Search

Copyright of Al-Muntaqa: New Perspectives on Arab Studies is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The growing interest in 'During Conflict Justice' (DCJ) in areas experiencing ongoing, sustained violent 'conflict' has further demonstrated the confluence between transitional justice and liberal peacebuilding approaches. Nowhere so is this more evident than in the case of Palestine-Israel where an ongoing process of Israeli settler-colonialism in historic Palestine continues, with the further spotlighting of 'justice' issues that are longstanding and unresolved. This article critiques the application of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel and calls for a radicalisation of its application so as to ensure a platforming of conversation around decolonisation. It does so by critiquing the impact of discourse, specifically the framing of the 'conflict' and focuses on the nefarious role of a liberal peace building agenda in Palestine-Israel, a process that has embedded a deeply unjust and inequitable status quo. An insight into several 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' strategies of TJ/DCJ in Palestine-Israel is provided, with the conclusion reached that; any TJ/DCJ praxis that does not platform meaningful conversation around decolonisation in the region will ultimately amount to the individualisation of 'justice' whilst failing to address root causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses personal implication into three fundamental catastrophes of the 20th century. While these are disjunctive, they are nevertheless interconnected. Such interconnection is demonstrated and exemplifi ed here by germane episodes of the author’s own life and family experience. Her Jewish South African background lets her probe into the remnants of a Palestinian village buried beneath a “South African” Forest in Israel, for which she once raised money as a child; brings her to the small town in Upper Hesse whence her grandmother made a narrow escape to South Africa from Nazi terror; and confronts her with the blank space of what once was Cape Town’s sprawling District Six which lies in the vicinity of where she lives and from where the inhabitants were deported by the Apartheid regime. All three spaces have in common that what makes them important in this refl ection has been obliterated by force and political fi at. In recounting her own experience, including the making of a fi lm on the three contexts, the author traces ways to retrieve mnemonic traces, on a personal level and beyond. At the same time, she demonstrates entanglements of complicity in the processes addressed that any serious treatment has to confront. Such engagement is set against the simplistic and destructive answers to complicity and complexity, ethno-nationalism and identity politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals the relationship between the societal phenomenon of moral panic and the specific waves that it generates in the legal system. It focuses on hit-and-run traffic offenses and suggests that a moral panic with regard to these offenses uniquely affected the Israeli criminal justice system during 2002-2013. The media generates concern, fear, and outrage that are disproportionate to both the size and the nature of the offenses. In describing hit-and-run accidents, both the media and the courts demonize the drivers. Both the courts and the legislature react to the panic with disproportionally harsh punishments. This article also offers a possible explanation for why hit-and-run traffic offenses generated moral panic uniquely in Israel, and why this occurred during the period 2002-2013. Although the article focuses on hit-and-run traffic offenses in Israel, it has more general implications: it reveals in detail the interaction between constructed public anxieties and systems charged with delivering justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study describes time trends of cervical cancer and Cervical Intraepithelial Neoplasia 3 (CIN3) in Israel in the years 1986-2010 and characterizes these patients by demographics. Methods: A retrospective survey based on cervical cancer and CIN3 data documented in the computerized system of the second largest Health Maintenance Organizations (HMO) in Israel, 'Maccabi Healthcare Services' (MHS) between 1986 and 2010. Results: 737 cervical cancer patients and 3,459 patients of CIN3 were reported between 1986 and 2010. The mean age of women with cervical cancer was significantly higher (mean 49.1 years) than that of CIN3 patients (mean 36.3 years) ( p-value < 0.0001). The annual age-adjusted incidence rate of cervical cancer increased significantly from 1.6 per 100,000 in 1986 to 3.7 per 100,000 in 2010 ( p for trend = 0.0001) and for CIN3, from 3.9 per 100,000 in 1986 to 40.4 per 100,000 in 2010 ( p for trend = 0.0001). For cervical cancer, using the Joinpoint software we demonstrated an increase in the age-adjusted incidence rate between 1986 and 2003 and since then, a decrease was observed. Cervical cancer and CIN3 were mostly common in the Tel Aviv District. Conclusions: Although quite low to begin with, the incidence rates of cervical cancer and CIN3 in Israel may be further lowered by implementing an organized screening program and introduction of the HPV vaccine into the national immunization program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]