of technology use policy, contributes to stress and work–life conflict. To test this model, the authors employ a natural experiment in a company that changed its policy from fully restricting to open smartphone access for non-work purposes in the workplace. The insights gained from the experiment were explored further through qualitative interviews. Findings: Work–life conflict declines when a ban on using smartphones for non-work purposes in the workplace is revoked. This study's results show that the relationship between smartphone use in the workplace and work–life conflict is mediated by sensed stress. Additionally, a post-hoc analysis reveals that work performance was unchanged when the smartphone ban was revoked. Originality/value: First, this study advances the authors' understanding of how smartphone use policies in the workplace spill over to affect non-work life. Second, this work contributes to the technostress literature by revealing how, in specific situations, engagement with ICT can reduce distress and strain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Risiera di San Sabba, the museum of the only Nazi concentration camp in Italy with a crematorium, and the Foiba di Basovizza, the prominent memorial commemorating the mass killing of Italians carried out by Yugoslav Partisans, examining how they exhibit Italian complicity with Nazi Germany and shed light on the politics of memory in Italy's post-war history. Through a theoretical framework grounded on theories of nationalism, the argument that will be put forward is that the mentioned museums represent fascism as an alien object and Italians as victims/freedom fighters, neglecting Italy's direct involvement in the Holocaust. Concluding remarks will suggest that the historical lack of critical analysis enabled the juxtaposition of the memory of the Holocaust with the Foibe, paving the ground for the proliferation of post-fascist historical accounts and their institutionalisation as manifest in Italy's current political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biosecurity is a crucial issue in a globalised world as today. Biosecurity has become a serious concern for some countries to prevent the transfer of any infectious diseases across borders. Involving human bio-surveillance, biosecurity regulation is actually an attempt to build new spatial demarcations in the border areas of countries. In the context of Indonesia, the biosecurity policy so far has been initiated and applied for protecting Indonesian borders from infectious disease transferred from the mobility of people, including Indonesian migrant workers when they returned back to this country. However, some important issues and controversies remain in debate, especially around the political economy discourses of the Indonesian government. This research, thus, focuses on the risk of disease transmission among the Indonesian migrant workers, which could affected not only Indonesia, but also others particular countries and global people's health. This study examines the case of biosecurity issue in the border Island of Indonesia, which is Tanjung Pinang situated in Riau Islands. Tanjung Pinang is an offshore bordered area bordering to Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This place is part of a major maritime traffics lane between its neighbouring countries. Tanjung Pinang is also one of departure harbours for the Indonesian migrant workers to Malaysia and Singapore. Upon interviewing with migrant workers, the government representatives, and the NGOs/agents who have involved with migrant workers' travels, this research found that biosecurity policy of the Indonesian government has not been implemented consistently and firm to the standard of health protocols; whilst, the prevention of infectious desease carried from migrant workers overseas who returned home could be spread out and brought health risks for domestic communities. The health authority in border area, i.e. Tanjung Pinang, has provided screening rooms; yet, the screenings were implemented for some random workers and on the workers' physical body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article covers the trajectory of relations between Kosovo and Montenegro from the beginning of the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia until the present, underlining the interplay of external and internal factors and dynamics. We argue that the adoption of a Euro-Atlantic agenda as the major paradigm in the policymaking of both countries has been the driving force behind the positive evolution of relations between them. This analysis foregrounds the sensitive issue of border demarcation between Kosovo and Montenegro as the most serious test of the impact of their Euro-Atlantic aspirations on their developing relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to explore the border disputes between China and India, focusing on the period following the 2017 Doklam standoff up to the 2020 Galwan Valley clash. The objective is to understand the nature of these disputes, the causes of escalating tensions, and the broader implications for regional stability and bilateral relations. This article broadly highlights the Doklam standoff with that of the Tawang clashes between the Indian and Chinese armed forces. Further, this research empirically examines the Line of Actual Control (LAC) is a demarcation line that separates both the countries which control territory in the China–India border dispute. As a result, before the start of the Doklam standoff in 2017, China and India had been involved in cementing a bilateral partnership