Search

This article examines the processes of youth engagement in an "invited space" for Canadian secondary school students. The organizers created a participatory citizenship education space in which Canadian students discussed their views and visions and developed their policy position on global citizenship and global citizenship education. The content and process of "The National Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship" (2015) demonstrated that youth have important policy knowledge and understand they live in a globalized world that includes unacceptable inequalities and oppressions. They also understand that, through acts of citizenship, these conditions can be changed. The article discusses how students were engaged in developing public opinion and working in the public sphere while developing the policy paper on the topic of global citizenship.

With Canada becoming the first G20 country to legalize the recreational use of cannabis, there has been increasing interest in the emergence of this new marketplace. Newspaper framing helps to shape public opinion on legalization and news sources play a role in determining how the public perceives the use of cannabis. This research analyzes how mainstream newspapers reported on the legalization of recreational cannabis in Canada in the years before and after legalization (between 2016 and 2019). Using a content analysis of 1,390 cannabis-related articles, 11 dominant reporting themes are identified. Over time, there was a shift from negative and sensationalist cannabis news coverage toward more balanced and progressive framing. The findings identify the influence of editorial political stance on thematic coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

School-based sex education has been a controversial issue in the province of Ontario, Canada. When an updated sex education curriculum was introduced by the provincial government in 2015, the media heavily covered negative reactions to the curriculum, and one distinct genre of reporting became modestly popular: the fact-checking article. These listicle-style articles presented and debunked common misunderstandings surrounding the curriculum and while they tried to appear as a neutral response to misinformation, fact-checking articles are no less value-laden than other responses to the curriculum. By examining two examples of these 'fact-checking' and 'myth-busting' articles published in "The Toronto Star" in 2015, I argue against the assumption that simply exposing the facts of a curriculum's content is enough to dispel the deep anxieties that surround sexual values in a pluralistic democracy like Canada. This paper instead suggests that the reassurance provided by fact-checking obscures the ways that conflict and uncertainty might present opportunities rather than obstacles to creating and sustaining inclusive comprehensive sex education.

This article explores debates on medical assistance in dying (MAID) in Canada as they unfolded on Twitter before its adoption in June 2016. The opposition, which came from diverse groups-religious, experts, politicians-led to polarizing debates about the social acceptability of this measure. Our finding shows that the so-called lay citizens refused to leave the discussion to experts and politicians and got involved in the debates around the issue. Our results also show that Twitter was mainly used to share information, hence complementing the role of traditional media. Overall, the platform gave rise to an "ambient political participation," allowing minority or marginalized groups as well as lay citizens to share their knowledge and opinion about MAID. This may have favored a certain form of empowerment., (© 2020 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.)

Using two conceptual frameworks from political science--Kingdon's (2003) multiple streams model and the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith, 1993)--this case study examines the detailed history of a major tuition policy change in Ontario in 2004: a tuition freeze. The paper explores the social, political, and economic factors that influenced policymakers on this particular change to shed light on the broader questions of the dynamics of postsecondary policymaking. The study found that the Liberal Party's decision to freeze postsecondary tuition fees was a function of stakeholder relations, public opinion, and brokerage politics, designed for electoral success. The policy implementation strategy was intended to facilitate the cooperation and interests of the major institutions. Within the broader policy community, student-organized interest groups and other policy advocates were aligned in a policy preference, a critical component for successful change.

Background: Previous Canadian reviews of physician, pharmacist, and dentist disciplinary action have noted differences in discipline outcomes across professions and provinces. The objective of this study was to compare the disciplinary action process across provinces and professions, and to describe the perspectives of health professional regulatory bodies on the disciplinary action process. Methods: Participation from medicine, pharmacy, nursing, and dentistry registrars or complaints directors from 10 Canadian provinces was sought. One-on-one, semi-structured interviews were conducted by telephone or video call. Results: Nineteen interviews with regulators were conducted--8 pharmacy, 5 nursing, 5 medicine, and 1 dentistry. Complaints and discipline processes followed a similar overall pathway with some differences. Differences in process were largely due to differences in health regulation legislation and were noted across professions, across provinces, and within a province. Participants tended to be more aligned with regulators within their province rather than regulators of the same profession across the country. Conclusion: To our knowledge, this paper is the first to describe Canadian health professional regulatory body perspectives on the complaints and discipline process. More research is needed to better understand the factors that affect discipline outcomes and to ultimately improve complaints and discipline processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Corruption perception is essential to study because it can shape people's attitudes toward the government. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to address this key question: what factors are associated with a non-expert's judgment of whether Canada is corrupt? Design/methodology/approach: This study uses the World Value Survey conducted in Canada in October 2020. This survey is based on a nationally representative sample of a cross-section of adult Canadian residents, including Canadian citizens and permanent residents and those who are neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents. Findings: Based on this study, some conclusions can be made. First, people accessing corruption news from the traditional news media are less likely than those receiving information from the new media to perceive the state (in this case, Canada) as corrupt. Second, people who have less confidence in public institutions are more likely to perceive a country as corrupt. Third, people who participate in electoral and non-electoral forms of political participation are more likely to perceive the state and its public officials as corrupt. Fourth, regardless of which political party is in power, individuals who lean right politically are more likely than those on the left to perceive the state as corrupt. Finally, immigrants are less likely than those born in Canada to perceive the state as corrupt. This work enriches the literature on the substantive understanding of the factors associated with corruption perception. Originality/value: Studies investigating factors associated with public perception of corruption tend to focus on developing countries. The current study contributes to filling this gap in knowledge by examining correlates of corruption perception in Canada. As a result, this study contributes to the literature on factors associated with corruption perception, especially in the developed country context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we perform a critical discourse analysis on the policy document Ontario's Equity and Inclusive Education Strategy (2009). We examine the three core priorities the policy outlines: improve student achievement, reduce achievement gap and increase public confidence in public education. This document is approached from the context of new managerial educational reforms, to understand how the teacher is positioned within this policy. This policy, while laudable in intention, excludes the voice of the teacher. The policy offers much in the way of enhancing the students' experience yet says little about the role of the classroom teacher or how the policy might be translated and facilitated into schools/classrooms across the province.

