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This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study offers an alternative perspective for examining the rise of Turkish nationalism in the Eastern Mediterranean in relation to cinema culture within the political and historical contexts of Cyprus. The cinema business and its practices had their golden age in the 1950s through the distribution of Turkish films from Turkey and the increasing number of movie theatres in Turkish Cypriot neighbourhoods. This period was also crucial in terms of political developments on the island due to the drastic rise in ethnic and national divisions. Drawing on archival research and oral history; this article aims to examine how Turkish nationalism was provided with the ideal conditions to grow rapidly at Cypriot cinemas and how multi-communal cinemagoing experiences of the early 1950s had transformed into nationally divided Cypriot audiences during the last years of British colonial rule in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment – conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus' key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus' political past, and the subsequent salient 'national question', produce ambiguous notions of 'the people' on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a 'populist moment' on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served 'old wine in new bottles' further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the change and continuity in the Turkish policy toward Cyprus since the de facto partition of the island in 1974. The exploration of the relationship between Turkish nationalism and foreign policy toward Cyprus suggests that the language of Turkish nationalism regarding the Cyprus question has been far from monotonous. It is shown that the period coinciding with the coming of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in 2002 in particular was a critical juncture which opened up the discursive space for the re-articulation of the 'Cyprus problem', legitimising efforts in relation to reunification. Yet the partial nature of the discursive shift and the absence of a complete paradigmatic change—explained here with reference to structural and historical features of the Cyprus problem as well as the contingent nature of the European Union (EU) membership prospects—has meant the return of the well-entrenched narratives on the conflict and national identity. Also revealing the ways in which Turkish Cypriots have responded to such changes in policy and rhetoric from Ankara, the paper aims to complement existing accounts of trans-border nationalism in conflict and post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the ways language has been used in Cyprus during different historical periods as a means of a dividing power, with the use of Cypriot dialects as a form of resistance and reunification of the island. We situate these translanguaging themes within a context of affective biopolitics that impacts Cypriot generations in shaping their everyday life through borderscapes and nationalisms. More specifically, we first examine how the official languages of the island (Greek and Turkish) have been used in the dominant public sphere(s) of Cyprus to marginalise Cypriot dialects, which, in turn, have been used as an oral means of communication, but also to impose symbolic signifiers of the biopolitics of borders and nationalisms in dividing communities. Secondly, we explore ways in which Cypriot dialects have been used as forms of linguistic resistance to nationalism, offering an alternative collective identity for generations of both communities, even during periods when nationalism was dominant in both communities. The translanguaging exploration centres on a close discourse analysis of one particular radio programme—the 'Cypriot radio sketch'—that has been very popular among Cypriots since the appearance of radio in Cyprus in 1953. Finally, we analytically and discursively contextualise attempts of revival of the Cypriot dialects by younger generations as communicative forms of resistance to powers of partition, as well as translanguaging pathways to actualise their desire for the reunification of the island. We eclectically draw on a multi-method approach to combine datasets from interviews, media and social media while combining critical discourse analysis to theorise the affordances, borderscapes and affective biopolitics of generational language use within geographies of nationalism and resistance in the borderscapes of a divided Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Turkish government facing the 1964 Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so, Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey's Greeks finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The turbulent 20th century has left Cyprus with contested spaces scattered around its terrain. The period of inter-communal violence and ensuing war have left its two main ethnic communities living on each side of a buffer zone, which separates the island into two parts. Identity within the communities presents interesting trends, with the Greek Cypriot community (the focus of this study) developing a locally cultivated Greek nationalism, as well as Cypriotism at a later stage, both of which have rendered the buffer zone into a non-space. Through this paper, I propose that since 2011, the buffer zone offers an alternative understanding of community, through the participatory art that takes place there. Through the mechanisms of collaborative creation, the generation of new, temporary communities, which are engaged with social issues, and the focus on both process and result, new conversations arise, and new priorities are set within the artistic realm. Two plays are used as case studies, Shift, by Rooftop Theatre and Gülgün Kayim and BAM!, by Giorgos Neophytou, produced by Paraplevros Productions, which were presented within the buffer zone in 2014 and 2017 respectively, and grounded within and interacting with the buffer zone and its temporary communities, generating a new dialectic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christoforos Savva, one of the most significant Cypriot artists of the 1960s, was also a highly politicized individual whose leftist worldview paralleled his artistic development. Nevertheless, this side of Savva has not been thoroughly explored. Savva created two forms of art: cementografia and ifasmatografia. Ifasmatografies were based on the vernacular tradition of weaving, while cementografies used modern cement, which was coming to replace stone in building construction. Savva's art departed from contemporary nationalist art production, such as that of the painter Adamantios Diamantis, and it also diverged from the Western colonial/orientalist projections depicting a premodern Cyprus. Overall, Savva's oeuvre bore all the hallmarks of contesting both Cypriot nationalisms—the Greek and the Turkish—since it was inclusive and anti-nationalist in its essence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines forms of nationalism and representations of national identity in Greek-Cypriot media coverage of peace negotiations related to Cyprus -- the Eastern Mediterranean island divided "ethnically" between Turkish-Cypriots in the north and Greek-Cypriots in the south since 1974. Building on existing theories of the media's role in the reproduction of nationalism, this study suggests that media representations of national identity should be addressed in both "routine" and "hot" periods so as to unpack their intersections. Divided Cyprus provides a unique case which furthers our understanding of the media's role in these processes. Focusing in particular on the Greek-Cypriot media, the paper presents the results of a qualitative study which support the argument that protracted negotiations can be differentiated between routine and crisis media events infused with discourses of nationalism. Specifically, we explore how negotiations function as routine and crisis media events in the "everyday". Second, we examine how televised presidential speeches related to the disputed solution discursively reproduce divided intra-community power relations and how national identities are used to this end. Third, we locate the representational boundaries of the national we constructed by the Greek-Cypriot press in a hot period -- the Annan Period -- during which referenda were conducted for the first time on a UN proposed plan subsequently rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and accepted by the majority of Turkish-Cypriots. Through unit and data triangulation, we explore the various ways in which the media engage in the reproduction of national identities and forms of nationalism in the Greek-Cypriot community. We examine the media construction of national identities by critically unpacking hegemonic tropes -- in particular the Cyprocentrist-Hellenocentrist antagonism - used to explain Greek-Cypriot identity in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Greek Cypriot nationalism has been in large part motivated by the misconceived idea of Cyprus becoming a modern, European society. Although Cyprus joined the European Union in 2004, the perception of it by the European north as a culturally marginal Mediterranean society had not changed. This was amply demonstrated in 2013 when Cyprus applied to the EU for urgent financial assistance. It was forced to capitalize its banks through their customers' savings and, although this and other “corrective” measures were couched in seemingly rational economic terms, they were unmistakably a punishment and a civilizational lesson. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Trauma and ambivalence are common aspects of the post-colonial condition and themes in Cypriot poetry. Yaşın's (1998) poem acknowledges the present de facto political partition of Cyprus since the Greek coup and Turkish invasion of 1974, with Michanikos' (1975) poem providing a complementary question as to the lack of necessity of this partition with references to the intercommunal violence of 1963-1964. These questions are linked to both a shared, albeit segregated, trauma from political tragedies and upheaval and a shared nostalgia either for a nationalist past or a bicommunal garden of Eden, the main cleavages of the island's separation. The question of history and nostalgia in Cyprus, as well as its own identities have been entangled in the context of British colonialism as well as Greek and Turkish nationalism. This article investigates the relationship between archaeology, nationalism, and colonialism in Cyprus, producing segregated archaeological narratives and hidden bicommunal and minority experiences. It outlines a history of Cyprus, its nationalisms, and their effects on intercommunal imaginaries (Ioannou 2020). It will then discuss how ideology has shaped archaeological research in Cyprus (Karageorgis 1969). Lastly, the paper looks at how archaeology has moved towards a more nuanced discussion of ethnicity, the possibility of a common history, and reconciliation through the use of spatial, non-ethnic frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on a growing body of research that shows an intrinsic but complex relationship between the concepts and the ideologies of nationalism and racism. In doing so, it investigates how different, meaningful national and ethnic in-group identifications of a dominant national/ethnic group (Greek-Cypriots) within a given national context (Cyprus) influence their perceptions of different, meaningful ethnic and racial minority out-groups. Logistic regression analysis of quantitative survey data with secondary school children (N = 738) in Cyprus shows that the relationship between national/ethnic in-group identifications and out-group perceptions varies according to the social and political relationships between particular national/ethnic in- and out-groups. The findings show that future research on the relationship between nationalism and racism should consider the overlap between and context specific nature of national and ethnic in-group identification processes and the historical, political relationships between different in- and out-groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of 'geographical imagination'. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP's socio-political vision of a 'Yeni Türkiye' (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey's regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey's Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara's policy towards Cyprus under the AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to assess the impact that the current status of the country and of the education system has on the identity and place attachment of the students attending the 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th grades of the elementary school, in the context of the meanings these students attribute to the concept of homeland via the metaphors they have created and the pictures they have drawn. The study was conducted on 27 male and 33 female students that attend the Yedidalga Elementary School in the Lefke District of Northern Cyprus. Metaphors and pictures were chosen as the tools to assess the students' perceptions of the concept of homeland, and for this reason, the students were asked to reflect their perceptions of the concept of homeland on the metaphors they create and on the pictures they draw. The data obtained were analyzed using the methods of descriptive analysis and document analysis. Students produced a total of 20 metaphors that were categorized into 4 themes about the concept of homeland, and produced pictures, in which they used blue color the most followed by green color. In conclusion, the results of the study suggest that the students' perceptions about the concept of homeland focus mostly on national values and loyalty, and that the elementary school students associated the concept of homeland predominantly with a sense of protection of national values. [The page range on the .pdf (85-98) is incorrect. The correct page range is 84-98.]

