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Research on English Medium Instruction (EMI) in Higher Education (HE) has tended to have a technicist orientation, examining for example how it is implemented and the challenges it has encountered. Much less critical attention has been given to the rationales that language policy makers and other stakeholders offer for introducing EMI - the drivers may be reported (e.g. Rose et al., 2020, in China; Galloway & Sahan, 2021, in Vietnam and Thailand) but they are rarely questioned. Here, we focus on these rationales, using data from a research project which monitored the spread of EMI through Indonesian HE. Managers at 24 institutions were surveyed along with 281 lecturers who taught their subject in the medium of English at 41 universities. In the stakeholders' responses, we identified four common sense assumptions (Gramsci, 1971) about English and its role in Indonesia that often underlay their justifications for introducing EMI. We also noted some signs of resistance to EMI which demand further empirical investigation. This case reminds us that public language policy should be based on careful analysis of needs at national and institutional levels.

With its imperial past, nationalist tradition, past westernization attempts, inverse orientalism toward populations from the East, and current neo-Ottomanist policies, Turkey presents an interesting case in which to examine the ideologies underlying its education system. Turkish schools began receiving a large number of Syrian refugees following the outbreak of the Syrian War in 2011. How does Turkey seek to absorb these former subjects of the Ottoman empire politically, discursively, and socioculturally into its national body politic, and more specifically into the education system, in light of shifting relations with Arabs and changing representation of the Arabic language and culture? Based on literature review and interviews with Syrians, state officials, and NGO representatives in Istanbul between 2017 and 2020, this study demonstrates that while there is strong emphasis on shared religious and cultural ties, Syrians are still expected to assimilate, similar to other historically minoritized populations in Turkey, albeit with some peculiarities. These peculiarities stem from increased prominence of the Arabic language through the Islamization project of the present government, international funding for the accommodation of refugees, and the economic relations the government seeks with Arab countries.

Pakistan, one of the eight countries comprising South Asia, has more than 212.2 million people, making it the world's fifth most populous country after China, India, USA, and Indonesia. It has also the world's second-largest Muslim population. Eberhard et al. (Ethnologue: languages of the world, SIL International, 2020) report 77 languages used by people in Pakistan, although the only two official languages are Urdu and English. After its Independence from the British colonial rule in 1947, it took much deliberation for the country to make a shift from its monolingual Urdu orientation to a multilingual language policy in education in 2009. This entailed a shift from the dominant Urdu language policy for the masses (and English exclusively reserved for elite institutions), to a gradual and promising change that responded to the increasing social demand for English and for including regional languages in the curriculum. Yet English and Urdu dominate the present policy and exclude regional non-dominant languages in education that themselves are dynamic and unstable, and restructured continually due to the de facto multilingual and plurilingual repertoire of the country. Using Bourdieu's (Outline of a theory of practice Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977a, The economics of linguistic exchanges. Soc Sci Inform 16:645-668, 1977b, The genesis of the concepts of habitus and field. Sociocriticism 2:11-24 1985, Language and symbolic power Polity Press, Cambridge, 1991) conceptualization of habitus, this study analyzes letters to the editor published between 2002-2009 and 2018-2020 in a leading English daily of Pakistan. The analysis unveils the linguistic dispositions that are discussed in the letters and their restructuring through market forces, demonstrating a continuity between the language policy discourse and public aspirations. The findings also indicate the ambivalences towards Urdu and English in relation to nationalistic ideologies, modernity and identity.

One of the products of globalization in sociolinguistics is the emergence of transnational regimes in language policy, in which power is exercised across boundaries of traditional nation states. This paper engages with audit culture, a transnational policy mechanism which involves the continuous evaluation of nation states' performance through the use of purportedly neutral, typically quantitative instruments. As achieving broader visibility in public discourse is a key part of how such evaluations enforce language policy regimes, the paper presents an analysis of how an audit instrument, the Education First English Proficiency Index, was recontextualized in media discourse in Thailand over a 6-year period. The findings highlight an apparent discontinuity, as much of the neoliberal rhetoric in the audit instrument was not taken up in Thai media. Rather, the recontextualization was selective, with elements of the audit texts being integrated into an already established language policy regime in Thailand, built on nationalism and developmentalism. These findings point to the need to consider how language policy mechanisms like audit culture can facilitate synergies between hegemonic ideologies, particularly when they are recontextualized across different scales.

Intercultural communicative competence has been offered as an open-minded replacement for ego-centric biases stemming from dogmatic national prejudice and its associated self-aggrandisement. While being a commendable proposal, its implementation in foreign language education has not been a widespread success story. Recent attempts to theorise intercultural communicative competence seem to emphasise negotiability in communication at the expense of some persistent issues, such as (cultural/national) identity. This article examines the prospects of intercultural communication in Iranian language policy as a country with a history of troubled encounters with foreign powers, culminating in protectionist approaches to nationalism, identity and the treatment of Others.