Purpose: This research responds to a growing interest among cultural organizations regarding how to use emerging digital technologies in the communication of cultural content. The need to investigate various aspects of digital transformation for cultural organizations has been heightened during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. This paper explores how city cultural organizations can utilize digital stories for impression management to enhance public perceptions of a city. The aim of this study is to understand how end-users are affected by a city cultural digital storytelling information system and the benefits of using such a system. Design/methodology/approach: An interpretive case study was conducted on a digital storytelling initiative carried out by three cultural organizations in a medium-sized city in Canada. Data collection included 95 interviews with the general public, questionnaires and the gathering of documents. Findings: Findings suggest that digital storytelling can be a viable tool to share city cultural heritage information and positively affect end-user perceptions of a city. The overall outcome of creating/maintaining a positive favorable impression is shaped through a layered experience of benefits by users. Through digital stories, users are first personally engaged and informed about a city's cultural heritage, and then they are influenced and inspired positively toward the city. Further, factors, such as leisure learning, cultural heritage information and cultural organizations, situate this context of use. Originality/value: The study sheds light on how the art of storytelling in the digital age can serve as a powerful tool for conveying information effectively and influencing public perceptions. This paper provides a context-specific model to understand the use of digital storytelling by city cultural organizations for the purpose of impression management. Theoretical insights and practical recommendations are provided to explore the utilization of digital storytelling for raising interest and awareness in a city and managing public perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon two previously published research papers exploring Canadian media reporting of childhood in the first wave of the pandemic, this paper investigates how constructions of childhood evolved from the first wave to the fourth wave of the pandemic. This qualitative research is guided by the central research question: Over the span of 2 years, from 2020 to 2022, what changes are evident in discourses reported within media focused on the impact of the COVID-19 global pandemic on Canadians under the age of 18 years? Findings from this study suggest that in the fourth wave young people were constructed as innocent victims of pandemic restrictions framed through an adult-centric lens; noticeably absent were representations of young people under the age of 18 in their voices. A key recommendation emerged from this study: any future research investigating the impact of the pandemic on young people under aged 18 years must include their full participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada entered the COVID‐19 pandemic with a strong fiscal position, which gave it room to mitigate its economic impacts. Of interest in this paper is the history of Canada's financial position in terms of net debt as reported in the Government of Canada's annual financial statements. Net debt is a measure of fiscal sustainability that has been reported in the Government of Canada's public accounts since the country's earliest days. It created (and continues to create) a particular visibility of the "effectiveness" of the federal government's financial management and of the country's financial position at a particular point in time but also impacts future political policy. Although there were periods of sharp increases in the federal net debt over the country's history, the federal government was always able to regain control, and this has resulted in the reasonable level of net debt the country has today. This study shows how this net debt changed, was sustained over time, and was influenced by the political and economic context in which it was situated. We find evidence of its use for supporting government accountability to the population but also as an accounting measure employed by the government to influence public opinion and thereby gain support for government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore determining factors that account for variation in public satisfaction with the local police in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada. Design/methodology/approach – An integrated method was used to gather the data for this study, including official survey data conducted by Insightrix, and interviews with citizens in Saskatoon. Findings – This research found that demographic factors including age, race (in this study, Aboriginal status in particular), education, and income, perception of neighborhood safety, citizen-police interaction, and learning about crime from news media all have impact on public attitudes toward the police, to different degrees. The gap or distance between the police and the Aboriginal community was highlighted as a major factor. Research limitations/implications – Further research should be done to compare statistical patterns in other same-level cities in Canada. Practical implications – This paper indicates that Saskatoon Police Service in the future should provide a more structured avenue for citizen participation in establishing safe neighborhoods, more structured cultural sensitivity training, and create a wider channel through which community residents with various social backgrounds can demand some measure of accountability for police work in their area. Originality/value – The paper is of value to law enforcement policy-makers and academic researchers with interest in policing and police-community relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health system decision-makers need to understand the value of new technology to make "value for money" decisions. Typically, narrow definitions of value are used. This paper reports on a Canadian Citizens' Jury which was convened to elicit those aspects of value that are important to the public. The criteria used by the public to determine value included those related to the patient, those directly related to caregivers and those directly created for society. Their choices were not binary (e.g., cost vs. health gained), but rather involved multiple factors (e.g., with respect to patient factors: disease severity, health gained with the drug, existence of alternatives, life expectancy, patient age and affordability). Overall, Jurors prioritized funding treatments for ultra-rare disease populations when the treatment offered significant improvements in health and quality of life, and when the pre-treatment health state was considered extremely poor. The prevalence of the disease by itself was not a factor in the choices. Some of the findings differ from previous work, which use survey methods. In our Citizens' Jury, Jurors were able to become more familiar with the question at hand and were exposed to a broad and balanced collection of viewpoints before and throughout engaging in the exercises. This deliberative approach allows for a more nuanced approach to understanding value.

