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The paper provides an overview of the most important results of a project on EU-Korea economic and regulatory relations funded by the European Commission. The paper first outlines the emergence and development of EU-Korea relations. In the second part, the paper presents the main findings clustered in three thematic areas. A first thematic area focuses on a discussion of the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement. The second cluster analyzes EU-Korea cooperation on regulatory policies with a main focus on cooperation in the policy areas of security (arms trade and control), chemical regulation, environmental regulation, education, development cooperation and industrial policy. The third part focuses on EU-Korea cooperation concerning regional and international issues. In the third part, the paper presents the main recommendations which were formulated on the basis of the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze and assess South Korea's Nordpolitik, which has been considered a starting point of the grand strategy in the history of Korean diplomacy, appraised as a milestone of autonomous diplomacy, and is continuously being reproduced through discourse of peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula. The origin of Roh Tae-woo administration's Nordpolitik, made official through 7.7 Declaration in 1988, is Park Chung-hee's 6.23 Statement in 1973. In Roh's memoir, Roh also clearly declared that Park's 6.23 Statement was the historical root for his Nordpolitik. Although many studies share the conviction that Roh's Nordpolitik has its roots in 1970's open-door policy, they have failed to analyze the establishment and implementation of the Nordpolitik from the 1970s to 1990s comprehensively. This paper principally examines South Korea's Nordpolitik from its genesis in Park Chung-hee's 8.15 Declaration in 1970 to its successful implementation via the establishment of diplomatic relationships with communist countries in the 1990s. This study then analyzes the implementation of South Korean Nordpolitik through examining the relationship between environment and foreign policy decision making and concludes by suggesting policy implications of historical implementation of the Nordpolitik to the Korean Peninsula Peace Settlement Initiative and New Northern Policy of South Korea's current administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the colonial discourse of the global population problem in Korea under Japanese rule (1910-1945). I consider the recent call of Alison Bashford to draw attention to the geopolitical and spatial dimensions of the colonial population discourse in the non-Western Japanese Empire and to interrogate global population from the perspective of East Asian imperialism in the twentieth century. By opening up the colonial archives on population through an examination of colonial state and pro-state magazines in Korea, such as Chōsen (Korea) and Chōsen oyobi Manchu (Korea and Manchuria), I demonstrate how metropolitan and colonial elites, including imperial and colonial state officials, politicians, intellectuals, physicians and so on, at pains to build Japan's empire, engaged in the debates on jinkō mondai (population problem) in 1920s and 1930s Korea. The details of the debate bring to light the ways in which the management of the population problem undergirded the complex issues of the peninsula and the empire at large, including emigration, Japanese settlement, the cultivation of Manchuria, the development of mining and heavy chemical industries, the Sino-Japanese War, Western imperial rule and the emancipation of the coloured populations/races. Further, I delineate how these details were deeply imbedded in the racialized struggle between the Japanese race/coloured races vs. the white race in the global governance of the population and territory in the final phase of Japanese imperial aggression. By going beyond the Western, Anglo-Saxon debates on population, this paper seeks to showcase how East Asian imperial power responded to the white, Western discourse of 'race suicide vs. the yellow peril'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine the introduction of various forms of traditional and popular Western music to Korea. Western traditional and popular music had a significant impact on the development of Korean popular music beginning as early as the Japanese occupation. This paper has examined the origin, formation, specific forms, and meaning of jazz song, a representative genre of early popular music through considering the formation of Korean popular music and the ways in which Western music played a role in its development. This subject is discussed in detail referencing examples of adapted and original songs. Just as in the present, Korea was influenced by popular culture from all over the world, wherein the influence of foreign music is attested by the emergence of jazz song. To demonstrate this point, this paper reviews the specific characteristics of both adapted and original jazz song. Jazz song almost completely disappeared from the surface from the 1940s on, as Japan entered into a state of war and banned Western music from the U.S. and England considering it as music of the enemies. Consequently, much Western-influenced music, including jazz and jazz song, disappeared from the popular music scene. After Korea was liberated from Japan, Korean popular music was newly reorganized under the absolute influence of Western popular music. The music resulted from this reorganization has been settled as the mainstream popular music today and is being re-exported into the world boosted by the Korean-wave. In this light, jazz song from the first half of the twentieth century is meaningful in that it were the matrix of such music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualizes the emerging detente within inter-Korean relations as evidence of tangible transformations within North Korea's domestic and foreign policy, establishing how this phenomenon represents a unique and conclusive opportunity for peace and engagement. It contextualizes the inter-Korean and Singapore summits as foundations for the detente, before expanding upon the nature of the detente through the contrasting objectives of North and South Korea, and the transitional nature of domestic affairs in North Korea. The article establishes the bona fide nature of North Korea's detente, as revealed by a direct connection between North Korea's international diplomatic gestures vis-av-vis transitional domestic circumstances; involving incremental economic modernization and