Individuals and societies continue and end their lives within the framework of values. One of the most important of these values is the concept of homeland. Homeland refers to the land, where the individuals were born and live in, a piece of which may also be owned by such individuals. The concept of homeland is always given utmost importance in the curricula. In this context, it is important to determine the perceptions of elementary and middle school students towards the concept of homeland in order for foreseeing the love they felt for, and the importance they attach to, the geography they live in. In this study, it is aimed to reveal what students understand from the concept of homeland through metaphors. Phenomenology pattern, one of the qualitative research patterns, was used in this research. The study group of the research comprises 580 students. "Convenience sampling" was used in sample selection. In this study, elementary and middle school students were given a form of incomplete sentences in the following format of "Homeland is like ............... Because ................." as a data collection tool, and then they were asked to write their opinions by filling the blanks. The results of the study revealed that the participants expressed a total of 59 metaphors in relation to the concept of homeland. Based on the metaphors developed by students for the concept of "homeland", 7 categories were created. These categories are; Administration, Vitality, Concrete Object, National Value, Security, Value, Social Environment. The results of the study indicate that particular attention should be paid to the synonyms of the word "Homeland". It would be useful to organize certain activities in order to create a sense of belonging and national awareness among the students.

Turkish Cypriot newspapers played an important role in the construction of Turkish national identity during the From Turk to Turk Campaign in Cyprus in the late 1950s. The campaign involved the establishment of Turkish municipalities that were separate from the Greek Cypriot ones and the change of village names into Turkish and aimed at conducting all trade and other business relations exclusively between Turks in order for them to develop economically. This article examines the role of the newspapers that were published in Cyprus in 1958 and 1959, which is the period during which the From Turk to Turk Campaign was active. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assigns the literary as the preferred means to write Cyprus because it exposes the power of place and space in postcolonial partitioned cases; it shows that spatial production determines the formation and agency of identity in Cyprus, which serves to sharpen and to blur the dominant binary legacy of historical-political deadlock discourse, so as to generate conflict and solidarity between the deeply divided people in postcolonial partitioned Cyprus. The focus is on the Greek-cypriot and Turkish-cypriot nationalist identification that dominated throughout the last decades of British colonial and into postcolonial Cyprus. This is an examination of ethnic motherland nationalist literatures, with emphasis on capturing the ways writers actively write, read and construct the dominant production of Cyprus. Even though nationalist's writings are based on deeply competing narratives, they have used the same processes and practices to produce a Cyprus for their ethnic selves. This spatial competition and solidarity will be examined through various empirical-theoretical spatial approaches, with emphasis on illuminating the postcolonial and partitioned inventions of gendered nationalism, through making use of Yi-Fu Tuan's healthy balance between experiencing place and space and Henri Lefebvre's spatiology. The essay demonstrates the shared ways in which nationalist writers attempt to produce an ethnically homogeneous mental place through two gendered processes - a maternal principle and ancestral journeys operating with fetish spectacles, objects and substances - that manipulate social, historical and spatial practices to make the abstract nation appear concrete. This place is thus depicted as a gift from the mothers to the children of Cyprus and as Baby Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to formulate a comparative framework that explains the uneven development of schooling in Cyprus and Singapore during the British colonial rule. It specifically focuses on the moment of transition to independence and on the role played by ideas and the interaction of ideas in the evolution of social institutions. The overall argument put forward is that the divergent ideational and institutional dynamics of schooling in the two settings at the moment of decolonisation were the outcome of the intersections of British colonial education policies, locally-indigenised cultural heritages, and relations with other nation-states in the region. These complex intersections permitted and, at the same time, constrained certain readings and re-readings of the continental European idea of mass schooling over time.

