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Contains fulltext : 249582.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) This article aims to establish the connection between people’s voice at work and their political voice. We theorize and model a spillover mechanism from supervisors’ responses to workplace voice to political participation. Applying structural equation modeling on a unique dataset (N = 3129), we find that while support and suppression of workplace voice both affect political participation, they do so through different mechanisms. In addition, we find that supervisors’ suppressive responses to employees’ voice can trigger both positive and negative effects on different forms of political participation. Thereby, we contribute to the understanding of the link between participation at work and participation in politics. 30 september 2020 21 p.

This study examines what workers do when their supervisor is not responsive to their voice. Based on mobilization theory and theories on organizational dissent, the authors hypothesize alternatives for workers expressing discontent when their initial complaints are ignored or punished by their supervisor under various co-worker support conditions. The hypotheses are tested using a large- N dataset while applying a vignette design. The findings show that workers are less likely to (repeat) voice within the organization and more likely to seek help outside the organization when a supervisor threatens to punish future voice endeavours. Co-workers’ supportive and participative responses to voice increase the likelihood that workers keep their voice within the organization and have mixed effects on the likelihood that workers seek support elsewhere.

Contains fulltext : 226192pub.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) We study atypical workers’ experiences with voice of in the Netherlands. We take a relational approach to worker voice and hypothesize that atypical workers are particularly vulnerable to refrain from voice and to experience suppression. We test our hypotheses using unique data on workers’ actual experiences with voicing discontent and supervisors’ responses (N = 4708; collected in 2017 and 2018). We find that temporary and freelance work, job insecurity, replaceability and precarious values are barriers to worker voice. Job insecurity and precarious values are associated with less support and more suppression from supervisors. These insights offer a valuable contribution to scholarly and public debates on atypical work by demonstrating how it not only affects workers’ job security, income stability and entitlements but also reduces workers’ ability to speak up and solve problems at work. 01 mei 2020

This study is the first to explore the effect of political socialization in the workplace on populist attitudes. We investigate the effect of workplace voice suppression on employees' populist attitudes and voting. We expect employees who were suppressed by supervisors to hold more populist attitudes and to be more likely to vote for a populist party than employees who were not. We argue that some employees experience voice suppression by supervisors as stressful, so splitting is likely to be employed as a defense mechanism. Splitting is achieved through cognitive distinction and antagonism between "the good workers" and "the crooked bosses." Such a split mental framework can generalize into a worldview that contrasts "the pure people" and "the corrupt elite," a core characteristic of populism. We predict that the extent to which suppression triggers splitting and consequentially incites populist attitudes and voting depends on employees' acceptance of power distance. We test our hypotheses using SEM on survey data from 2990 members of the Dutch labor force. Our results show that experiences of voice suppression are positively related to populist attitudes and populist voting. As expected, this effect is stronger for employees who are less accepting of power distance.

We investigate differences in deviant behavior between temporary workers and permanent workers and study the moderating role of workplace cohesion. We distinguish between task cohesion, which reflects the way colleagues work together as a team to complete tasks, and social cohesion, which reflects how well colleagues relate. We predict that task cohesion and social cohesion prompt norms on tolerating group members’ deviant behavior and test our hypotheses on the Work and Politics 2016 data set, consisting of 787 Dutch employees. We find that temporary work does not lead to deviant behavior per se, but its effect on deviant behavior is moderated by workplace cohesion. We conclude that the distinction between task cohesion and social cohesion is crucial for understanding the effect of temporary work on deviant behavior.

This study examines the relationship between employee voice suppression by workplace authorities (i.e. supervisors) and the formation of employees' attitudes towards political authority. We test whether the effect of experienced voice suppression by supervisors on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is positive, negative or nonlinear. The hypotheses are tested on original data gathered within the Dutch Work and Politics Survey 2017 (N = 7599), which allows for a wide range of demographic and organisational control variables. The results favour a nonlinear effect of suppression on employees' authoritarianism. These results support the notion that political attitudes are dynamic and that the workplace plays a role in shaping them.