through trade and economy. Since PM Modi came into power in 2014 made a state visit to China and Chinese President Xi Jinping also made a state visit to India. Meanwhile, China and India had started construction in front of the LAC and even China had established a small range of several colonies around border. This has provoked and plunged India into deeper anxiety, on the other hand, New Delhi launched several border management programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This policy brief delves into the procedures surrounding maritime zone disputes under UNCLOS and assesses their efficacy in settling prolonged maritime disputes that involve straddling natural resources and livelihoods in the context of Kenya–Somalia. Given the rise in maritime border disputes across Africa, the brief further examines the use of joint development agreements (JDAs) as a temporary measure for resolving such disputes. It analyzes the challenges associated with using JDAs to address maritime boundary delimitations, their impact on peace and security, and their relationship with local contexts, particularly concerning straddling natural resources and livelihoods. Ultimately, the brief aims to offer practical recommendations for resolving prolonged maritime disputes between neighboring states in Africa, with an emphasis on Kenya and Somalia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, China's nationality policy tended to imitate the Soviet Union while also retaining its uniqueness. Existing scholarship has described three deviations the CCP made vis-à-vis the Soviet model: denying national self-determination, rejecting the supra-national union of nation-states, and undertaking constructivist classification of ethnicity. These features took shape around 1949. In this article, I survey China's observations on Soviet nationality affairs from 1949 to 1991 and provide a perspective for understanding how these deviations from the Soviet nationality model both crystallized and varied. My findings show that after 1949, Soviet studies in China lacked a coherent agenda for studying the nationality question. The experts gathered rich materials but subordinated nationality questions to themes such as revolution, a centrally planned economy, border disputes, geopolitics, and ideological indoctrination. They also tended to reduce ethnopolitics to class struggle and economic modernization. Such systematic evasion of nationality questions persisted until the collapse of the Soviet Union. The USSR's disintegration caused China to recognize the resilience of ethnicity and nationality, while before 1991, Soviet studies in China had lacked any systematic reflection on the Soviet nationality model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reveals the first photographic evidence establishing the presence of the Eurasian Otter in the Kishanganga River in the Gurez Valley of Jammu and Kashmir. This groundbreaking finding resolves uncertainties about the current status and occurrence of the species in the region. The Gurez Valley, tracing the course of the Kishanganga River and forming the upper reaches of the Neelum River in Pakistan, stands as an ecologically significant region inhabited by a diversity of rare, endangered, and unique flora and fauna. Unfortunately, this region has remained scientifically unexplored due to constraints imposed by military operations linked to border disputes and geopolitical tensions. During our camera trapping efforts aimed at studying Kashmir Musk Deer, two Eurasian otters were captured in camera traps. This revelation highlights the precarious state of small populations of mammals in the region, emphasizing the imperative for focused attention from the scientific community and relevant authorities to safeguard the delicate ecosystems of the Gurez Valley. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vietnamese freelance workers who work in land border areas of neighboring countries are quite large in number, thus the policies and laws on labor at the land border as well as issues of ensuring the rights of workers and labor management require more attention. In this article, the author will discuss some of the current status of policies and laws in Vietnam on freelance workers at the land border and solutions to improve policies, laws and management capacity in the coming time for Vietnamese people working in neighboring countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the socio-political causes of border disputes and armed conflicts between states in Central Asia. Socio-political causes of border disputes in Central Asia encompass ethnic tensions, resource allocation conflicts, geopolitical influences, weak governance, cross-border community ties, and strategic national security interests. The article assesses the importance of Central Asia in the world political system and describes interactions between the states of the Central Asian region in the context of the settlement of territorial disputes at the present stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study unravels the relationship between trade and connectivity and presents a narrative to re-energise the South Asian regional economic integration in the post-pandemic period. In addition, the study also examines the effect on conflicts and institutional factors in South Asian trade. The study uses the bilateral gravity analysis in 2SLS (Two-Stage Least Squares) framework to address the endogeneity issues. The study finds that South Asia may gain enormously if they reduce the conflicts across the border and secure improvement in both hard and