Medical assistance in dying (MAiD) was legalized in Canada in 2016. Canadians' opinions on the service are nuanced, particularly as the legislation changes over time. In this paper, we outline findings from our review of representations of MAiD in Canadian news media texts since its legalization. These stories reflect the concerns, priorities, and experiences of key stakeholders and function pedagogically, shaping public opinion about MAiD. We discuss this review of Canadian news media on MAiD, provide examples of four key themes we identified (vulnerability, autonomy, dignity, and human rights), and discuss their implications for health policy and equity. Though key stakeholders share the values of autonomy, dignity, and human rights, they appeal to them in diverse ways, sometimes with conflicting policy demands. These representations offer a useful gauge of how views about MAiD continue to shift alongside changes in federal legislation. These stories can influence related policies, respond to the powerful voices that shape MAiD legislation, and have the potential to change national conversations. Our analysis adds to the existing body of scholarship on MAiD by examining post-Bill C-7 news media, identifying related health equity issues and tensions, and discussing potential impacts of MAiD's representations in news media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of school reforms to advance reconciliation with Indigenous peoples provides an opportunity to explore what Canadians think is important in framing their identities and values. This paper draws on data from a survey of public perspectives on education for reconciliation activities in two Canadian provinces, Alberta and Saskatchewan. We consider the broader community context within which schools are located. By examining public perspectives, we are able to assess how curricular initiatives related to reconciliation are understood by community members, both as a priority in itself and in relation to other key curricular areas. Informed by critical race theory, our findings suggest that reconciliation is restricted to activities that do not involve extensive change to existing curricular and ideational frameworks. These perspectives exist alongside extensive opposition to reconciliation justified by claims that Indigenous experiences and perspectives are receiving undue attention relative to more pressing educational priorities. Our findings suggest that aims to transform dominant understandings about Canadian history and identity remain far from being fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Big data research requires public support. It has been argued that this can be achieved by public involvement and engagement to ensure that public views are at the centre of research projects. Researchers should aim to include diverse communities, including seldom‐heard voices, to ensure that a range of voices are heard and that research is meaningful to them. Objective: We explored how researchers involve and engage seldom‐heard communities around big data research. Methods: This is a qualitative study. Researchers who had experience of involving or engaging seldom‐heard communities in big data research were recruited. They were based in England (n = 5), Scotland (n = 4), Belgium (n = 2) and Canada (n = 1). Twelve semistructured interviews were conducted on Zoom. All interviews were audio‐recorded and transcribed, and we used reflexive thematic analysis to analyse participants' experiences. Results: The analysis highlighted the complexity of involving and engaging seldom‐heard communities around big data research. Four themes were developed to represent participants' experiences: (1) abstraction and complexity of big data, (2) one size does not fit all, (3) working in partnership and (4) empowering the public contribution. Conclusion: The study offers researchers a better understanding of how to involve and engage seldom‐heard communities in a meaningful way around big data research. There is no one right approach, with involvement and engagement activities required to be project‐specific and dependent on the public contributors, researchers' needs, resources and time available. Patient and Public Involvement: Two public contributors are authors of the paper and they were involved in the study design, analysis and writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police departments regularly conduct public opinion surveys to measure attitudes towards the police. The results of these surveys can be used to shape and evaluate policing policy and practice. Yet the extant evidence base is hampered when people use different methods and when there is no common data standard. In this paper we present a set of 13 core national indicators that can be used by police services across Canada to ensure measurement quality and draw proper comparisons between regions and over time. Having identified a set of 50 survey questions through an expert consultation process, we field those items on a quota sample of 2527 Canadians. Our analysis of the survey data has three stages. First, we use confirmatory factor analysis to assess scale properties. Second, we use substitution analysis to identify 13 single indicators that 'best stand in' for each scale. Third, we use the set of 50 and the sub-set of 13 measures to test procedural justice theory for the first time in the Canadian context. Overall, those commissioning and managing public attitudes surveys can use the 13 core indicators as a conceptually-rich and empirically-validated tool through which to understand local survey data in the context of other municipal, provincial, territorial and national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how politicians respond to the public salience of policy issues when determining which topics to publicly address. Using new data and state-of-the-art methodology, our study provides a fresh perspective on this fundamental question. We focus on a multi-party parliamentary system, specifically the Canadian House of Commons, with a specific emphasis on the issue of climate change. To assess the attention given by political parties to various policy issues, we analyze transcripts from the Question Period spanning from April 2006 to June 2021. To gauge the public's level of concern for these issues, we incorporate data obtained from Google Trends. Employing an instrumental variable estimation strategy, our study causally estimates the extent to which the public salience of climate change influences elite attention. Our findings reveal that the public salience of climate change significantly influences the attention given to this issue by parties, albeit with noticeable partisan variations. Moreover, our research highlights the effectiveness of the Question Period in compelling the government to address challenging or potentially embarrassing issues. Lastly, we uncover evidence suggesting that the Liberal Party