As enterprises that are owned and governed by workers themselves for their mutual benefit, worker cooperatives are currently re-emerging as a promising antidote against precarity and economic dependence in the gig economy. Considering the social and geographic fragmentation of gig workers, it remains unclear whether cooperatives can count on the member commitment necessary to survive. This study investigates whether preference deviation and social disembeddedness stifle the commitment of gig workers to such cooperatives. A cross-sectional survey was used to gather data from members of four interconnected cooperatives in Italy that consist of gig workers in the cultural, ICT and education sectors ( n = 425). The results show that members with more deviating preferences and less social embeddedness among fellow members have a lower commitment towards their cooperative. These findings demonstrate the conditions for gig workers’ commitment to cooperatives, being a key factor in cooperative longevity.

Contains fulltext : 226276.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) Much research is devoted to the relationship between populist parties and democracy. However, relatively little is known about the relationship between citizens’ populist attitudes and democracy. This article examines the relationship between populist attitudes, support for democracy, and political participation (voting, protest, support for referendums, and support for deliberative forms of participation). Using survey data from the Netherlands, this article shows that individuals with stronger populist attitudes are more supportive of democracy, are less likely to protest, are more supportive of referendums, and are more supportive of deliberative forms of political participation compared to individuals with weaker populist attitudes. Results show no relationship between populist attitudes and voting. These findings provide important insights into the relationship between populism, democracy, and political participation from a citizen’s perspective. 29 juni 2020 25 p.

Populist parties claim that democratic regimes fail to deliver results that are in line with what ‘the people’ want. To address this policy outcome failure, they favour direct democracy (especially when in opposition). Yet we do not know whether populists’ proposed solution—referendums—resonates with ‘the people’ it wishes to empower. This study fills this gap. First, we analyse to what extent citizens with populist attitudes favour referendums. Second, we analyse to what extent populist attitudes are linked to the decision to vote in the 2016 Dutch referendum about the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement. Third, we analyse to what extent these attitudes are linked to their vote choice. To answer these questions, we use the Dutch 2016 National Referendum Survey. Among others, we find that populist citizens are more likely to favour referendums and they are more likely to cast a ‘No’-vote, regardless of their party preference and trust in government.

Purpose This paper aims to analyse the impact of an intra-team conflict on the social relations within a team. The team conflict was triggered by a strike action which separated the team in two groups, the strikers and the worker, who continued to work. After the strike was settled, all had to work again cooperatively. This paper analyses how the strike action affects work and private social networks among workers. Design/methodology/approach The authors combine a qualitative ethnographic approach with quantitative network data. Findings The authors find that the strike action led to a separation between the former group of strikers and non-strikers. While the subgroups become more cohesive and their social network density increased, the links between both groups diminished. Research limitations/implications This study reveals that strikes and the accompanying separation of the workforce can improve social relations within the team, if individuals behaved alike during the conflict. Practical implications For managers, the results raise questions concerning typical managerial behaviour during strikes, as managers frequently trigger separation by trying to convince some individuals to continue to work. Instead, groups may even improve their performance after a strike, if they were allowed to behave alike by all joining the strike or refraining. Originality/value This study is the first to analyse social relations after a conflict. The authors combine qualitative and quantitative data and show the evolution of a social network after a strike. Moreover, they separate private communication flows and work-related communication and show that both networks do not necessarily evolve equally after a conflict.

Verzorgingsstaten zijn populair in Europa. Ondanks de vele maatschappelijke discussies over wie waar recht op heeften waarom, over de bureaucratie van sociale diensten, over de hoogte van de uitkeringen en de kwaliteit de zorg, blijkt uit langdurig opinieonderzoek dat de sociale legitimiteit van de verzorgingsstaat staat als een huis. Een overgrote meerderheid van de Europeanen steunt het feit dat de staat herverdeelt om ongelijkheid in risico's en inkomen terug te dringen. En eenzelfde grote meerderheid vindt dat de overheid de geeigende instantie is om ervoor te zorgen dat de ouderen pensioenen krijgen, er gezondheidszorg is voor de zieken en uitkeringen voor werklozen.