Many universities in non-English speaking countries have been adopting English as a medium of instruction to internationalize their education. We set out to compare the language policies of a Finnish and a Japanese university using the lens of language ideology -- a set of normative beliefs about the social dimension of language. Data were collected from selected documents of the two universities, and analyzed utilizing critical discursive psychology. This social constructionist approach allows mapping out language ideological landscapes -- interrelationships among different co-occurring language ideologies -- from which students may draw ideas about how they orient themselves towards their peers on international campuses today. Our analysis shows that different language ideological landscapes are constructed in the language policies of the two universities, affording them different positioning in the phenomenon of internationalization. The findings suggest that both multilingualism and languaging would be important discursive resources for universities to maintain ethnolinguistic nationalism and ensure equality among students with different linguistic backgrounds, in the process of internationalization of higher education through English. On international campuses where multilingualism is prevalent, students are likely to be constructed as cosmopolitans for inclusion, locals and foreigners for exclusion, or 'native/native-like and non-native speakers' for hierarchy through different monolingual language ideologies.

This paper investigates the strategies of governance in the language policy "Chanting the Chinese Classics" (CCC) as deployed by State authorities, schools, and local communities. It highlights the strategy of 'viewing' as a nexus between language policy processes and traditional Chinese governing philosophy. To examine the connections between macro-level language policy and local educational and communicative processes, an ethnography of language policy was conducted at a weekend community school. We argue that language policy governance in Chinese language policy implementation mirrors Confucian philosophy. To further this strategy, State authorities organize nationally televised events at which school children compete in chanting competitions, which serve as exemplars for educators, parents, and students, who are encouraged to memorize vast quantities of classic Chinese literature. Results reveal that the appropriation of the CCC policy by teachers and parents encourages self-government and aligns with language policy ideology. While the CCC policy effectively encourages thousands of children to memorize Chinese Classics, it simultaneously promotes cultural confidence and nationalism.

From January 2017 until January 2020, the Stormont assembly in Northern Ireland was suspended, with the Irish language being cited as the main stumbling block to the restoration of government. The continued debate around the necessity of an Irish Language Act (ILA) for Northern Ireland is bound up with more general divisions in society surrounding national identity, and as such, it divided political parties and the nationalist and unionist communities from which they draw their support. Through the analysis of ethnographic interviews conducted in various language learning centres across Belfast, I explore how this debate around legislating for the language impacted on the engagement of learners with the language in the city. By considering the role played by the media in the engagement of interview participants with the Irish language in Belfast, I aim to examine how the policy delay and political discourse affects those engaging with the language. This paper aims to address changing attitudes to the Irish language in Belfast in a period of political crisis, and what it means for those who use the language.

This article examines how politics has shaped Hong Kong's education system and the curriculum 23 years after the British handover of Hong Kong to China. Particularly, through the concept of nationalism, the article examines how the education system is being shaped. The article is intended to provide international readers with a perspective of the political and socio-educational dynamics at play in Hong Kong. The central question at issue is: how has political culture and identity been promoted in school education under the framework of "One Country, Two Systems" after the transfer of Hong Kong sovereignty from Britain to China? Two areas--the censorship of curriculum materials and the politicization of nationalism-- particularly reflect the influence of power relationships, and the historical and societal pressures on the formation of students' identity in school education.

In the last four decades, many Latin American governments have positioned English learning and teaching as a national priority and incorporated it into state-supported "políticas sobre lenguas extranjeras" (foreign language policies) that position the English language as a desirable characteristic of their citizenry. I argue that this phenomenon is driven by the dynamic ways in which ideologies of neoliberalism and multilingualism have been reframed by nation-states to align with nationalist agendas. In this study, I examine the trajectory of linguistic resources, specifically English proficiency, in the discursive space of Costa Rican foreign language policy. Drawing from document analysis and ethnographic fieldwork in a fourth-grade classroom, I reveal how, despite its global and English-dominant rhetoric, English as a foreign language policy mobilized a neoliberal "multilingual" nationalism in the curriculum, textbook, and instruction.

This article is a succinct approach to Mapudungun language ideologies and their development within the political and economic context of 21st century Chile. Social media have empowered Mapudungun language activists and intellectuals and helped them create digital communities, some with hundreds of thousands of followers, from which they establish and promote language policies, defined by themselves. Among the most relevant language ideologies found in the corpus, there is a representation of Indigenous languages as sacred, or untouchable, often implying an essential connection between Indigenous cultures and the natural or spiritual world. This representation (called "cosmovisionism" by activists) tends to contradict modernizing language ideologies that circulate in emerging Mapudungun language planning, mainly due to the influence of Basque and Catalan models based on the notion of language normalization, actively promoted in Chile by agents from those domains. Modernizing visions of Mapudungun tend to be linked to a nationalist political project that demands a solid connection between land, people, history, cultural identity, and language. This leads to ideological tensions between the urgency to anonymize and the need to depoliticize the language, both simultaneously considered fundamental to secure Mapudungun's expansion.