soft infrastructure. Given that the trade is a dynamic concept, connectivity disruption costs cause havoc to the region, which then promotes dis-integration. Facilitating business beyond the border in post-pandemic requires an enhanced trade facilitation and connectivity in the region. The renewed and shared agenda of the South Asian regional cooperation in post-pandemic should, therefore, aim to reduce both intra- and inter- regional trade facilitation gaps as well as to expand the connectivity. The process of South Asian regional integration has to contribute to narrowing the gaps by providing resources for the development of trade infrastructure. Therefore, South Asia has to enhance its own connectivity and trade facilitation arrangement to take forward the agenda of South Asian integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, which was carried out under the leadership of the Islamic Resistance Movement Hamas on October 7, 2023, represented a shock whose effects did not stop at the borders of the Palestinian issue and the extended conflict it entails between Israel and the Palestinians over land, history and sanctities, but rather went beyond it to confuse regional calculations and evaluate international assessments of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on both levels official and popular, especially in countries that do not support Palestinian rights. The Al-Aqsa flood operation in the Gaza Strip represented a strategic, not a hypothetical turning point, It's considered aqualitative operation, unprecedented in its timing, size, and geographical depth. Most ceasefire attempts in the Gaza Strip failed, as a number of perceptions emerged about the future of the Gaza Strip after the end of the war. In the face of this new round of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which resulted in results of which the humanitarian catastrophe was the most prominent feature,The operation forced the Israeli mind to reconsider the literature of political optimism about the future of Israel, which was promoted by the Zionist right, and caused a shock in the Israeli security system. It led to the loss of the Israeli deterrence theory. This round also brought the issue back into the spotlight of international attention, and the process gave consideration to the military option as a major option in the process of resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. But the repercussions of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation will carry with them for the coming years multiple paths and implications that must be paid attention to, and thinking about preparing strategic plans to deal with them. Hence the importance of the research to identify the importance of these features and study them, as this research presents the repercussions of the Al-Aqsa Flood operation on both sides, which It reflects the course of events and then shows us the transformations in political paths, specifically the positions of the active Palestinian, Israeli, Arab and international forces and their future impact on the Palestinian people and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of Jung's most significant contributions concerns the mysterious, inexplicable and always out‐of‐reach nature of the self. In this paper, I will focus on the borders of the self and their nature, location and dynamics of maintenance and change in geographically, historically, and culturally situated subjects. Reflecting on the refugee experience, I intend to gain more insights into our psychic functioning and the dynamics of the self in relation to itself, the other and groups. The experiences of some refugees, marked bysignificant trauma and migration, shed light on how the boundaries of the self are frequently contested and perpetually negotiated with others, and how our subjectivity is shaped by ongoing dynamics of occupation, dispute and/or negotiation, conducted at various levels of our social and individual existence. My argument is that these processes occur at a specific site: the boundaries of the self, involving intrapsychic, interpersonal and group psychological dynamics, with reverberations in the socio‐political and cultural spheres, and reciprocal influences between all these levels. This paper aims to concentrate on the shifts in these boundaries, illustrated through clinical vignettes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIrish republican feminists across twentieth-century Ireland occupied an ambivalent position in the Global North. The Irish were complicit in imperialism in the non-West or Global South. However, they also operated against an evolving backdrop of colonialism, violence and resistance, spanning the all-Ireland anti-colonial campaign, partition, and postcolonial civil war, as well as the late twentieth-century civil rights movement and ensuing ‘Troubles’ (1969–1998) north of the disputed border. Irish women were, therefore, subject to various iterations of violent patriarchy informed by British imperialism, anti-colonialism, settler-colonialism or postcoloniality. Using the texts of a small number of prominent Irish republican feminists, including Helena Molony (1883–1967) and Hanna Sheehy Skeffington (1877–1946), as well as Bernadette Devlin (1947–) and Roisin Boyd (?