Extant public management studies examining the management of environmental challenges predominantly concentrate on the management of the erratic dimension of environmental challenges, that is, shocks. Whereas there is strong evidence that environmental shocks can be effectively managed, much less is known about more predictable environmental constraints that, likewise, challenge the organization’s functioning. The present article studies the moderating effects of managerial networking on the negative relation between environmental constraints—that is, red tape—on organizational performance. We hypothesize that red tape negatively affects public service performance. We further hypothesize that “downward,” “upward,” “sideward,” and “outward” managerial networking orientations attenuate the negative effect of red tape on public service performance. The hypotheses are tested on a data set of Dutch primary schools ( n = 523), which includes managerial networking and perceived red tape variables as well as objective, independently measured, school performance data. The results show that perceived personnel red tape negatively affects school performance but that perceived general external red tape positively affects school performance. The negative effect of personnel red tape on school performance is attenuated by “outward”-oriented managerial networking.

This article studies how the support workers expect from colleagues for strike participation affects their willingness to participate in a strike. We formulate hypotheses on the effects of anticipated social support for participation as well as anticipated social support for nonparticipation. We include the potentially mediating effect of social identification and the social costs of (non-)participation. We test our hypotheses on survey data of 725 Dutch employees collected in 2010. Using structural equation modeling techniques, we find that the support for participation has a stronger positive effect on the willingness to strike than the support for nonparticipation has on the willingness to strike. In addition, our findings suggest that union membership substitutes the effect of social support of colleagues.

Universities across the world have recently experienced a number of serious cases of academic misconduct. In the public and academic debates, one dominant explanation exists for the fraudulent behaviour of university staff. Academic misconduct is considered to be the logical behavioural consequence of output-oriented management practices, based on performance incentives. This article puts this explanation to the test. Based on our analysis of a dataset of employees in Dutch higher education (N = 4,775) from 2010 and 2012, we argue that performance indicators have a positive impact on higher education professionals' perception of integrity in their work environment.

Activists are the engines of social movements. What spurs their activism? This article scrutinizes the role of civic participation in stimulating political action. We examine how the type of voluntary organization, scope of involvement and intensity of activity relate to political activity. Contrary to existing studies that collapse noninstitutional political activities into a single measure, we differentiate collective activities from individualized activities, enabling us to investigate how the type, intensity and scope of civic participation differentially stimulate political activities. Our sample included 14,787 participants in 71 street demonstrations. We show that membership and interest in activist organizations stimulates political activity, especially for those actively involved and especially for collective noninstitutionalized activities, while membership in leisure organizations only stimulates individualized political activities, but not collective activities. We therefore conclude that civic participation is a multifaceted phenomenon associated with various political activities in different ways.

The present study seeks to answer the question how, and to what extent, environmental turbulence—measured as percentage change in the number of pupils—affects organizational performance. We examine how different managerial networking orientations moderate the effect of percentage change in number of pupils on school performance. We hypothesize that percentage change in the number of pupils negatively affects school performance. We further hypothesize that different managerial networking orientations moderate the effect of percentage change in the number of pupils on school performance. The hypotheses are tested on a dataset of Dutch primary schools ( n = 546), which includes information about school principals, school characteristics, and school performance. Results of the analyses show that our measure of environmental turbulence negatively affects school performance. Moreover, internally oriented networking activities (team involvement and networking for coproduction), rather than externally oriented networking activities, attenuate the negative effect of environmental turbulence on school performance.

Contains fulltext : 158977.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) We investigate how information spillovers from other negotiations affect conflict in bargaining. Two theoretical mechanisms are studied: (1) social comparisons, which are hypothesized to increase conflict due to self-serving biases, and (2) rational learning, which is hypothesized to decrease conflict by reducing information asymmetries. Our experimental design allows for an interactive bargaining process and offers full control over the information available to negotiators. Consistent with studies of one-shot games, we find that spillovers resulting from social comparisons increase conflict; however, the bargaining process mitigates this effect. In bargaining situations in which spillovers also allow for rational learning, the conflict-increasing effects of spillovers are prevented.