Language policy and planning in Nepal has been contested due to the co-existence of multiple contradictory discourses concerning teaching and learning of local, national, foreign, and international languages. Recently a multilingual policy was issued to create space for the once-banned ethnic/indigenous languages in public schooling, further complexifying the landscape. A few studies have paid attention to teaching and learning of the lesser taught ethnic/indigenous and foreign languages; however, what discursive orientations have contributed towards enabling (or constraining) the use of such languages in education and how have yet to receive scholarly attention. Framed by the perspectives of the intersectionality of discourses, and drawing on in-depth interviews with policymakers, headteachers, teachers, students, and their parents of five schools of Nepal, this paper concludes that the interplay between broader discourses such as globalisation, neoliberal marketisation and nationalism has played a significant role in shaping language policy decisions and localised practice of language(s). It also reveals that the spaces for ethnic/indigenous languages in education are delimited, in preference of English, Nepali, and other emerging foreign languages, leading to their further marginalisation. Such trends diminish the potential use of lesser taught languages, threatening Nepal's multilingual education policy towards sustaining existing linguistic diversity.

Kazakhstan's decision to transition its Kazakh language from the Cyrillic to the Latin alphabet has serious implications for language policy, communication, education, inclusion, and social cohesion. This critical qualitative study, underpinned by a discourse-historical approach, employs critical discourse analysis to analyze statements of ex-President Nursultan Nazarbayev and semi-structured interviews with Kazakh language educators and social media articles to determine the nature and effects of the Latinization of Kazakh on social cohesion, inclusion, and inclusive education. The findings indicate that Latinization of Kazakh is gradually becoming more ethnically oriented, implying that the inevitable formation of included and excluded language groups. These patterns in society might undermine social cohesion and inclusion, hinder their maintenance and hamper efforts to achieve inclusive education, which prioritizes equality for all social groups through proper access to knowledge.

Japan and Great Britain are both island nations with long histories. Nationalists in both nations like to emphasise the things that separate members of 'our' nation from others across the sea, and this includes language. In the British case the arrogant assumption that 'everyone else can learn English' has led to a serious decline in the number of students who study foreign languages. In Japan, a certain amount of English is understood to be necessary for practical purposes, but nationalists warn against too much immersion in the language of an alien culture. These attitudes have helped to undermine the provision of advanced foreign language education that is necessary in a globalized world.

South Africa is facing the challenge of creating a viable nation from a situation of interplay between diverse racial, ethnic and linguistic forces. This article discusses the implications for education of the evolving picture of language policy as South Africa addresses the task of nation-building. Language policy is important because of its key role in developing and maintaining identity, particularly that of emerging generations. The results of a bad language policy can be violence and civil war. Language policy, particularly in education, can be instrumental therefore in building a harmonious nation.

Dualist Hungary (1867-1918) was the linguistically most diverse would-be nation-state in the long nineteenth century, with less than half of its citizens speaking Hungarian as their home language and more than two-fifths being ignorant of it. The Nationalities Act of 1868 accommodated the language of court proceedings to that of the parties, but these provisions remained in effect for no more than a couple of years before a complete overhaul of the court system. Minority nationalist activists were vocal in their attacks against the sidelining of their languages, and the issue came to a head in much the same terms when policy-makers debated the introduction of the jury. In the 1890s, with jury trials introduced and oral proceedings expanded in civil litigation, the government could not postpone the appointment of court interpreters any longer. Interpreting fees were set too high for the average non-Magyar citizen, which, together with a few other predicaments, was likely to bring home to them their second-class status. At the same time, top officials were anxious about the concessions that lower courts, which were for the most part left to muddle through without translators, had to make to non-dominant languages.

Global flows of migration to South Korea bring a new challenge of how to negotiate the identities of migrants. Unlike other reported cases that reframe the value of migrants' first language as part of contingent practices of diversity management, the South Korean government has responded to this challenge by explicitly reframing so-called "damunhwa" mothers (foreign women married to Korean men) as bilingual workers, imagining them as self-governed, autonomous workers whose linguistic capital can be mobilized for the betterment of South Korean society. The government's adoption of linguistic entrepreneurship and ethnocentric nationalism becomes particularly salient in this process. This paper studies how four "damunhwa" mothers respond to this new bilingual worker identity as promoted in the bilingual policy texts. We examine the ways in which they negotiate their bilingual worker identities by echoing the government's new linguistic nationalism and linguistic entrepreneurship on the one hand, and by problematizing the insecure job markets, stratified linguistic needs, lack of systematic training for bilingual instructors, and native Korean's misunderstanding of their new roles on the other. Finally, we discuss the implications of Korea's bilingual policy, elaborating on the significance of linguistic entrepreneurship in language policy planning and practice and calling for more reflective accounts of ecological and translingual policy implementation in Korea.

The paper explores how the discourse of nationalist and neoliberal agendas have shaped the conceptions of literacy education in Nepal, the ramifications for social stratification. As the review shows, the ruling elites tactfully imposed their language, culture, and knowledge in literacy curricula in the name of national unity, but to maintain their status quo. Later, literacy planning was ideologically oriented to the neoliberalism, which overtly espoused the English language and its associated culture and knowledge as must-have literacy skills for global socioeconomic mobilities. In both cases, the local languages, culture, and knowledge have been ignored in literacy education, resulting in an ideology for minoritized groups to accept Nepali-English bilingual/bicultural literacy skills as valid and their languages, cultures, and knowledge as deficit and valueless. The article, therefore, argues that the increasing growth of globalization and neoliberal logics is altering the construct of literacy, especially in terms of its purposes and uses, taking it beyond the local cultural and communicative practices to the global.