–) later in the century, this article examines political women’s attempts to understand their positionality and, through this, formulate their identity. To do so, I am indebted to Global South feminist and ‘feminist of colour’ epistemologies, beginning with Chandra Mohanty’s understanding of relevant terminology as denoting ‘political and analytic sites and methodologies’ rather than geographical or spatial constructs. I hope to use this theorising in a way that does not perpetrate a recolonising of ‘women of colour’ knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes and tests how different types of interstate conflict across borders affect trade between disputing parties and trade diversion with third parties. Building on theories of borders as institutions, we differentiate the effects of two types of international disputes – border disputes and escalated militarized disputes – and draw on 60 years of trade and conflict data to test the effects of these disputes on bilateral and third-party trade flows. We find that border disputes and militarized disputes each depress trade flows between the disputing countries. However, legal border disputes are associated with increased trade diversion with non-disputing countries, which may fully offset the forgone bilateral trade, whereas militarized disputes have the opposite effect. These results show that actors engaged in trade can offset bilateral trade losses from a border dispute by expanding trade with third parties not involved in the dispute, but the same cannot be said of offsetting the losses from militarized disputes. The fact that border disputes and militarized disputes have opposite effects on trade diversion highlights the importance of examining both the type of dispute and the type of trade flows that are affected when studying conflict and trade and evaluating the potentially pacifying incentives of international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article was published open access under a CC BY-NC-ND licence: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Social Sciences Cankiri Karatekin University / Çankırı Karatekin Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In our increasingly globalized world, Transnational Maritime Environmental Crimes (TMEC) have become a major concern for international law and policymakers due to their significant and often uncertain impacts. The vast and complex nature of maritime spaces poses unique challenges to global conservation efforts, complicating the harmonization of international laws and policies. These challenges are compounded by the diverse and evolving nature of maritime crimes, which include illegal fishing, marine pollution, flora and fauna trafficking, ecocide, vandalism of underwater infrastructure, underwater cultural heritage trafficking, and unsustainable marine tourism (Bueger and Edmunds, 2020). Addressing TMEC effectively requires a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach, recognizing these crimes at international, regional, and domestic levels through robust regulatory and adaptive policy frameworks. TMECs are not only diverse in their manifestations but also transnational with criminal activities crossing national borders and exploiting the vastness of international waters. The movement between state borders and international waters complicates law enforcement efforts, as actors involved in TMEC frequently exploit these jurisdictional complexities to carry out their illegal activities with relative impunity. Respecting the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea’s (UNCLOS) intent for freedom of navigation on the high seas, effective responses to TMEC require international alignment, strong political will, and coordinated efforts across borders (United Nations, 1982). This need for coordinated global action is further underscored by global challenges such as the Coronavirus pandemic of 2019 (COVID-19), maritime boundary disputes, and climate change, all of which exacerbate the potential harm of TMEC, particularly for low- and middle income countries and small island developing states in the Global South. Despite growing awareness of the severity of these crimes, law enforcement efforts are often outmatched by the sophistication and stealth of organized criminal syndicates involved in TMEC. These criminal networks are highly adaptable, using advanced technologies and complex logistical networks to evade detection, arrest and prosecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the most unstable border areas, the China–Myanmar border has become a prevalent issue in international affairs in recent years, affecting a variety of policy debates from illegal immigration, illicit trade, geopolitical strategy, and continental bilateral cooperation. Baidu, currently the leading online search engine in China, has created the Baidu Index to gather and analyze internet search data. This study analyzed keyword searches on the Baidu Index related to the China–Myanmar border for the period 2011–2021. The study investigated search volume using trend research, demand mapping, and geographic and demographic distribution. The results showed steady growth throughout the 10-year research period for online searches on the China–Myanmar border, with a dramatic increase in 2015. Searches were mainly by men aged 20–39 years in southwest China. Baidu users were most interested in the trafficking of women and girls, followed by the 2015 Kokang conflict and ongoing COVID-19 cases in Ruili, Yunnan Province. Search trend data suggested that the fastest-growing topics of interest were maps of the China–Myanmar border, followed by militarized conflicts along the border. Policymakers can use the results of this study to understand the public concern about the China–Myanmar border in formulating more effective public governance measures. Plain language summary: Based on a network perspective, this study uses the big data from