This paper explores Greek-Cypriot media representations of national identities during negotiations on a United Nation Plan (the Annan Plan), aiming to reunite ethnically divided Cyprus under a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. The study analyzed thematically 57 editorials and lead commentaries published in all the daily Greek-Cypriot Press from the presentation of the Annan Plan in November 2002 to April 2004, at which point two simultaneous referenda were held. The study's findings are consistent with ideas that national identifications are not static and provides an in-depth exploration of exclusive forms of Cypriot identities vis-à-vis more inclusive forms and vis-à-vis hellenocentric identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on ethnographic data from a project on peace education and reconciliation pedagogies in the conflict-affected context of Cyprus. Following a primary school teacher over the period of eight months in peace education workshops and in her classroom before and after the workshops, we trace critical moments that seem to have an impact on teacher's thoughts and emotions in relation to conflict and reconciliation. Analysing extracts of interaction both from the workshops as well as from her classroom, we show her struggle to cope with reconciliatory ideas and the dominant conflict ethos, pointing to possibilities for change but also resistances and limitations. Despite the detailed focus on one individual, we use data from the whole project to contextualize her practices and we use her case to highlight important elements to consider when designing reconciliation activities. Using the concept of "critical ambivalence," we highlight teachers' ambivalent emotions during the process (namely, both positive and negative ones) as a first step in deconstructing hegemonic nationalist discourses, and we argue for the value of creating spaces for these ambivalent emotions to be acknowledged and discussed through a critical lens.

This paper examines how politics have shaped Turkish Cypriot educational institutions and school buildings in Cyprus, focusing on the British colonial period (1878-1960). Unlike other British colonies, Cyprus enjoyed considerable autonomy on educational matters in the early decades of British occupation. During this period education, which was segregated, played a pivotal role in cultivating national aspirations of the two major ethnic populations on the island. The two decades following the 1931 revolt against the colonial regime was a period in which the British took serious measures in matters relating not only to education but also to school architecture. Atatürk's reforms in creating a new modern Turkish society, on the other hand, evoked Turkish Cypriot ethnic nationalism. Without having the tension of the ideals of nationalism and modernism Turkey had to pacify, Turkish Cypriots embraced the modern as necessarily national and built their schools during and after the 1950s in a modern style.

Copyright of Cahiers de Sciences Politiques de l'UL is the property of Cahiers de Science Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines how politics have shaped Turkish Cypriot educational institutions and school buildings in Cyprus, focusing on the British colonial period (1878–1960). Unlike other British colonies, Cyprus enjoyed considerable autonomy on educational matters in the early decades of British occupation. During this period education, which was segregated, played a pivotal role in cultivating national aspirations of the two major ethnic populations on the island. The two decades following the 1931 revolt against the colonial regime was a period in which the British took serious measures in matters relating not only to education but also to school architecture. Atatürk’s reforms in creating a new modern Turkish society, on the other hand, evoked Turkish Cypriot ethnic nationalism. Without having the tension of the ideals of nationalism and modernism Turkey had to pacify, Turkish Cypriots embraced the modern as necessarily national and built their schools during and after the 1950s in a modern style. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The power of local borders to resist and prevent transnational mobilities in education has received little attention in comparative education. In this article we explore the motif of "border immunology' with reference to new history, a mobile paradigm of history teaching, and Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot history textbooks as types of local borders that have been impermeable to new history. The overall argument we explore here is that ethnonational forms of collective identities that are imagined to be constitutive of textbook borders account for immunity to mobility and change.