of Canada successfully increased the public salience of climate change during its tenure in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both scholarly and popular accounts of Canada's relatively non-conflictual immigration politics have attributed substantial power to the selectivity of the country's immigration policy. In this paper, we use new measures of knowledge of the fiscally selective elements of the immigration system to demonstrate that individuals who know more about the system are, in fact, more supportive of immigration, and that this impact is strongest among those who consider themselves on the left. We argue that this is evidence of the progressive's dilemma, showing in particular that knowledge of welfare state-relevant selection criteria such as the Canadian system's discrimination against those with chronic illnesses or those who are older is much more important in determining the attitudes of respondents on the left than those on the right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has not been left untouched by a new authoritarian, or ordered, populism that has seen the election of Donald Trump as U.S. president and the United Kingdom vote to leave the European Union. Based on measurements of public opinion and other means developed to assess the phenomenon, this paper finds that populism in Canada is a significant political force, replacing the traditional left-right political spectrum. Not only has northern populism created a heightened partisan polarization in Canada, but it also proved to be a strong predictor of the outcome of the 2019 federal election. The authors' research shows that 34 per cent of Canadians maintain a populist outlook. Older, less-educated, working-class Canadians are the most likely to sympathize with ordered populism, and it is more prevalent in Alberta and Saskatchewan. It is also more closely aligned with Canadians whose political sympathies lie with conservative political parties. A number of factors have contributed to the rise of ordered populism. These include economic stagnation, the growing disparity between the wealthy and the middle and working classes, a sense that society is headed in the wrong direction and a backlash against the loss of traditional core values. Ordered populism rests on the belief in a corrupt elite, and the idea that power needs to be wrested from this elite and returned to the people. Oriented toward authoritarianism, ordered populism emphasizes obedience, hostility toward outgroups, a desire to turn back the clock to a time of greater order in society, and a search for a strongman type to lead the return to a better time. Nothing about ordered populism serves the public interest. Instead, its anti-democratic nature makes it incapable of solving the problems that spawned its rise in the first place. Ordered populism is xenophobic, mistrustful of science and journalism, and unsympathetic to equality and gender issues. Arising out of fear and anger, ordered populism is ultimately unhealthy for Western democracies and their societies and economies. Canada has yet to accord the rise of ordered populism the attention it deserves, although this paper explains why it is a critical force in this country that needs to be addressed. Currently, attitudes toward ordered populism are generally limited to sneering, derisiveness and denial, all of which do nothing to address the problem. Solving it requires understanding its roots. And if its origins lie in the collapse of the middle-class dream, then policy-makers will need to focus on creating a new economics of hope. Ordered populism is at the heart of stark divisions in Canada, and the 2019 federal election did little, if anything, to mend the rupture. Dissatisfaction with the election's results could forecast an even worse polarization in the near future, and increase the appeal of authoritarianism, if populism is left unaddressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been no shortage of literature that has focused on the role of money in politics. While the majority has focused squarely on the fundraising activities and spending preferences of parties and candidates, far less has paid attention to the spending habits of corporations, unions and interests that often register as non-parties. Yet these actors have gained prominence across general elections and referendum campaigns in the past decade owing to the increase in funds spent to influence election outcomes. Little is known about what the public thinks about the participation of these actors in campaigns. Yet public opinion toward non-party campaign spending is important to the degree that it effects perceptions of electoral integrity and might compel policy change. This paper uses new survey data collected from Canada and the UK to answer questions about how citizens perceive non-party campaign spending and what informs attitudes toward non-parties. We find that the public in both countries have mixed views on the participation of non-parties, but that there is some evidence that core concerns about electoral interiority and perceptions toward the role of money in politics drives opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Public health policies have been proposed to help address prevalent Canadian obesity rates. Along with the increase in obesity prevalence, explicit weight bias is also rampant in Western society. This paper aimed to assess the association between explicit weight bias attitudes and Canadian public support of these policy recommendations., Methods: Canadian adults (N = 903; 51% female; BMI = 27.3 ± 7.0 kg/m 2 ) completed an online survey measuring explicit weight bias, using the three subscales of the Anti-Fat Attitudes Questionnaire: Willpower (belief in weight controllability), Fear of fat (fear of gaining weight), and Dislike (antipathy towards people with obesity). Whether these subscales were associated with policy support was assessed with logistic regression. Analyses were adjusted for age, race, gender, and income., Results: Public support of policy recommendations ranged from 53% to 90%. Explicit weight bias was primarily expressed through a fear of weight gain and the belief that weight gain was within the individual's control based on willpower. Although the Dislike subscale was associated with lower support for several policies that enable or guide individual choice in behaviour change, the Willpower and Fear of fat subscales were associated with greater support for similar policies., Conclusion: This study contributes to evidence-informed public health action by describing public support of public health policies and demonstrating an association between explicit weight bias and public support. A higher total explicit weight bias score increased the odds of supporting primarily less intrusive policies. However, dislike of individuals with obesity was associated with decreased odds of supporting many policies.