Background/Context: After decades of restrictive U.S. language policies geared toward English-only education, recent years have seen a proliferation of dual-language programs, Seal of Biliteracy awards, and bilingual education programming more broadly. The demand for such programming ostensibly suggests growing consensus around the benefits of linguistic diversity--dubbed "The New Bilingualism" by The Atlantic in 2016. However, recent research suggests that the pivot to this New Bilingualism is largely taking place in contexts of privilege, disproportionately benefiting English-dominant, middle- and upper-class communities as compared with multilingual communities where demand for bilingual programming is not "new" at all. Focus of Study: This piece explores how recent, well-intentioned expansions in bilingual education programming may actually reinforce historical inequities. Putting forth a framework of idealized language ideologies, the article documents how bilingualism has historically been encouraged for some and denied to others in U.S. education and policy contexts. Research Design: Through historical analysis, this article documents how language ideologies overlap with racism and nationalism in educational and policy contexts across key periods of U.S. history and into the present day. Conclusions/Recommendations: A framework of idealized language ideologies foregrounds (1) idealized language practices, (2) idealized speakers, and (3) institutional interests, highlighting how these dynamics function to maintain educational and broader social inequities. Applying such a lens makes it possible to simultaneously acknowledge positive expansions of bilingual programming, while also questioning the framing of such programming as "new" or as a panacea for educational inequality. In a time of rapid expansion for bilingual educational programming, this piece demonstrates that even bilingualism can be normatively framed as an idealized language ideology to reinforce problematic language hierarchies. Thus, it is imperative that teachers, teacher educators, and policy makers reckon with these historical dynamics to ensure that educational models designed to ameliorate linguistic inequities do not end up reproducing them instead.

As interpretations of results from small-scale research sites are incomplete without consideration of the social structures that frame them (Block, in: Gardner, Martin-Jones (eds) "Multilingualism, discourse and ethnography," Routledge, New York, 2012), the current study uses the theoretical lens of agency to examine the language policies of four of Istanbul's Kurdish-owned eating establishments with respect to socio-political structures. Set in a context in which Turkish nationalist ideologies trickle down to long-standing and pervasive stigma toward Kurdish at local levels (Coskun et al. in "Scar of tongue: consequences of the ban of the use of mother tongue in education and experiences of Kurdish students in Turkey," DISA, Diyarbakir, 2011; Saraçoglu in "Kurds of modern Turkey: migration, neoliberalism, and exclusion in Turkish society," Tauris Academic Studies, New York, 2011; Polat in "Crit Inq Lang Stud" 8:261-288, 2011; Schluter and Sansarkan in Içduygu, Göker (eds), "Rethinking migration and integration: bottom-up responses to neoliberal global challenges," The Isis Press, Istanbul, 2014), Kurdish workplaces represent rich sites for investigating the relative influence of differently scaled structures on individual free will. Based on ethnographic data collected through observations and interviews, the results, which align with Ortner's ("Anthropology and social theory: culture, power, and the acting subject," Duke University Press, Durham, 2006) and Archer's ("Being human: the problem of agency," Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000, "Making our way through the world: human reflexivity and social mobility," Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2007) conceptualizations of agency, indicate that while structures severely constrain managers' ability to determine policy, a small number of opportunities also exist to resist these structures. In contrast to much of the literature that emphasizes the dominance of global scales in the current neoliberal era (Cf. Heller in "J Socioling" 7(4):473-492, 2003; Blommaert in "The sociolinguistics of globalization," Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010; Flubacher and Del Percio in "Language, education and neoliberalism: critical studies in sociolinguistics," Multilingual Matters, Bristol, 2017; Lorente in "Scripts of servitude: language, labor, migration, and transnational domestic work," Multilingual Matters, Bristol, 2017; Block in "Political economy in sociolinguistics: neoliberalism, inequality and social class," Bloomsbury, London, 2018), nationally scaled structures feature most prominently. A center-periphery distinction emerges with respect to the magnitude of the nation's influence over policy: peripherality, in agreement with Kelly-Holmes (in: Pietikäinen, Kelly-Holmes (eds) "Multilingualism and the periphery," Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2013) and Hiss ("Lang Soc" 46:697-718, 2017), comes with diminished pressure to adhere to the norms of the center. These findings both underline the considerable power of Turkish national structures over individuals in this setting while indicating a small space for alternative marketplaces (Woolard in "Am Ethnol" 12:738-748, 1985).

Linguistic nationalism in Western Europe most commonly takes a monolingual form, involving the promotion of one dominant national language. This is not the only form of linguistic nationalism possible, however, as the link between language and nation can also be constructed in more multilingual ways. This article looks at the case of Luxembourg, a small officially multilingual country, to examine how political parties portrayed the language-nation link in their published election programmes for the past two national elections (2013 and 2018) and in their accompanying websites. The results reveal tension between fidelity to classic monolingual linguistic nationalism and nods towards a form of trilingual linguistic nationalism, all set against an increasingly multilingual society. The discursive balancing act required to uphold these competing ideological stances reflects broader tensions across contemporary Europe regarding how to reconcile a classic linguistic nationalist ideology with ever more multilingual societies.