Copyright of Journal of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University Social Science Institute is the property of Mehmet Akif Ersoy University, Social Science Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses cultural festivals organised in the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and their ideological implications on the national identity of Greek-Cypriots from Independence (1960) until the country's accession in the European Union (2004). Debates and conflicts about national identity in the two ethnic communities coincide with the need for intensifying the relevance between the festivals' artistic content and the concepts of nation, origin and identity on the island. Local cultural festivals functioned as a means of projecting national messages and symbolism, according to the identity bi-pole, Hellenocentric and Cypriotcentric, prevalent in Greek-Cypriot community. Later, in the 1990s, political changes inaugurated a need for the emergence of Eurocentrism with respect to the Greek-Cypriots' cultural identity, this led to a significant increase of European artistic product via hosting of arts festivals. Despite the domination of ethnocentric approaches in the local cultural management model, the participation of other stakeholders – besides the state – contributed to the consolidation of the Eurocentric identity. This development had also strengthened the cosmopolitan ambiance, altered the repertoire of local festivals and differentiated the role and importance of artistic creation in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border studies have grappled with, on the one hand, the need for the use of common themes or concepts while, on the other, the need for contextual specificity. Borders are sites that embody different potentialities: division and contact, conflict and cooperation, security and anxiety, creativity and oppression, among others. In short, they are sites of the paradoxical. Paradox, it is argued, is the common overarching conceptual characteristic of borders but which specific potentialities are embodied in a border and what prevails as a result of the ensuing power struggles requires contextual specificity. Cyprus, a divided island lying on various border lines, partly inside and partly outside the EU, presents a useful socio-political space in order to illustrate this argument by outlining the specific paradoxical aspects of its own border and the results of the ensuing power struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article aims to examine the interplay between the transnational discourses of human rights and the particularities of local constructions and conceptualisations of human rights within the context of an ethnically divided society, Cyprus. Specifically, this interplay is examined through a qualitative study of Greek-Cypriot primary school teachers' understandings of human rights and human rights teaching in Greek-Cypriot schools, focusing on the tensions that seem to arise between transnational and ethno-nationalist discourses of human rights. The findings show that Greek-Cypriot teachers seem to "reframe" universalist perspectives of human rights in response to local demands that foreground conflict-related violations suffered by the Greek-Cypriot community, while backgrounding human rights violations experienced by "others". A few teachers, though, realize how conflict may limit understandings of human rights and project a different interpretation that acknowledges the suffering of the "Other". The implications for human rights teaching are discussed, especially in the context of conflict-affected societies.

The article, using Cyprus as a case study, seeks to reframe disputes over the nature of national identities constituted in school historiographies and it does so by introducing a novel approach to the study of the making of identity in school history. This approach, grounded on post-foundational thinking and an inter-discursive mode of textual analysis, moves debates away from interpretative certainties and understandings of identities as determinate, coherent, and ethnocentric entities. Instead, it provides a lens through which identities are (re)imagined in relation to an archive of historical events, semantic resources and rules of formation, and therefore, along hybrid, ambivalent, and pluralist lines. This approach to the practice of identity-making in school history writing has several pedagogical implications for policy-making, teacher education, teaching and learning, textbook analysis and identity research, which challenge both the collective memory and the disciplinary paradigms of history education.

This article reviews research on history education that addresses recent or ongoing conflict since 1990. History education is recognized as a key site for constructing identity, transmitting collective memory, and shaping "imagined communities," which makes its revision or reform a complex and important part of education in emergencies work. The article reviews 42 empirical studies from 11 countries, exploring whether recent conflict forms part of national curricula and, where it does, how this teaching is approached. Young people learn about recent conflict in all of the cases reviewed; in the majority, curriculum is one source for this learning, but in some cases the history of recent conflict is taught without curricular guidance or not at all. Where recent conflict is taught, the review finds a reliance on a traditional, collective memory approach to disseminating national narratives, although often in social studies rather than history classrooms. In many cases, these narratives are top-down and ethno-nationalist and rely on devices like mythical past unity and the exceptionalism of conflict. The review concludes by suggesting that actors undertaking a revision or reform of history curriculum attend to recent conflict as an "active past" and offers some promising ideas for approaching such a past in history curricula.