The 2015 release of the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada accelerated the extensive range of educational activities across Canadian jurisdictions dedicated to updating curricula and supporting Indigenous students. How have these initiatives affected educational practices and more general understandings about Indigenous-settler relations? Drawing on data from a survey of public perspectives on education and reconciliation conducted in Alberta and Saskatchewan, this paper addresses the question: What are the current public attitudes regarding reconciliation overall and within Alberta and Saskatchewan schools? We explore these perspectives by highlighting two contrasting orientations - one in which reconciliation is accepted as a form of peaceful coexistence within existing settler colonial frameworks and another in which liberal discourses as well as more openly racist stances serve as a form of democratic colonization that further reinforce those frameworks., (© 2021 Canadian Sociological Association/La Société canadienne de sociologie.)

Pierre Trudeau's vision of Canada's cultural policy was situated within a bilingual framework. Canada, so conceived, has "no official culture" and two official languages. Nearly 50 years later, debates regarding the effects and broader significance of this policy combination persist as illustrated by the recent debate about Supreme Court judges. Yet, Canadians' attitudes about bilingualism have received relatively little scholarly attention. This paper probes the structure and recent evolution of public attitudes toward the general idea of official bilingualism using the Survey on Official Languages (2003) and the Canadian Election Studies (1997-2011). It goes on to investigate regional differences in public support for bilingual Supreme Court judges using a large-scale survey conducted by Vox Pop Labs in 2015 (n = 291, 577). The combination of these data sources offers new insights into the contextual and individual-level determinants of regional differences in public attitudes toward bilingualism policy in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: In light of North America's persisting drug toxicity crisis, alternative drug policy approaches such as decriminalization, legalization, regulation, and safer supply have increasingly come to the forefront of drug policy discourse. The views of people who use drugs toward drug policy and drug law reform in the Canadian context are essential, yet largely missing from the conversation. The aim of this study was to capture the opinions, ideas, and attitudes of people who use drugs toward Canadian drug laws and potential future alternatives. Methods: This paper was developed as part of the Canadian Drug Laws Project, a cross-jurisdictional qualitative study conducted in British Columbia, Canada between July and September 2020. The qualitative data are from 24 semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of people who use illegal drugs. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, coded, and analyzed thematically by the research team. Results: Two main themes and corresponding sub-themes are presented: (1) The experience of stigma as a consequence of criminalization; (2) The perceived benefits of drug law reform. Participants spoke in-depth about their experiences living within a criminalized drug policy context and offered suggestions for new pathways forward. Their perspectives illuminate how Canada's drug laws may shape public attitudes toward people who use drugs and the consequent manifestations of structural, social, and self-stigma experienced by people who use drugs. Conclusion: Participants openly and profoundly believed that current drug laws produced and propagated the public attitudes and structural inequities experienced by people who use drugs in Canada. This matters, not only because our findings highlight the fact that people who use drugs experience stigma in tangible and clearly impactful ways, but it also suggests that the criminlilization of drugs shapes the experience of structural, social, and self stigma. Finally, participants believed that efforts to destigmatize people who use drugs would be ineffectual without the enactment of more robust forms of drug law reform such as the decriminalization of illegal drugs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: We investigated the contribution of five health domains to self-rated health (SRH) cross-sectionally and longitudinally and whether these contributions differ by gender or age. Methods: Employing dominance analyses, we quantified the contributions of functioning, diseases, pain, mental health, and behavior to both SRH at a point in time and for changes in SRH using data from the Canadian National Population Health Survey (NPHS, 1994–2011). Results: Cross-sectionally and longitudinally, functioning was the most important health domain, followed by diseases and pain. There were no meaningful differences in the ranking by gender while functioning, diseases, and pain were more relevant in older cohorts. Discussion: Functioning, diseases, and pain systematically were the most important health domains in both cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. While these results held for women and men, they were more salient for older adults. This points to a gender-invariant but age-graded process, confirming previous research with European data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exclusive breastfeeding to 6 months with continued breastfeeding up to 2 years and beyond are well-established infant feeding recommendations based on evidence that breastfeeding has unparalleled maternal and infant health benefits as well as environmental and economic benefits. As with many high-income countries, breastfeeding rates remain suboptimal with only a quarter of Canadian and European infants receiving breast milk exclusively for the first 6 months. Breastfeeding promotion efforts have largely targeted caregivers in the prenatal and postnatal period; however, breastfeeding outcomes have been shown to be associated with broader sociocultural factors. Noncaregivers play an influential role in infant feeding at both an individual level (e.g., cues and input from health care practitioners and caregivers' social networks; as future parents) as well as a broader population level (sociocultural norms and policy decisions). This paper outlines recent research on breastfeeding knowledge and attitudes of noncaregivers by population subgroup. Positive correlations have been identified between breastfeeding attitudes, infant feeding knowledge, breastfeeding exposure, and breastfeeding intention among different subgroups; however, key knowledge gaps, lack of exposure to breastfeeding, and negative public perceptions of breastfeeding persist. Dietitians can advocate for breastfeeding promotion strategies that consider the role of noncaregivers to address sociocultural norms around breastfeeding.

Public acceptance is critical for sharing of genomic data at scale. This paper examines how acceptance of data sharing pertains to the perceived similarities and differences between DNA and other forms of personal data. It explores the perceptions of representative publics from the USA, Canada, the UK and Australia (n = 8967) towards the donation of DNA and health data. Fifty-two percent of this public held 'exceptionalist' views about genetics (i.e., believed DNA is different or 'special' compared to other types of medical information). This group was more likely to be familiar with or have had personal experience with genomics and to perceive DNA information as having personal as well as clinical and scientific value. Those with personal experience with genetics and genetic exceptionalist views were nearly six times more likely to be willing to donate their anonymous DNA and medical information for research than other respondents. Perceived harms from re-identification did not appear to dissuade publics from being willing to participate in research. The interplay between exceptionalist views about genetics and the personal, scientific and clinical value attributed to data would be a valuable focus for future research.

Shifts in species ranges and viability introduced by climate change are creating difficult challenges for scientists and citizens. In many cases, the seriousness of threats to endangered species is forcing policy makers and resource managers to consider novel species protection strategies, either to complement or replace existing conservation approaches. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of public views on a range of conventional and novel management initiatives designed to protect species under the threat of extinction, based on results from an online survey conducted in the USA and Canada. Participants first selected a preferred intervention strategy and were then presented with a series of scenarios, focused on protection of the endangered bristlecone pine, which allowed them to explore their willingness to shift to a new policy regime with a better chance of protecting the species. The use of a decision-pathways survey design allowed us to examine the strength of the nudge required to elicit a shift in their position and the reasoning underlying selection of a preferred management alternative. Results generally support the conclusion that, so long as a clear rationale is provided, there exists surprisingly widespread support for the adoption of novel management approaches to save threatened or endangered species even if this requires more intensive genetic and transformational interventions that are costly or ethically challenging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing public policies mostly focus on public water systems, leaving aside the quality issues regarding private wells in small and rural locations. Establishment of affordable and accessible water quality monitoring services may ensure acceptable levels of all the parameters. This paper aims to explore (a) health risk because of chemical contaminants of private wells, (b) population perspective on well water quality and monitoring, and (c) to create a business model of a centralized water quality monitoring service. The results show potential problems with toxic levels of arsenic, barium, cadmium, chromium, lead, mercury, and selenium. About 5% of the province's population is at risk for potential exposure to contaminated private well water. The survey reinforces that the successful implementation of water testing laboratories for private wells is a shared responsibility between well owners and the government organizations, and almost three-fourths respondents were willing to share the cost up to certain limit. A business model including financial projections for a centralized water testing laboratory is presented. Drinking of unmonitored private well water is putting population health at risk. Either strong regulation with mandatory water testing or voluntary water testing with adequate government subsidy can ensure sustainable function of a centralized water testing laboratory., (© 2019 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.)