the Baidu Index to analyze the keyword searches of Chinese netizens on the China–Myanmar border between 2011 and 2021. This approach provides a new angle in border security research. Motivated by the development of internet search trend gathering and analysis tools to provide a new batch of data for assessing public opinion about international relations and features of various border security issues, we draw on data to explore what Chinese netizens think about the China–Myanmar border. Simultaneously, we aim to establish whether the search trend data reflect real China–Myanmar border issues and to investigate the characteristics and priorities of people searching for information on the China–Myanmar border, which will facilitate more targeted border management and policies by government authorities. However, we do not acknowledge the factors shaping public attitudes about the China–Myanmar border. Although the Baidu Index is a reliable and novel data source for analyzing the border security issue from the public perspective in China, it does not reflect the uneven internet access concerns based on geographic regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's state of deterrence vis-a-vis China has significantly weakened over the last two decades. This has occurred in the backdrop of asymmetries that are both natural (geographic) as well as institutional – economic growth rates, defense production and preparedness. India's attempts to restore deterrence starting since 2009 has failed to serve its objectives owing to imperfect strategic assessments, over-reliance on non-deterrence measures to ensure stability, and under-investment in military power. Such conditions had led to a deterrence posture that was high on assertiveness but low on credibility. India continues to under-invest in military capabilities and neglect deterrence, even while undertaking significant steps toward creating a military-industrial complex primed for the future. Hence, India needs to restore deterrence – of a kind that is generalized, credible, and based on the buildup of war fighting capabilities. In order to escape the decadal land dilemma, India needs to emphasize its strengths in terms of air power (instead of sea power); and in terms of external options, India could adopt a more flexible version of strategic autonomy. The paper further argues that such a deterrence posture needs to be complemented by a high-level political approach toward a final resolution of the border dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India–China standoff has lasted for more than three years since China intruded at multiple points along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh in May 2020. Although both states continue to assert that they do not want war/conflict, the risk of vertical and horizontal escalation has grown significantly, both along the LAC and in the maritime domain. Several rounds of talks at the diplomatic and military levels have failed to amicably resolve the standoff, further compounded by Modi's and Xi's unwillingness to seriously address the issue in leader-level talks. Moreover, the Modi government's refusal to publicly admit that China now forcibly occupies territory previously held by India before 2020 only suggests to Beijing that further Chinese incursions will be similarly publicly denied by India. Beijing and New Delhi's LAC actions are indicative of an intensifying security dilemma, as evidenced by their competitive military buildups and prioritization of gaining and holding territory over meaningful political talks. Their deployment of new technologies, such as precision-guided missiles and combat UAVs, is not being complemented by dialogue to understand how their use may generate a significant escalatory response leading to a broader war or conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of relative stability, recent years have seen a spike in the number of militarized crises between the troops of China and India along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) on their disputed border. What explains this sudden upsurge in violence on the Sino–Indian border, and how specifically can we make sense of China's increasingly assertive posture leading to intrusions at multiple points along the LAC in May 2020? This paper argues that China's growing assertiveness can be best understood to be a function of the country's growing power. Its growing material capabilities – economic and military – in recent decades, and particularly relative to India, by both increasing China's military options on its borders, as well as reducing the kind of external and internal vulnerabilities that may have encouraged more conciliatory stances in the past, have created the conditions for Beijing to adopt more aggressive postures in its territorial disputes, including with India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex dynamics between India and China, particularly their positional and spatial rivalries in the Indo-Pacific region. Since the late 1940s, the two nations have engaged in territorial conflicts along the disputed border, culminating in the 1962 war. China's quest for preeminence in the Indo-Pacific prompted India to strengthen ties with the US, join the Quad, and enhance regional partnerships. This paper argues that China's intrusions along the Line of Actual Control in May 2020 aimed to teach India a lesson reminiscent of the 1962 war, diminish its influence, and force acceptance of China as the preeminent power. Analyzing China's ambitions, and India's strategic responses, the article assesses India's inclination