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According to recommendations of the UN Secretary General's Global Education First Initiative, countries and regions require a number of structural changes if they are to implement educational policies and practice based on global citizenship education, and to promote respect and responsibility across cultures. In this paper, we present the first results of a three-year project to compare existing educational policies, strategies and school curricula in ten European Union (EU) countries (Austria, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, France, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Spain, Portugal, UK) to ascertain the current level of such structural changes. Through a comparative policy analysis, we investigated whether, to what extent, and how global citizenship education is integrated within primary school curricula. The article focuses on national governmental agencies--specifically two main bodies in each country, the ministries of foreign affairs and education--and their political discourses. We argue that the gap between the two traditions, with separate approaches, purposes, concepts and bureaucracies, represents a strategic political challenge for the introduction of global citizenship education in primary schools.

This article explores the ways that fertility clinics in the Czech Republic and Spain attract international fertility clients for fertility treatment involving egg donation. I draw upon a content analysis of 18 fertility clinics' advertising materials and 31 in‐depth interviews with fertility professionals in the Czech Republic and Spain, and Canadian fertility travellers to show how clinics use cultural health capital (CHC) to persist as popular destination sites for fertility travellers. I argue that the use of evidence‐based medicine and patient‐centred care combined with bioracial discourses are strategies by which clinics create a culture of fertility care that is legible to white, middle‐class, hetero travellers. My interviews with fertility patients who travelled to these sites show the ways in which CHC is interactional—I document how fertility travellers desire these specific practices that are both created for and marketed to them. By expanding the definition of CHC to show how fertility clinics market and fertility travellers expect a particular culture of fertility medicine, I elucidate the interactions between clinics and professionals that reinforce ideals of white motherhood and the stratification of reproduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]