In a context of increasing linguistic and cultural diversity and political uncertainty in Catalonia, this article reports on a research project which set out to explore the attitudes of members of independence organisations operating in the city of Girona toward the Catalan and Spanish languages. This study approaches language attitudes through the theoretical lens of linguistic authority, in particular, the concepts of anonymity and authenticity. The data, gathered from six focus groups, provide an insight on the nature of linguistic authority in contemporary Catalonia. Two themes emerge in the informants' discussion of Catalan and Spanish: 'twenty-first Century Catalanisme' and 'Embracing Linguistic Diversity'. The comments of the respondents indicate that, against the backdrop of the independence process in the region, bilingualism and multilingualism have become highly valued in the territory. In addition, this study suggests that a fuller understanding of the situation in Catalonia may be facilitated by qualitative approaches, which explore attitudes in-depth.

In 1804, the first official spelling of Dutch was published as part of a national language policy that had been argued for since the middle of the eighteenth century, and in 1805, an official grammar was published. The orthography and the grammar constituted regulations for the written language ("schrijftaalregeling"), which were part of a broader effort at nationalisation. Other societal domains affected by this attempt at nationalisation included education. The first decade of the nineteenth century also produced a series of educational reform. In this paper, we first discuss the ideological aspects of the nationalisation of language and education. Focusing on writing education, we then discuss eighteenth-century teaching practices, and the criticism these gave rise to, particularly for the strong focus on technical skills. We argue that writing education became increasingly important in the new school system, in which writing was conceptualised as a grammatical and intellectual practice as well. As a result, new teaching practices were developed. Adopting the officialised spelling of 1804 was part of the grammatical aspect of writing education. We show how grammar books and reading materials pre-dating and postdating the official Dutch language policy shifted from a situation of variable orthographical practices towards orthographical homogeneity through a strict adoption of official prescriptions.

The authors examine how the Mandarin-Cantonese relationship has been ideologically and discursively perceived and constructed in China's language policy and planning, and Chinese people's reaction over the years by drawing on theories in critical discourse analysis, systemic functional linguistics, and language ideology. Data collection includes language policies, government officials' dissemination, and Chinese citizens' online comments, which are analyzed at ideological, discursive, and linguistic levels. The findings suggest that both the language policies and the officials were driven more by an ideology of uniformity that elevates Mandarin as opposed to other local dialects such as Cantonese. The authors also identify three main categories of competing ideologies underpinning Chinese netizens' reactions. Reactions aligned with the centripetal ideology favor sustaining the unity of China against a sense of superiority of Cantonese speaking people. Neutral reactions emphasize the ease of communication and language identities without being inclined to the extreme of aggressive Mandarin popularization. Positions aligned with centrifugal ideology uphold Cantonese as a unique language and maintaining Cantonese as a right and duty. The authors conclude with a discussion of whether promoting diversity and linguistic rights can achieve uniformity in a dialogic way.

This article explores language policy in Southeast Asia, focussing on two recent state and other institutional reform efforts and directions: one towards English, and the other towards the mother tongues. However, what needs to be highlighted is the bifurcated nature of language policy reforms in the region. That is, these two policy directions are rarely conceptualized together. In terms of implementation, they are mobilized independently as if they are products of completely different phenomena. A set of broad assumptions upon which policies and policy reforms should be based must be articulated. Educational and social justice, nationalism, and global competitiveness saturate discussion on language policies in the region. With a coherent and inclusive framing of this discussion, language policies should unite -- not divide -- people.

Any country's choice of the medium of instruction (MOI) reveals a lot about its social, cultural, economic, and political agenda. The question of MOI in North Africa, and more precisely in Morocco, has been a thorny issue since the country's independence in 1956. This article aims at contributing to the debate around which of Morocco's two main languages, French and Modern Standard Arabic, should be chosen as MOI in public schools. The article discusses some of the reasons that led to the recent decision to reinstate French language as a MOI in Morocco's education after decades of Arabization policy. Moreover, the article examines the effects of language planning on the quality of education and the identity debate as conservative Islamist ideologies have begun to play an important role in Morocco's political discourse and cultural debate. In addition, following the recognition of Amazigh language, the paper discusses the sensitive debate concerning Morocco's multilingual and multicultural identity.

The process of Chinese nation-building in education reveals the hegemonic strategies of the colonial power and the adaptation of indigenous forces when Hong Kong was undergoing decolonisation and the transfer of sovereignty. The return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty has been a crucial indicator for the potential re-unification of China, as it presents a model for the possible future reintegration of Taiwan. The idea of hegemony applies to different dominant groups in the two periods under review. In the first period, London attempted to influence the development of groups in Hong Kong and incorporate them into the colonial programme. In the second period, Beijing attempts to influence groups in Hong Kong facilitate the reintegration of Hong Kong into a larger Chinese identity. Yet, it is far too simple to picture a unilateral exercise of power by an identifiable centre and consider the periphery as mere objects of successful manipulation by the centre. Continued study of the evolution of nation-building in education, under the influence of a series of complex and shifting factors of the Hong Kong society, will be enlightening for the comprehension of the ever-changing and increasingly complicated political culture.