This paper used netnography and thematic analysis of the comments made in online news articles to understand better the public response to the closure of the only KFC restaurant in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, Canada, in 2015. While the popular media often cover fast-food restaurant closures, past academic research has not examined the public response to these closures. To begin to fill this gap, we examined the comments sections of five online news articles from the Canadian news outlet, CBC.ca, and reactions shared on Facebook. 239 commenters made 308 publicly available online comments addressing the closure. Key themes in commenter perceptions included pro-closure reactions, which were based on the perceived public health benefits of reduced fast-food consumption, and anti-closure reactions to such factors as the loss of a local landmark and a source of positive memories. The unfavorable reactions appeared to pose a significant barrier to public acceptance of the KFC closure. This paper argues that it is important to examine public perceptions of fast-food closures to understand better what these restaurants mean to individuals and communities. This information, in turn, can be used to promote healthier restaurant-eating in ways that will complement efforts to encourage healthier food choices.

The Centre Block in Ottawa is a classified federal heritage building housing Canada's parliament. Nearly a century after its formal opening, it closed in 2019 for a decade-long rehabilitation. This neo-gothic building will undergo complete structural, engineering, seismic and security upgrades while preserving its heritage character and materials. The lessons learned during the rehabilitation of other classified buildings in the Parliamentary Precinct have led the proponents of the Centre Block rehabilitation to adopt an integrated approach using 'Design Assist' to bring conservators directly into a critical role in the schematic design and design development. In a complex, fragile and highly visible project like this, the public perception of risk to heritage assets is unparalleled. This paper explores the ways in which Design Assist departs from the traditional Design Bid Build model to integrate 17 expert conservation specialisms with the architects and the construction authority. Case studies will be used to illustrate the value added by this innovative conservation-construction model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The province of Ontario, Canada, has a longstanding history of non-partisanship in municipal elections. In this distinctive context, we report results on citizen attitudes toward municipal partisanship using a survey of eligible voters in Canada's most populous province. Using a mixed-methods approach, we focus on three interrelated research questions. First, how much does citizen support for municipal parties depend on the type of party under consideration? Second, what reasons do citizens provide for their preference for either municipal political parties or independents? Finally, what are the correlates of support for municipal parties? We find little support for municipal political parties, and that many voters have sophisticated reasons for preferring either independents or parties. We also identify several factors associated with support for parties. These results provide an in-depth picture of attitudes on municipal partisanship in Ontario, and suggest that public opinion may provide an overlooked mechanism that maintains Ontario's non-partisanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a crowd sensing system (CSS) that captures geospatial social media topics and allows the review of results. Using Web-resources derived from social media platforms, the CSS uses a spatially-situated social network graph to harvest user-generated content from selected organizations and members of the public. This allows 'passively' contributed social media-based opinions, along with different variables, such as time, location, social interaction, service usage, and human activities to be examined and used to identify trending views and influential citizens. The data model and CSS are used for demonstration purposes to identify geotopics and community interests relevant to municipal affairs in the City of Toronto, Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural stories provide us with a repertoire of narratives through which we interpret and construct our understandings of the world, including our gendered understandings of the early childhood teacher. Through her notion ofécriture feminine, Cixous [1976. “The Laugh of the Medusa.” Trans K. Cohen and P. Cohen.Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society1 (4): 875–893] wrote of countering systems of cultural texts that inscribe women as ‘other’. In this paper, I conduct a critical analysis of Disney’sMaleficent(2014), a recent and often deemed feminist adaptation of theSleeping Beautytale, to inform our understanding of the challenges faced in rewriting public perceptions of the childcare teacher in Canada today. The early childhood teacher is often constrained within gendered expectations and attempts to revise the ways society values their professional status have yet to be achieved. The analysis suggests thatMaleficentoffers positive directions for change, however persistent constraints on feminine identities may be particularly difficult to retract in women whose work involves significant caring and other-directedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• First trends analysis of data from the national Canadian Cannabis Survey. • Past-year cannabis use increased since non-medical cannabis legalization in Canada. • The proportion of past-year consumers using cannabis frequently is unchanged. • Past-year use of edibles, drinks and vape pens/cartridges has increased. • Legal purchasing is displacing the illicit cannabis market in Canada. Cannabis use for non-medical purposes was legalized and regulated in Canada through the Cannabis Act in October 2018. This paper examined trends in use of cannabis for non-medical purposes and related indicators from pre- to post-legalization in Canada (2018–2022). Data from 5 years of the Canadian Cannabis Survey, an annual web-based survey administered to Canadians 16 years of age or older, were used in the analysis (n 2018 =12,952; n 2019 =11,922; n 2020 =10,821; n 2021 =10,733; n 2022 =10,048). Cannabis measures include questions about use, types of products, sources, risk perceptions and beliefs, and exposure to public education campaigns and health warnings. Adjusted logistic regression models tested differences in outcomes over time. Past 12-month cannabis consumption increased among Canadians from 22 % in 2018 to 27 % in 2022 (AOR=1.41;99 % CI:1.28–1.54). Similarly, daily/almost daily (DAD) consumption increased from 5 % in 2018 to 7 % in 2022 (AOR=1.36;99 % CI:1.16–1.59). Consumption of dried flower, hash/kief, and concentrates/extracts (e.g., wax, shatter, budder) decreased since 2018, whereas consumption of edibles, beverages and vape pens/cartridges increased (p < 0.001). Legal purchasing increased from 4 % in 2018 to 69 % in 2022, while accessing cannabis through social and illegal sources decreased over time (p < 0.001). More Canadians are reporting cannabis consumption