The article, using Cyprus as a case study, seeks to reframe disputes over the nature of national identities constituted in school historiographies and it does so by introducing a novel approach to the study of the making of identity in school history. This approach, grounded on post-foundational thinking and an inter-discursive mode of textual analysis, moves debates away from interpretative certainties and understandings of identities as determinate, coherent, and ethnocentric entities. Instead, it provides a lens through which identities are (re)imagined in relation to an archive of historical events, semantic resources and rules of formation, and therefore, along hybrid, ambivalent, and pluralist lines. This approach to the practice of identity-making in school history writing has several pedagogical implications for policy-making, teacher education, teaching and learning, textbook analysis and identity research, which challenge both the collective memory and the disciplinary paradigms of history education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As the global wave of decolonization that began after 1945 reached the island of Cyprus, the Cyprus question turned into an issue of paramount importance for Turkish nationalists and for the Turkish people in general. Long before, Turkish foreign policy architects – who had previously taken the line that ‘Turkey does not have a Cyprus problem’ – came to portray Cyprus as a ‘national cause’. Three different geopolitical discourses were instrumental in legitimizing Turkey’s claims over Cyprus and in leading Turkish society to believe that it had a crucial stake in the fate of the island. Naturalized geopolitics represented Cyprus as a natural extension of the Turkish heartland, while ideological geopolitics put forth that Greek Cypriots were responsible for the spread of communism. Finally, civilizational geopolitics characterized Turkey and Greece’s rivalry in Cyprus as the latest chapter in the centuries-old conflict between Turkishness and Hellenism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the importance of curricula and teaching practices in shaping the cultural identity and conflict perception in Cyprus. Topics mentioned include criticisms of official educational policies which are said to perpetuate attitudes that are detrimental to reconciliation efforts between Cyprus and Turkey, challenges encountered in implementing reforms to the education system, and debates over the content of history books in the country.

In the contemporary Greek Cypriot popular music scape, we witness various and varying instances that feature cultural heritage elements: the frontman of a hard rock band performing in a vraka, the traditional male trousers; a trap song making references to lefkaritiko, a traditional lace; a metal band opening their album with an acapella tsiattisto, a traditional oral poetic style. This paper discusses these and other instances by placing them in the wider historical and political framework of the Republic of Cyprus. Distinguishing between tradition and heritage, as well as place and space, it suggests that the creative turn to the cultural past of Cyprus can be interpreted as a redefinition of the modernisation and decolonisation process of the Republic of Cyprus, which is accomplished through an inward look that emphasises the geographical and cultural particularities of the island. This inward look, it is argued, speaks back to the historical process of decolonisation that was defined by external references (attachment to the motherland(s), desire for Westernisation, and opposition to the 'Other'). The decolonisation process, itself the cause and effect of conflict and sentiments of ethno-nationalism, defined the identity of postcolonial Greek Cypriot subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the ways in which LGBT+ flag raising in a university at the Republic of Cyprus was debated in a social media environment. It aims to examine the ways in which discourses around sexuality intersect with discourses around the nation in a postcolonial, ethnically divided, European context. One hundred four comments posted on the university Facebook page were analysed through Thematic and Rhetorical analysis. Analysis revealed three main ways of accounting for the flag incident in which sexuality and LGBT+ issues are represented as (a) inferior to national issues, (b) symbolic and/or tangible threat to the nation and (c) personal (instead of collective) identity that should not be waved in public. The discussion focuses on the ways in which the findings differentiate from literature on homonationalism and on their implications for constructing collectiveness and understanding citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines teachers' understandings of affective indoctrination in a conflict-affected society, focusing on how teachers' political orientations are entangled with these understandings. The exploration is conducted through a qualitative study of Greek-Cypriot primary and secondary school teachers who are identified as either conservative or progressive. The findings highlight that regardless of political orientation, teachers interpret the term indoctrination through a negative lens. However, teachers of progressive orientation view affective indoctrination as a part of everyday educational practices, whereas teachers of conservative orientation understand affective indoctrination as an exceptional case. The paper discusses the implications for teaching and teacher education. The relevance of teachers' political orientation makes it all the more necessary that teachers and teacher educators delve deeper into the political and pedagogical implications of the entanglement between political orientations and understandings of affective indoctrination in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divided by ethnic conflict, plagued by an economic crisis, and enforcing restrictive bordering practices at the edge of Europe, the Republic of Cyprus hardly constitutes an obvious choice for Nigerians fleeing conditions of state breakdown, crisis, and social immobility. The perceived 'unusualness' of this migration has made Nigerian and other African refugees particularly vulnerable to human rights abuses, violent nativist discourse, and racialised hyper-exploitation in the labour market. Yet despite these difficulties, some Nigerians strive to build a life on the island, with modest success. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, this article attempts to unravel the prevailing methodological nationalism, upon which notions of the 'unusualness' of African migration to the island are premised, in two ways. In contrast to notions of being itself a former colony, 'too small' to accommodate refugees, I show that colonial-era emigration to Africa has engendered anti-black racism in Cyprus, which has only been strengthened by EU membership and economic crisis. By focusing, on the other hand, on the city of Limassol as an ambivalent landscape of crisis and opportunity, I demonstrate how the urban rather than the national dimension can put notions of 'unusualness' into perspective. Within a global condition of crisis and social immobility, Nigerian refugees emplace themselves within the opportunities that Limassol, as a nodal point of social relations along multiple scales—national, regional, European, and global—has to offer. While this fact in itself does not improve their position vis-à-vis a restrictive asylum policy framework, it nonetheless renders them a constituent part of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Cyprus has been divided for more than four decades by a cease fire line known as "the Green Line". This long-standing partition has made the island infamous for the seemingly unsolvable antagonism between its "Turkish" and "Greek" inhabitants. In this article, we argue that, in order to better understand why this division has remained obstinately meaningful for Cypriots, we need to "delocalise" the Green Line that separates them. We contend that the foundation upon which the conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots has been built—and consequently also the location of the Green Line keeping them apart—does not lie in an indigenous hostility between the Greek-speaking and Turkish-speaking communities of Cyprus. Instead, we argue that this is the result of imperial puppeteering: Cyprus' Greco-Turkish enmity is largely based on perceptions of space, heritage and identification that were first introduced during the British colonisation and have been persistently—if not always deliberately—reinforced by chronic external intrusions and counter-productive conflict-resolution initiatives. We claim that a succession of British imperialism, Hellenic irredentism, Turkish nationalism, Cold-War geopolitics, UN conflict resolution and EU expansion have created, inculcated and reinforced cartographically organized perceptions of space, history and culture—a cartopolitics—that have invented the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots as identitary categories and perpetuated their antagonism. Thus, rather than an essentially local and binary play, the Cypriot conflict should be regarded as a glocal drama in which outside actors have been pulling the strings of the island's politics. The readjustment of the historiographical and geographical limitations to which the Cypriot conflict has been confined so far has decisive implications for the island's reunification: merely to zoom in on the hostile dichotomy at work is insufficient. Rather, to understand the persistence of the Green Line fracturing the island we need to zoom out from Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 1950s Britain faced unprecedented challenges to its imperial rule. Civil disobedience, insurgency and terrorism gripped its colonies as the flames of nationalism and anti-colonialism burned brightly across the world. In two of Britain's most important Cold War strategic outposts, Northern Ireland and Cyprus, insurgents belonging to the IRA and EOKA launched armed campaigns to undermine British rule. This article examines the insurgencies on both islands in the period 1955–59, comparing the respective approaches taken by the IRA and EOKA to guerrilla warfare. Drawing on original English and Greek language sources, as well as other empirical evidence, the article argues that the IRA and EOKA interpreted their struggles in complementary ways as part of a broader national liberation struggle, which, above all, suggests a shared understanding of British imperialism. Admittedly, beyond a mutually perceived 'brotherly bond', IRA leaders did not apply specific military lessons they had learned from members of EOKA while in English prisons in the 1950s until the much later Northern Ireland 'Troubles'. Nevertheless, we argue that it is important to look at the genealogy of ideas for it reveals broader patterns regarding the organisational learning of militant groups engaged in campaigns against a common enemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the structure, content, and function of widely circulating prophetic narratives in contemporary Greece and Cyprus. Prophetologists play a key role in recycling and disseminating prophecies through traditional and modern means of communication in an attempt to explain conditions of crisis and to promote conservative moral values and nationalistic aspirations as salvific remedies in the public sphere. Their highly politicized prophetic discourse blurs the differentiation between religion and politics that characterizes secular modernity. But at the same time, the use of modern media and secular strategies for sacred purposes have unintended secularizing effects on the religious field. Finally, the article explores the reasons why prophecy belief finds fertile soil for proliferation in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an analysis of the narratives of Turkish Cypriot women in the north of Cyprus who were displaced during the ethnic conflict between the 1950s and 1974. We have conducted 21 interviews with Turkish Cypriot women who were living in different parts of Northern Cyprus. We used oral history, both as a method and as an epistemological stance to re-phrase the near past of Cyprus and the Cyprus issue