This paper examines the ecology of Slovene in the twentieth century by focusing on two key emergent themes. It focuses firstly on monolingualism as a key goal for Slovene language planners, starting with their efforts to create a standard language with no German influences in the nineteenth century, and continuing in their work to prevent Serbo-Croat influence in Yugoslavia in the twentieth century. A particular focus of the paper is on how standardisation enabled an emergent Slovene-speaking elite to accumulate linguistic capital and, upon the dissolution of the Habsburg state, to become solely culturally and politically dominant. The second focus is on how the gradual development of a language ecology dominated by prescriptive practices and a strongly nationalist language ideology allowed the elite to maintain its dominance over the allocation of linguistic capital despite the social upheaval caused by the turbulent political and economic context of the twentieth century.

In recent years, interest in the study of language policy issues in the context of universities has grown considerably. One reason for this is the coexistence of two apparently contradictory discourses, centering around nationalising and globalising orientations. Universities are seen by many as the key institutions for safeguarding the sustainability of national languages, while in order to operate on a global scale, an increasing use of foreign languages (particularly English) is necessary in those same institutions. In our paper, we explore the tensions and ambiguities provoked by this scenario in the context of Estonian higher education (HE), focusing on the University of Tartu. More specifically, we look at how different stakeholders orient themselves towards the language question at the university: university officials, members of the university (staff and students), and members of society outside the university. Using discourse analytical tools, we map the ideological constructs with which these different stakeholders take a stance towards the two dominating discourses. In our analysis, we show that these different groups re-create and shape both the nationalising and the globalising discourses currently present in the field of HE by strategically mobilising a set of semiotic resources available to them.

The concept of "resilience" originated in both ecology and psychology, and refers to the propensity of a system or entity to "bounce back" from a disturbance. Recently, the concept has found increasing application within linguistics, particularly the study of endangered languages. In this context, resilience is used to describe one aspect of long-term, cyclical changes in language vitality. Proponents of "resilience linguistics" argue that understanding long-term patterns of language vitality can be of use in fostering resilience in, and therefore maintenance of, endangered languages. This article takes a critical look at these proposals, based on the examination of long-term trends in the Monguor and Saami languages.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the relationship between the state, language and schooling had become extremely close: a state was supposed to be "national," and a real nation was supposed to be monolingual. Following the literature on nation-building, it is because schooling was charged with the task of forming such nations that curricula intended for the great majority of pupils included only one language. The theory of a direct effect of national identity on curricula was elaborated by focusing on the typical monolingual nation-state. This paper discusses the theory from the perspective of a multilingual state: Switzerland. The study's analysis shows that in the 1914-1945 period the Swiss state's multilingualism became part of the Swiss national identity and learning another national language became a matter of patriotic education. However, this new conception did not affect all curricula in the same manner. The economic and pedagogical rationales given voice by actors other than the state seem to be equally important factors in explaining the decisions made regarding language curricula as a state's national identity. Therefore, warning is given against the assumption that a school's language policy automatically aligns with a state's national identity.

Many contributors to the normative literature on language policy argue that inclusive multilingual regimes are beneficial on several grounds. However, despite the professed advantages of multilingualism, most nation-states have been reluctant to equally recognise minority languages alongside the majority language. This reality raises three questions. First, why is this the case? Second, should the situation be remedied? Third, if yes, how can change be achieved? The present article contends that a large part of the problem stems from the emphasis scholars and activists alike have placed on the deep ties between a minority group's language and its collective identity. Yet, advocating for multilingualism on grounds of identity is likely to encounter strong resistance by the majority group and, consequently, thwart attempts to promote the official recognition of minority languages. In response, this article advocates three alternative defences of policies of multilingualism, which circumvent the obstacles that generally accompany identity-based arguments. The first justification stems from the unique "instrumental" nature of language, the second from "utilitarian" considerations regarding democratic performance and the third emphasises "moral" considerations such as equality and access. Together, these non-identity arguments provide normative and efficient grounds to the adoption of multilingual policies in heterogeneous societies.

This paper looks into failed attempts by the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) minority government (2000-2008) to alter Taiwan's Mandarin-dominated language regime by drafting law proposals recognizing the languages of all Taiwanese ethnic groups as equal national languages. This paper argues that the failure to enact language regime change in Taiwan can best be explained by the logic of the Taiwanese party system, which incentivized mainstream parties to play down their antagonistic Hoklo-Taiwanese and Mainland-Chinese ethnocultural cores to vie for electoral support from Hakka and Aboriginal ethnic minorities. This party logic, compounded by the DPP's minority position in the legislature, had two implications for language policy-making in Taiwan. First, the electoral incentive for the DPP to de-radicalize its pro-Taiwan identity platform pushed the party to resort to covert ways of showing commitment to its radical faction, such as appointing language revivalists to ethnolinguistic committees. This resulted in a shift in focus from "de jure" language regime change to a reliance on bureaucratic channels in language policy-making. Second, the same political dynamics have discouraged parties from appealing to ethnonationalist rhetoric, prompting them to express their antagonistic ideologies of Taiwanese and Chinese nationalism through typically liberal conceptions of language rights. Appeals to linguistic human rights, however, may not have constituted a strong enough justification for substantial changes in language policy. By appealing to the political and cultural status quo, the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuo Min Tang or KMT) has had the upper hand in the debates.