Hoewel de positieve relatie tussen tijdelijk werk en rechts-populisme regelmatig wordt geopperd, is er tot op heden weinig empirisch bewijs voor gevonden. In deze studie bestuderen we tijdelijke en vaste werknemers in Nederland en onderzoeken we (1) of er een relatie is tussen contracttype en PVV-stemintenties, en (2) in hoeverre deze relatie beïnvloed wordt door economische kenmerken van sectoren. We leiden hypothesen af uit het insider-outsiderperspectief en de 'verliezers van mondialisering'-these. Wij toetsen onze hypothesen met de Work & Politics 2016-dataset. Gebruikmakend van multilevel regressieanalyse vinden wij geen bewijs voor een direct verband tussen contracttype en PVV-stemintenties: in het algemeen geldt dat tijdelijke werknemers niet meer geneigd zijn om PVV te stemmen dan vaste werknemers. Wel blijken economische kenmerken van sectoren van belang: in sectoren met een hogere vacaturegraad zijn tijdelijke werknemers meer geneigd om PVV te stemmen. Wij concluderen dat wanneer de vraag naar arbeid hoger is, werknemers met een tijdelijk contract zich als meer achtergesteld beschouwen, en daarom eerder geneigd zijn PVV te stemmen.

Conflict in wage bargaining is affected by information about other bargaining units and information about the past of the bargaining unit. We develop a theoretical framework for such spillovers and detail four distinct mechanisms. Rational learning and social comparisons are reviewed as mechanisms for the influence of information about other bargaining units, and reputation and expectation effects are reviewed as mechanisms for the influence of information about the past of the bargaining unit. Building upon a previous experimental study, we implement an unstructured, time-limited, two-person bargaining game with asymmetric information and investigate the impact of reputation and expectation effects. The experimental treatments vary with respect to spillover-inducing information available to the participants. The results suggest that reputation effects decrease conflict, whereas expectation effects tend to increase conflict. Moreover, reputation effects diminish the influence of social comparisons but can augment the effects of rational learning.

This paper seeks to answer two questions: 1- To what extent are negotiators in collective bargaining influenced by different types of external information? 2- How can differences in the influence of external information between negotiators be explained by the characteristics of the negotiators and bargaining units? A standardized questionnaire measuring self-reported influences of different types of external information was developed and administered to a representative sample of union and firm negotiators in the Netherlands. In total, 123 negotiators participated in the survey. Four types of external information were investigated: 1- economic information; 2- information on organizational power; 3- institutional information; and 4- information spillovers. Descriptive analyses show that economic information, particularly when referring to the sector level, was very influential, as was institutional information on national and sectoral collective agreement developments. Information reflecting organizational power, e.g. militancy, carried less weight, while information on other bargaining events, i.e. spillover, was also very important. From extant theory, empirical findings and common assumptions in labour relations literature, the paper developed and tested a number of hypotheses concerning the influence of external information. It was found that the influence of spillovers increased with the proximity of their source. Union negotiators were generally more influenced by external information than firm negotiators. There was some evidence that influence increased with experience, but this effect was rather modest. Evidence that negotiators in sector bargaining were less affected by the economic environment than negotiators in company bargaining was weak, but they were found to be less influenced by spillovers and international collective agreement developments., Cet article cherche à répondre à deux questions : 1- dans quelle mesure les personnes négociant une convention collective sont-elles influencées par divers types d’information externe; et 2- comment les différences d’influence de l’information externe entre les personnes négociatrices peuvent être expliquées par les caractéristiques de ces personnes et les unités de négociation. Un questionnaire standardisé cherchant à mesurer les influences auto-déclarées de divers types d’information externe a été développé et administré à un échantillon représentatif de négociateurs et négociatrices de syndicats et d’employeurs dans les Pays-Bas. Au total, 123 négociateurs ont participé à l’enquête.Quatre types d’information externe ont été étudiés : 1- information de nature économique; 2- information relative au pouvoir organisationnel; 3- information de nature institutionnelle; et 4 information relative aux effets de débordement des négociations. Les analyses descriptives montrent que l’information de nature économique, particulièrement au niveau sectoriel, s’avère très influente, tout comme l’information de nature institutionnelle portant sur les développements nationaux et sectoriels des conventions collectives. L’information reflétant le pouvoir organisationnel, tel le militantisme, aurait moins de poids, alors que l’information concernant d’autres aspects liés à la négociation — par exemple, l’effet de débordement —, s’avère très important.Selon la théorie existante provenant de résultats de recherches empiriques et d’hypothèses couramment admises dans la littérature des relations de travail, cet article développe et vérifie un certain nombre d’hypothèses concernant l’influence de l’information externe. Il s’avère que l’influence des effets de débordement s’accroit à mesure qu’on se rapproche de leur source. De plus, les négociateurs syndicaux sont généralement davantage influencés par l’information externe que leurs vis-à-vis patronaux. Il appert aussi que l’influence s’accroît avec l’expérience, bien que cet effet demeure modeste. L’idée que les personnes négociant au niveau sectoriel sont moins influencées par l’environnement économique que celles négociant au niveau de l’entreprise n’est pas vraiment accréditée par les résultats. Dans cette enquête, il ressort qu’elles sont moins influencées par les effets de débordement et par les développements de convention collective au niveau international., Este artículo pretende responder dos preguntas: 1- ¿Hasta qué punto los negociadores de la convención colectiva son influenciados por los diferentes tipos de información externa? 2- ¿Las diferencias en la manera cómo la información externa influencia los negociadores pueden ser explicadas por las características de dichos negociadores y de las unidades de negociación? Un cuestionario estandarizado fue elaborado con medidas auto-reportadas de la influencia de los diferentes tipos de información externa. El instrumento fue administrado a una muestra representativa de negociadores sindicales y patronales en los Países Bajos, obteniendo la participaron de un total de 123 negociadores. Cuatro tipos de información externa fueron investigados: 1- la información económica; 2- la información sobre el poder organizacional; 3- la información institucional; y 4- las externalidades de la información. Los análisis descriptivos que la información económica, particularmente aquellas que conciernen el sector, fueron muy influentes, mientras que la información institucional influenció el desarrollo de la negociación a nivel nacional y sectorial. La información sobre el poder organizacional, por ejemplo, el militantismo, tuvo un peso menos importante, mientras que la información sobre otros aspectos de la negociación, tales que las externalidades, fue también muy importante. A partir de la teoría, los resultados empíricos y los postulados comunes en la literatura sobre relaciones laborales, el artículo desarrolló y verificó algunas hipótesis sobre la influencia de la información externa. Fue corroborado que la influencia de las externalidades aumenta con la proximidad de la fuente. Los negociadores sindicales fueron en general más influenciados por la información externa que los negociadores patronales. Los resultados sugieren que la influencia se incrementa con la experiencia pero este efecto fue más bien modesto. Fue también débil el resultado indicando que los negociadores de nivel sectorial fueron menos afectados por el contexto económico que los negociadores de nivel empresarial. Pero la evidencia fue sólida en el sentido que los negociadores de nivel sectorial fueron menos influenciados por las externalidades y el desarrollo de la negociación colectiva internacional.