to recognize China's dominance in the Indo-Pacific. As the two nations grapple with historical baggage and contemporary geopolitical shifts, the article explores the implications of their strategic choices on regional stability and global power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several Indian commentators claim that Mao Zedong enunciated a "Five Fingers of Tibet" Strategy to pursue a "revanchist" agenda of "reattaching" Nepal, Sikkim (a kingdom before merging with India in 1975) and Bhutan, and the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA, presently Arunachal Pradesh) and Ladakh of India with Tibet (thus, with China) based on Tibet's "historical claims" over them. They maintain that Xi Jinping is pursuing the same strategy toward the Himalayan region. They impute that this so-called strategy informed the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) attempts in May 2020 to change the status quo in border areas. Therefore, this article reviews the relevant literature published since the 1950s and seeks corroboration from contemporary experts on India-China relations, Tibet, PLA affairs and Chinese foreign policy to ascertain whether Mao propounded such a strategy and whether China ever pursued it. It concludes that there is little evidence to substantiate these contentions. Hence, the Five Fingers of Tibet is a faulty prism to analyze the India-China border dispute and understand China's approach toward Nepal and Bhutan. Thus, this prism is liable to produce alarmist analyses, shaping public opinion, that may negatively impact India's policy choices regarding China and its Himalayan neighbors, Nepal and Bhutan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the historical meeting between Antonio Garra and Juan Antonio Chem'yuleqa Kústakik in 1851, as they sought to form an alliance against United States' settlement in California. It explores the diplomatic relations between the Cahuilla and Kúpangaxwicham nations, emphasizing their sovereignty and coalition-building efforts. The text also examines the impact of Spanish and Mexican colonization on the region, detailing how Indigenous nations navigated alliances and conflicts to maintain autonomy. Leaders like Garra and Kústakik strategically formed alliances with neighboring nations and colonial powers to protect their sovereignty, showcasing their resilience in the face of colonization. [Extracted from the article]

This report provides an overview of contemporary scholarship on the political geographies of oceans. While oceans were overlooked for many years as theories of sovereignty, territory, and borders focused on terrestrial politics, the significant impact of climate change resulted in a new focus on the role oceans place in global environmental and political systems. At the same time, the enclosure of over 40 percent of the oceans as territorial seas, exclusive economic zones, and extended continental shelves through the Convention on the Law of the Sea produced burgeoning literature on maritime borders and conflicts. The report proposes the concept of blue geopolitics to capture an oceanic turn in political geography theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research pertains to the economic competition between China and India and looks into the effect of this competition on regional stability, economic corridors, and multilateral cooperation. The objectives of this study include an investigation of the historical and current factors that have sustained the competition and appraisal of how this rivalry creates an impact on regional economic corridors. Also, the study's objectives include assessment of the effect of this rivalry for multilateral cooperation in Asia. The condition of territorial disputes and strategic competition between the two countries explains the ongoing rivalry, while the methodology is qualitative regarding geopolitical and economic and infrastructure resources. The findings reveal that the current rivalry is very much fragmented with regard to regional cooperation because it allows a steady integration of processes and ultimate stability. Therefore, the study recommends enhancing these bilateral dialogues and increasing multilateral cooperation, including transparent infrastructure developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The boundary, both as social norm and physical form, is an essential element in the development of the structure of urban form. This article explores the role of boundaries: (1) through the transformation of the lilong form in Shanghai by means of a case study of the Guizhou lilong block and (2) through the extension of the methodology of morphological study. In the urbanization of China, the lilong form tracks successive organizational shifts in society. Over one hundred years, the micro-scale changes of boundaries transformed the morphology of the Guizhou lilong block from a single-family residence to a mass housing block. Accordingly, the morphological study of the boundaries in Guizhou lilong block shows how its form was changed by changing regulations applied to it as well as its changing communities. This article uses two-dimensional drawings to investigate the change of boundaries over time extending the Conzen tradition and the understanding of how the social system defines the urban form. Consequently, this article makes an argument for understanding the effect on boundaries of both the conflict and the cooperation between the authorities and the inhabitants in a morphological study following the Conzen School. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]