This study demonstrates how a single type of sign can be connected to language policy on a larger scale. Focusing on the relationship between language policy and language ideologies, I investigate the private Linguistic Landscape (LL) of Hungarians living in two villages in Slovakia. Through an examination of "beware of the dog" signs, it is shown how such signs can be indicative of different language policies. In Slovakia, the Hungarian public LL is often referred to as a threat to the state language and public order. This ideology is reflected on the LL so that there are mostly Slovak-only public signs in bilingual and Hungarian dominant villages. The private realm is the only significant area where a certain Hungarian dominance is present. In a bilingual village, Hungarians prefer Slovak in their public signage, while in a village with Hungarian majority people invest on having private Hungarian signs by purchasing them in Hungary as well as through hand-making signs. The counter-normativity of having monolingual Hungarian signs is underlined by several factors. First, the language policy referred to as laws have put an emphasis on warning signs. Secondly, a Hungarian language rights leaflet has elevated "beware of the dog" signs as normatively bilingual. Thirdly, the context of Slovakia, engaged in nation building disfavors the public use of Hungarian. This paper illustrates the importance of considering ideologies as reflected in private LL in multilingual contexts in transition.

Language policies are born amidst the complex interplay of social, cultural, religious and political forces. With this in mind, Bernard Spolsky theorises that the language policy of any independent nation is driven, at its core, by four co-occurring conditions--national ideology, English in the globalisation process, a nation's attendant sociolinguistic situation, and the internationally growing interest in the linguistic rights of minorities. He calls for this theory to be tested (Spolsky in "Language policy," Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004). This paper accepts the invitation by firstly considering the contributions and limitations of Spolsky's theory vis-à-vis other contemporary research approaches and then applies the theory to the case of Iceland. Iceland is a dynamic locus for this purpose, given its remarkable monodialectism, fervent linguistic purism and protectionism, and history of overwhelming homogeneity. The study finds that all Spolsky's factors have in some way driven Icelandic language policy, except in issues of linguistic minority rights. Instead, Icelandic language policy discourse reveals a self-reflexive interest in minority rights whereby Icelandic is discursively positioned as needing protection in the global language ecology. Accordingly, the paper examines how Spolsky's theory may be refined to account for non-rights-based approaches to national language policies.

Contemporary analyses of language policy often tend to presume ideological uniformity, rather than focus on the contrasts between various positions, and the power struggles that those differences bring about. In this paper, I present an approach that implements the notion of voice in language policy analysis to denote the ideological positions and interests of different social actors, in this case as reflected in government documents. I propose a method of analysis based on the discourse-historical approach in critical discourse analysis and demonstrate how this exposes different social actors behind policy documents by focussing on the traces of their participation in policymaking. I analyse two different texts produced by the Slovene government and intended to specify its language policy strategy for the 2007-2011 and 2012-2016 periods. I show that there are two hegemonic voices of linguists behind both texts, one based on values of national unity, and a second based on human rights and broad inclusion. Alongside these, there are various voices from other domains of Slovene society and EU policy, all recontextualised through the prisms of the two dominant voices.

The Shiwiar are an indigenous nation of Ecuador and Peru, and they are one of five ethnic groups collectively known as the Jivaroan people. In stark contrast to the other Jivaroan groups, the Shiwiar have largely been overlooked by local governments until recently and are still popularly considered to be an offshoot of their closely related neighbours, the Achuar. This has led to a strong desire within the Shiwiar community to be recognised as an independent group. In order to achieve this, the Shiwiar leaders have made use of linguistic prescriptivism as a tool to emphasise the distinction between the Shiwiar language and the other Jivaroan languages. A slightly modified orthography was advocated and the use of particular lexical items was encouraged. However, this strategy has proved to be unsuccessful. Instead of generating a sense of union and independence among the Shiwiar nation, it has resulted in uncertainty and confusion regarding language use and identity. It is argued here that although prescriptive language planning has been successful in nation-building initiatives around the world, the sociolinguistic situation of Shiwiar does not allow for the necessary conditions for a prescriptive campaign to be effective.

This paper maps out the linguistic history of nation-building in the Philippines through the politics of "p" and "f" in the country. This politics concerns the various strategic acts of naming the national language at different periods of the country's history that have shaped its fate as the most hegemonic indigenous Philippine language. Tagalog, Pilipino and Filipino have been names given to the national language, each loaded with ideological, political and historical significance. Against English, "p" was appropriated through the renaming of Tagalog as Pilipino; against all other Philippine languages, "f" was institutionalized through Filipino to symbolize the multilingual nature of the national language. Thus, the machinations of "p" and "f" show that the national language is a story of the triumph of the Tagalog language over the vernacular languages. Filipinos have fought colonial rule for centuries, but hegemonic visions of a collective national(ist) struggle and identity have likewise exposed the country to its internal struggles over power and control.