Contains fulltext : 141017.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) We study multilevel interactions using experimental methods. Does the efficiency of a production team suffer from the freeriding behavior of some team members at the firm level? Can we identify behavioral spillovers affecting teams? We isolate common tasks that teams must complete – coordination and cooperation – and model each of them using a simple experimental game that is designed to avoid identification problems. By observing a team's efficiency before and after the firm-level event, we identify the behavioral spillovers of freeriding to team-level cooperation and coordination. We demonstrate that team composition with respect to freeriding behavior of individual members during the firm-level conflict conditions behavioral spillovers. In particular, the efficiency of heterogeneous teams decreases after a firm-level conflict, whereas homogeneous teams can improve their performance. 10 p.

Research on the supply side of politics demonstrates that populism acts as a common denominator even though populist parties possess very different ideological positions. However, it is uncertain whether this translates to the demand side: Do voters support left and right-wing populist parties for similar reasons? Using the Netherlands as our case study, we investigate the common demand side characteristics of supporters of populist radical right and populist radical left parties. The paper concludes that populist attitudes (i.e. a people-centered notion of political representation) unify supporters of both populist radical left and populist radical right parties. Supporters of both parties also demonstrate lower levels of political trust (than voters for other parties): this is particularly the case for PVV supporters. Beyond these similarities we find that the PVV and the SP attract very different supporters. PVV supporters demonstrate low immigrant tolerance, while SP voters support more income equality.