since legalization and regulation of cannabis for non-medical purposes, continuing a pre-existing trend despite an increase in awareness of the risks of consuming cannabis. Trends in product use indicate a transition from dried flower and concentrates/extracts towards consumption of cannabis foods, drinks and vape pens/cartridges. The legal market is increasingly displacing the illicit cannabis market in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Through medicare, residents in Canada are entitled to medically necessary physician services without paying out of pocket, but still many people struggle to access primary care. We conducted a survey to explore people's experience with and priorities for primary care. Methods: We conducted an online, bilingual survey of adults in Canada in fall 2022. We distributed an anonymous link through diverse channels and a closed link to 122 053 people via a national public opinion firm. We weighted completed responses to mirror Canada's population and adjusted for sociodemographic characteristics using regression models. Results: We analyzed 9279 completed surveys (5.9% response rate via closed link). More than one-fifth of respondents (21.8%) reported having no primary care clinician, and among those who did, 34.5% reported getting a same or next-day appointment for urgent issues. Of respondents, 89.4% expressed comfort seeing another team member if their doctor recommended it, but only 35.9%, 9.5%, and 12.4% reported that their practice had a nurse, social worker, or pharmacist, respectively. The primary care attribute that mattered most was having a clinician who "knows me as a person and considers all the factors that affect my health." After we adjusted for respondent characteristics, people in Quebec, the Atlantic region, and British Columbia had lower odds of reporting a primary care clinician than people in Ontario (adjusted odds ratio 0.30, 0.33, and 0.39, respectively; p < 0.001). We also observed large provincial variations in timely access, interprofessional care, and walk-in clinic use. Interpretation: More than 1 in 5 respondents did not have access to primary care, with large variation by province. Reforms should strive to expand access to relationship-based, longitudinal care in a team setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding concerns about the welfare of farm animals is important for the development of socially sustainable production practices. This study used an online survey to test how views on group versus stall housing for pregnant sows varied when Canadian and US participants were provided information about these systems, including access to scientific papers, YouTube videos, Google images, and a frequently-asked-questions page (S1 Appendix). Initial responses and changes in responses after accessing the information were analyzed from Likert scores of 242 participants and from their written comments. Participants were less willing to accept the use of gestation stalls after viewing information on sow housing. For example, initially 30.4% of respondents indicated that they supported the use of gestation stalls; this declined to 17.8% after participants were provided additional information. Qualitative analysis of comments showed that supporters of gestation stalls expressed concern about the spread of disease and aggression between animals in less confined systems, whereas supporters of group housing placed more emphasis on the sow's ability to interact socially and perform natural behaviors. These results point to public opposition to the use of gestation stalls, and indicate that the more that the public learns about gestation stalls the less willing they will be to accept their use.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore institutional realities and public perceptions of police use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) in Canada in relation to each other, drawing attention to areas of public misunderstanding and concern.Design/methodology/approach Public perceptions data are drawn from a national survey (n=3,045) of UAV use. Institutional realities data are drawn from content analyses of all Special Flight Operation Certificates issued by Transport Canada from 2007 to 2012 and flight logs of a regional service kept from 2011 to 2013. Officer interviews (n=2) also provide qualitative insights on institutional realities from this same regional service.Findings The data reveal disparities between institutional realities and public perceptions. Although federal, provincial and regional services currently use UAVs, awareness of police use of UAVs relative to traditionally piloted aircraft was low. Further, support for police use of UAVs was significantly lower than traditionally piloted craft; but, support also varied considerably across UAV applications, with the greatest opposition tied to tasks for which police do not report using UAVs and the greatest support tied to tasks for which police report using UAVs.Originality/value This research provides previously unknown descriptive data on the institutional realities of police use of UAVs in Canada, positioning that knowledge in relation to public perceptions of police use of the technology. The findings raise concerns over how UAVs may negatively shape police/civilian relations based on procedural justice literature which demonstrates that a lack of public support for the technology may affect the police more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To examine the perceived harms/risks of fluoridation as expressed in online forums relating to cessation and aftermath in Calgary, specifically, 1) which harms/risks are mentioned, 2) for those harms/risks, what kinds of evidence are cited, 3) to what extent is scientific literature cited, and what is its quality, and 4) for a subset of harms/risks, what is known from the broader scientific literature?, Methods: Relevant online comments were identified through free-text Internet searches, and those explicitly discussing the harms/risks of water fluoridation were extracted. Types of evidence mentioned were identified, and the scientific papers cited were reviewed. Finally, the broader scientific literature on two of the harms/risks was reviewed and synthesized., Synthesis: We identified 17 distinct groups of harms/risks, which spanned human body systems, the environment and non-human organisms. Most often, no evidence was cited. When evidence was cited, types included individuals viewed as authorities and personal experiences. Reference to scientific articles was rare, and those papers (n = 9) had significant methodological concerns. Our review of scientific literature on fluoride and 1) thyroid functioning and 2) phytoplankton revealed some negative effects of fluoride at concentrations exceeding maximum recommended levels (&gt;1.5 ppm)., Conclusion: The findings have implications for communication with the public about fluoridation. First, to the extent that the public consults the scientific literature, it is essential that the methodological limitations of a study, as well as its relevance to community water fluoridation, be widely and promptly communicated. Second, scientific evidence is only one component of why some people support or do not support fluoridation, and communication strategies must accommodate that reality.