Since Italy's unification in 1861, the establishment and diffusion of the standard Italian language at the expense of all other linguistic varieties has dominated language and education policy discourses. Today, as Italy has transformed from a country of mass "emigration" to a country of mass "immigration," the language learning of immigrants and refugees has become highly politicized. This politicization was exemplified in 2009 and 2010 when Italian law mandated the passing of a mostly written A2 Italian language test for the renewal of legal immigration documents. As a result, formal language learning has become another potentially prohibitory challenge for the already complicated legal status of many immigrants. This paper explores the historical macro-level discourses and policies concerning multilingualism, education and national identity in Italy from unification to the present context of immigration. Then, it discusses the local-level challenges of providing adult immigrant language and literacy education today. I argue that the politicization of immigrant language learning, with its subtractive instead of additive approach to multilingualism, has become a serious obstacle for the legal and educational outcomes of adult students with little or limited formal education and literacy backgrounds.

A vast amount of literature addresses issues surrounding English and French in colonial and post-colonial communities. However, relative to the spread of English and French language ideology, a limited amount of literature exists on Lusitanization (i.e. the spread of Portuguese colonial ideology by Portugal during colonialism and the role of Brazil in post-colonial Portuguese societies). To fill this gap, this paper analyses the role, functions and spread of Portuguese in colonial and post-colonial Angola and East Timor using Lusitanization as a framework to capture the role played by Portugal during the colonial eras and Brazil in post-colonial societies. Even though Lusitanization creates a space to analyse the role of Portuguese at a macro-level, a macro-view is inadequate for a situated analysis. Therefore, to complement the macro-analysis, we explore the impact of Lusitanization from the bottom up, drawing upon Bakhtinian perspectives of social voices, pluri-diversity, plurilingualism and hybridization.

This paper discusses structural and ideological challenges to mother tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) which has in recent years been gaining ground in many educational contexts around the world. The paper argues, however, that MTB-MLE is set against these challenges - referred to here as inequalities of multilingualism - which prevent MTB-MLE from being implemented successfully. The first section provides a brief background of significant phenomena which have led to the emergence of MTB-MLE as a viable form of education around the world. The second section describes some features of inequalities of multilingualism by situating the paper within sociolinguistic and sociopolitical contexts in Asia, especially Southeast Asia, to be followed further in the third section with a more targeted discussion of such inequalities using a recent case of linguistic discrimination in the Philippines as an example. The paper highlights the continuing vulnerabilities of mother tongues in education even if official discourse and policy seem to work for them.

The fifth chapter is devoted to the scientific and methodological foundations for standardizing the Montenegrin language (167-92) and refers to a chapter on that same subject from a book by Josip Sili'c ([1]), a Croatian linguist who was, according to Glusica, the main linguistic figure in shaping the standardized Montenegrin language. Glusica points out that, as close as Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, and Montenegrin standards are to each other from a grammatical standpoint - since they are linguistically one polycentric language - one language cannot be accurately described by the grammar of another. Glusica's proposed orthography is based on a theoretical model in language planning that views re-standardization as the process of reshaping a language that has already been standardized and undergone a change in status. Chapters 3 ("The First Official Orthography of the Montenegrin Language", 99-135) and 4 ("Grammar of the Montenegrin Language", 137-68) provide an overview of the orthography (both the first and second editions) as well as the grammar of the Montenegrin language. [Extracted from the article]

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The writing reforms of the Mongolian language in Inner Mongolia from 1954 to 1980 are a notable case of Maoist China's language planning projects. In those years, the Chinese government attempted to implement two consecutive reforms featuring Cyrillization and Latinization of the Mongolian writing system, but neither reform yielded any substantial result and the traditional Mongolian script remains in use today. This article explores the domestic and international dynamics behind these two closely related reform attempts and examines their origins, rationales, processes of implementation, and reasons for failure. Although the rationales of both reforms lay in the communist doctrine favoring easier, more regular, and more universal writing systems that could improve literacy and facilitate communication, hidden behind both reforms were nationalist agendas. The Cyrillization reform sought linguistic unity with the Mongolian People's Republic, while the Latinization reform sought unity of writing systems among languages in China. In both cases, the hidden nationalist agendas undermined the original goals of the reforms, and the reforms lost momentum once contending agendas prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I claim that, while placing his theory of language, language planning, and standardization within a conceptual and historical framework inspired by Modernity, the emergence of the nation-state and liberal democracy, Haugen carefully mapped sociolinguistic phenomena onto their political treatment. And it was this careful and honest cartography—unafraid of generating internal tensions—that revealed aspects of language planning practice and scholarship in need of a critical treatment. Ultimately, Haugen embraced an understanding of linguistics that revolves around normativity and accepts language's fundamentally political nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'New speakers' refer to people who use a language regularly but are not traditional 'native' speakers of that language. Although this discussion has been going on for some time in other sub-disciplines of linguistics, it is more recent in research about European minoritised languages. A feature of discourse around such languages relates to their perceived suitability for diverse urban settings removed from their historical rural heartlands. Irish is an example of a minoritised language which was long associated with conservative rural communities, a reified Catholic discourse of national identity and language ideologies based on nativism. Such an approach not only marginalised urban new speakers of Irish but also exhibited hostility to LGBTQ citizens who did not befit its particular version of Irishness. In this paper, a framework of Critical Sociolinguistics is used to analyse identity positions and ideologies expressed by urban new speakers of Irish who identify as gay and/or queer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]