from the perspective of gender/women's studies. The study follows the traces of modernity, patriarchy, and nationalism in women's narratives, about the place, home, belonging and homelessness. The narratives describe Turkish Cypriot women's experiences of being a woman in conflict and displacement ('göçmen olmak' in daily talk in Turkish) making a home out of a house and undertaking daily routines for their families. The study also reveals that ethnic conflict and displacement have empowered women to a certain degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the many dimensions of the global tussle surrounding the Covid‐19 pandemic has been the rise of right‐wing radicalization. In this article, we investigate whether the pandemic offered an opportunity for the Greek Cypriot far‐right party, ELAM, to increase its visibility as an opposition force and in what ways. We also explore the transformations in populist rhetoric and practices in the Republic of Cyprus, seeking to identify patterns of persistence and evolution, particularly in how they handle scientific matters in their political stances. Similarly, we delve into the impact of far‐right populist politics on the political dynamics in Cyprus. Our findings indicate that pandemic politics were not the exclusive or primary factor in the normalization of the far right but rather served as an accelerator of preexisting trends. The party's handling of the pandemic and scientific principles signifies the diversity within the far‐right phenomenon rather than pointing to a universal pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the role and agency of the architecture exhibition as a mediated space of discursive spatial narratives. The presented curatorial approach draws on the exhibition entitled Past-forward: Stavros Economou Unarchived (2021) to reflect on the development of a multimedia-enabled reading of the architectural archive. Stavros Economou is one of the most important representatives of modern architecture in Cyprus, yet his work is underdiscussed and under-published. The architectural archive, unlike other collections, consists of representations (such as drawings, models, photographs) of artefacts (buildings) that communicate design processes and final un/built proposals. The curatorial practice focused on a twofold challenge: on one hand, it explored the role architectural representation can play in the production of the multiple and complex (hi)stories of modern buildings, and secondly, it considered ways in which an architecture exhibition can connect with the host city and its local population by addressing contemporary urgencies of spatial inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: While there is extensive quantitative research on factors related to support/opposition of attitudes towards same-sex parenting (SSP), relevant qualitative research is limited, despite the need to identify subtle and ambivalent forms of prejudice. In this study we examined ways that young people, university students at the Republic of Cyprus formulated favourable arguments that constructed only at first appearance supportive representations of SSP. Methods: Data were collected in 2021–2022, through 11 focus group discussions with undergraduate and graduate students (26 females and 16 males, 18–27 years old), of different fields of study. Following the principles of discursive/rhetorical analysis, we identified three argumentative lines, all of which included contrasts and comparisons. Results: The first argumentative line juxtaposed SSP to being raised in an orphanage, the second to irresponsible/disadvantaged (single) parenting and the third compared the upbringing of children in same-sex to that in heterosexual families. All arguments demonstrate a seemingly supportive stance towards SSP rights. Nevertheless, drawing on heteronormative norms, they construct SSP as "a lesser of two evils" and undermine seemingly positive attributes of same-sex families, through reference to children's exposure to adverse societal reactions. Policy Implications: We discuss the implications of the findings for SSP social recognition and for sexual citizenship. We also discuss the implications of this approach for attitude research on the topic, underscoring the ideological implications of 'attitudinal discourse'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on Cyprus' constitutional and political system in light of the most recent European elections, this article explores and empirically analyses the second-order election theory and the European salience theory. The study applies these theories to identify key trends in Cypriot voters' electoral behavior, including their attitudes toward European integration. The contribution starts with a brief preliminary section on the country's historical background, geopolitical profile, and political landscape. It then provides insights on Cyprus' electoral system, the political parties' campaigns, and election results. The findings seek to unveil voter attitudes and political trends in Cyprus, feeding public discussion and academic dialogue on the issue in anticipation of the upcoming 2024 European election. The article aims to clarify the European South's attitudes toward voting and what to expect in the upcoming 2024 elections, considering challenges, threats, and volatility.1 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the proposition that Cypriot peasant culture, sociopolitical underdevelopment and nationalism are inextricably linked. In assessing this thesis, it utilizes perspectives from peasant and postcolonial studies. The article suggests that whilst the peasantry, like any other social class, can be appropriated for nationalist purposes, peasant consciousness is able to transgress nationalist endeavours, specifically, by reimagining dominant projections of the nation, resisting centralized power and supporting struggles for autonomy. This is illustrated in and through global as well as Cypriot experiences of rustic politics, challenging through infrapolitics, i.e., indirectly and invisibly, the dominant language and predicates of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]