Sustainable food production is an important part of dietetic education and training; however, the focus in the dietetic sphere is often on the environmental aspect. Understanding the multi-dimensional nature of sustainability can enhance dietetic students' sustainability competences–such as empathy and change of perspective, systems thinking, and critical thinking and analysis–to help them in their future careers and strengthen their position in society as trusted and knowledgeable food and nutrition professionals. Enhancing public understanding of sustainable food production is imperative as populations become more urban, are less connected to agriculture, and have expectations for sustainably grown/raised food, often without knowing current food production practices or the multiple aspects of sustainability that must be in place for farmers to meet those demands. The goal of this research was to understand Canadian farmers' perceptions of environmental, economic, and social aspects of sustainable food production. Employing a descriptive qualitative approach and constant comparative analysis, four food and nutrition researchers analyzed interviews from 52 farmers from across Canada. Participants had to be English-speaking, produce food through farming on land, and own or rent the land on which they farm. Telephone/video interviews revealed five overarching social themes: (1) the importance of community and social capital, (2) public perception and social license to operate, (3) lack of infrastructure, and (4) deep connections to personal lives. The final theme, mental health issues (5), reflected the consequences of the multiple sources of stress that can undermine the social sustainability of farmers, farm communities, and food production. These findings may help various audiences appreciate the multiple dimensions of sustainable food production; reflect on their values, perceptions, and actions with regard to agriculture; and enhance their compassion and empathy for all farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There is a need to improve mental health policy in Canada to address the growing population burden of mental illness. Understanding support for policy options is critical for advocacy efforts to improve mental health policy. Our purpose was to describe support for population-level healthy public policies to improve mental health among policy influencers and the general public in Alberta and Manitoba; and, identify associations between levels of support and sociodemographic variables and relative to the Nuffield Bioethics Intervention Ladder framework. Methods: We used data from the 2019 Chronic Disease Prevention Survey, which recruited a representative sample of the general public in Alberta (n = 1792) and Manitoba (n = 1909) and policy influencers in each province (Alberta n = 291, Manitoba n = 129). Level of support was described for 16 policy options using a Likert-style scale for mental health policy options by province, sample type, and sociodemographic variables using ordinal regression modelling. Policy options were coded using the Nuffield Council on Bioethics Intervention Ladder to classify support for policy options by level of intrusiveness. Results: Policy options were categorized as 'Provide Information' and 'Enable Choice' according to the Nuffield Intervention Ladder. There was high support for all policy options, and few differences between samples or provinces. Strong support was more common among women and among those who were more politically left (versus center). Immigrants were more likely to strongly support most of the policies. Those who were politically right leaning (versus center) were less likely to support any of the mental health policies. Mental health status, education, and Indigenous identity were also associated with support for some policy options. Conclusions: There is strong support for mental health policy in Western Canada. Results demonstrate a gap between support and implementation of mental health policy and provide evidence for advocates and policy makers looking to improve the policy landscape in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While climate scientists have developed high resolution data sets on the distribution of climate risks, we still lack comparable data on the local distribution of public climate change opinions. This paper provides the first effort to estimate local climate and energy opinion variability outside the United States. Using a multi-level regression and post-stratification (MRP) approach, we estimate opinion in federal electoral districts and provinces. We demonstrate that a majority of the Canadian public consistently believes that climate change is happening. Belief in climate change’s causes varies geographically, with more people attributing it to human activity in urban as opposed to rural areas. Most prominently, we find majority support for carbon cap and trade policy in every province and district. By contrast, support for carbon taxation is more heterogeneous. Compared to the distribution of US climate opinions, Canadians believe climate change is happening at higher levels. This new opinion data set will support climate policy analysis and climate policy decision making at national, provincial and local levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering that the United States and Canada are neighboring North American countries with fairly similar liberal democratic political cultures, their immigration policies are noticeably different. While US policies prioritize family reunification, Canadian policies favor labor demands and employability. This difference reflects the varying degrees to which the public influences their respective immigration policies. Examining contemporary immigration policies of the United States and Canada, this paper compares the role of public opinion in each, and argues that public opinion plays a more prominent role in immigration policies in the United States than it does in Canada. This observation is due in part to the partisan nature of the US political structure and to the cohesiveness among immigrants, particularly Latinos. Canada, in contrast, favors a policy of multiculturalism that empowers immigrant groups and limits individual groups' capacity and inclination to dominate policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Criminology & Criminal Justice is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several countries have imposed bans on the wearing of face veils, a controversial option considered in Bill 94 by the province of Quebec in 2010. This paper examines non-Muslim women's support for the acceptability of the niqab in public spaces. Analysing the 2010 Quebec Women's Political Participation Survey, we find that key feminist arguments – that wearing the niqab is a woman's free choice, a matter of freedom of religion and a visible symbol of women's oppression – are important drivers of opinion. Their role in shaping opinion, however, is complex and mirrors divisions among feminist groups in the province. Additional attitudinal drivers include generation, exposure to the practice and openness to immigration. Equally important, our findings suggest that being a member of a racial minority, feelings of cultural insecurity and religiosity are of little consequence for thinking on the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a unique survey experiment in the 2011 Canadian Election Study data set, this paper examines the ways in which racial cues influence attitudes towards redistributive policy. While work in the USA points to a strong racialization of welfare attitudes, little research explores the ways in which racial cues may structure attitudes about welfare elsewhere. In the Canadian context, Aboriginal peoples have faced both historic persecution and continue to face severe discrimination. They also experience much higher levels of poverty than other groups in Canada. Our results examine the effect that (hypothetical) Aboriginal recipients have on public support for social assistance. Results suggest that respondents' support for redistribution is lower when recipients are Aboriginal rather than white. As we have seen in the USA, then, support for welfare is related to racialized perceptions about those who benefit from social assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]