This article addresses the question of whether, and to what extent job flexibility is detrimental to mobilization with regard to the willingness to take part in industrial action. The authors examine the influence of job flexibility (‘standard’ versus ‘non-standard’ work) and job instability (changes from one job to another) on employees’ willingness to strike. Based on Dutch survey data it is shown that only minor differences exist between ‘standard’ and ‘non-standard’ employees in their willingness to participate in a strike. While this study did not establish a major direct effect of job flexibility on strike participation, tests of interaction effects reveal that job flexibility moderates other mobilizing factors, such as union membership and job dissatisfaction. Job instability, on average, has no effect on strike participation.

In dit onderzoek bestuderen we de verschijningsvormen van directe en indirecte werknemersparticipatie in de Europese Unie. De onderzoeksvragen luiden: (1) welke vormen van directe en indirecte werknemersparticipatie kunnen onderscheiden worden?, (2) in hoeverre gaan deze vormen van indirecte en directe werknemersparticipatie samen binnen organisaties?, en (3) in hoeverre hangen vormen van (in)directe werknemersparticipatie samen met (a) werknemerswelzijn en (b) (economische) prestaties van de organisatie? Gebruikmakend van de ECS-2013 analyseren we 24.251 bedrijven in de 28 EU-lidstaten. Op basis van latente klassen analyse onderscheiden we vier typen indirecte werknemersparticipatie en vijf typen directe werknemersparticipatie, die zich onderscheiden in de mate waarin deze participatie wordt gefaciliteerd. We vinden weinig ondersteuning voor de hypothese dat directe werknemersparticipatie ingezet wordt om indirecte participatie te vervangen: de combinatie van uitgebreide directe en indirecte participatie blijkt het meest gangbaar. Uit de multilevel analyses blijkt dat uitgebreidere vormen van directe en indirecte participatie samengaan met positieve uitkomsten voor de organisatie (bedrijfsprestaties) en haar werknemers (werknemerswelzijn).

Contains fulltext : 162925.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) In this article, we investigate how communication and trust networks between employees affect participation in a strike. We analyze whether the strength of network relations is related to congruence in strike behavior using social network data on 59 Dutch workers. We find that private communication networks and trust networks lead to similar strike behavior. This finding indicates that networks not only promote protest mobilization but are also vehicles for demobilization, albeit through different network relations.

Contains fulltext : 162930.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) This study examines the extent to which strikes diffuse across sectors and to what extent this diffusion of strikes can be explained by similarities and interdependencies between sectors. For this purpose, the authors examine a unique temporally disaggregated and dyadic database on strikes in Dutch sectors during the 1995–2007 period. Based on a series of discrete-time event-history models, their study clearly supports the relevance of intersectoral interdependencies to understanding when strikes in one sector are followed by strikes in other sectors. Sector-to-sector labor mobility has a significant and positive impact on the diffusion of strikes across sectors.

Contains fulltext : 144883.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Closed access) Using unique survey data on Dutch collective agreement negotiators, the authors model how information about other collective bargaining events influences the probability of negotiators encountering bargaining impasses or industrial action during collective bargaining. Competing hypotheses about this influence, derived from economic, social psychological and sociological approaches, are tested. The findings indicate that information about bargaining outcomes elsewhere has no significant effect on the occurrence of conflict. However, if the information content of spillover refers to the conflict potential in other bargaining events and the sources of information are proximate, the probability of conflict is increased. This suggests that sociological mechanisms offer a compelling alternative to those invoked in economics for explaining the relationship between spillover and conflict. 04 december 2014 20 p.

Public organizations are responsible for the delivery and provision of public services on which citizens rely. To maintain the quality of or improve these services, public organizations must exploit resources from the environment of the organization. To attain a predictable and controllable flow of resources, public managers must interact with a wide array of different organizations and actors in the organization’s environment that are potential sources of support. The main question of this dissertation concerns the conditions under which public managers’ interactions with organizations and actors in the environments of their organizations contribute to organizational performance. The context of this study is Dutch primary education. Specifically, we study the networking activities of Dutch primary school principals. One of the main conclusions of this dissertation is that specific managerial networking activities moderate the negative effect of specific environmental challenges. We find, for example, that the negative effect of red tape on school performance is attenuated by school principals’ networking activities with external organizations, such as local- and national government organizations and interest groups. Insights into the conditions under which specific managerial networking activities are beneficial can help public managers make strategic decisions about which networking activities to prioritize in certain situations.