political liberalization under a shift in focus within Kim Jong-un's Byungjin Line policy. This analysis departs from and orthodox Western interpretation of inter-Korean relations, providing a holistic analysis of inter-Korean affairs and North Korean domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the PyeongChang Winter Olympics and Paralympics as an impetus, the two Koreas and the United States have cast diplomatic maneuvers incessantly to devise a peaceful solution to the North Korean nuclear issue and the Korean Peninsula issue overall. Recently, the inter--Korean Summit and DPRK--U.S. summit resulted in the signing of the Panmunjeom Declaration and the Joint Statement in Singapore after talks for North Korea's complete denuclearization and the peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. In addition, Pyongyang declared that the byungjin line was successfully carried out and announced that the state will focus on "economic construction." Nevertheless, the Kim Jong Un regime's credibility and resolve for denuclearization are the preconditions for peace and prosperity of the Korean Peninsula. In this sense, this article commences with two research questions: Why has the Kim Jong Un regime changed its economic development strategy, departing from the previous byungjin line?; and How can we understand North Korea's changes in a national policy? Most of all, this paper will analyze the influence of North Korea's transition to an "economy-first" strategy this year on the politics of the Korean Peninsula and discuss the South Korean government's strategy regarding North Korea for peace on the Korean Peninsula in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: While today inter-Korean cooperation and the North Korean nuclear issues seem to be inseparable, the close linkage between these two aspects is a result of a specific policy implemented by South Korean governments in the last decade. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that this linkage has been ineffective in reducing the traditional security threat of the North Korean nuclear program, and counterproductive for inter-Korean cooperation. Design, Methodology, Approach: This article is based on non-traditional international relations and security studies and in particular on the theoretical approach of Securitization. It analyzes the design and implementation of inter-Korean policies over the last two decades. Findings: This study demonstrates that considering North Korean denuclearization as a pre-condition for inter-Korean cooperation significantly undermines the chances for improving inter-Korean relations. The main reason lies in the fact that the two issues are interrelated but different and that South Korea is not considered by North Korea as a relevant counterpart for the nuclear issue. Practical Implications: This article provides a useful and innovative explanation for the recent failures in inter-Korean cooperation. These findings will help policymakers in designing and implementing more effective inter-Korean policies. Originality: This study makes original contribution by applying the theoretical framework of securitization to inter-Korean cooperation and by underscoring the importance of addressing inter-Korean relations and the North Korean nuclear program as two separate issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 21st century belongs to the Asian region as the world's economic and strategic center of gravity shifts to this region. The shifting global economic power towards the emerging Asian markets definitely has its bearing on strategic contours. Despite the recent economic slowdown, the rise of China is a reality, thereby impinging on the countries of the region to co-opt with the changing reality by forming strategic alliance to soft balance China, which in turn will also help in the peaceful rise of Asian region. In this changing reality, India-South Korea strategic partnership has become important which has further deepened and strengthened with the signing of comprehensive economic partnership between the two countries in 2011. Against this background, the paper focuses on India-Korea strategic partnership in the shifting regional and global dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the personal papers of Syngman Rhee, the first president of the Republic of Korea, as a starting point, this essay examines the lobbying activities from 1919 to 1922 of Korean independence activists in the United States from the perspective of three Americans who became supporters of the Korean cause. It reveals how these activists used the "American Mission"--a particular genus of American exceptionalism asserting that the United States has a national destiny to promote universal values abroad-- to build a small but formidable constituency of u.s. supporters. These advocates were instrumental in publicizing Korea's plight and in bringing many Americans into sympathy with the Korean independence movement. Their involvement casts a long shadow in U.S.-Korean relations because they provided Rhee with a base of moral support during his 35-year exile in the United States that he used to advance the Korean independence movement and his personal political ambitions. Their lobbying campaign also calls into question received wisdom about who employs American exceptionalism and why. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom is that trade policy is often guided by geopolitical security considerations. A growing body of research addresses the security- trade linkage as a plausible cause for executive negotiations over the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) in 2007. Yet, the approval of a trade deal with the Asian ally by America's legislature in 2011 features not only 'security ties' but also 'electoral connections'. This paper seeks to examine the question of whether alliance relationships would inevitably translate into domestic commitments. Bringing domestic politics into consideration, this article also fills the gap in the literature on Congress-focused research of the KORUS FTA and sheds light on how lawmakers strike a balance between the principle of US foreign policy and the reality of conflicting domestic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the strategic competition between the United States and China intensifies, South Korea is facing growing pressure to chart an optimal diplomatic strategy to navigate the convoluted geopolitics and foster lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula and beyond. At this crucial juncture, this study examines multi‐faceted, capacity‐building measures for peace aimed at precluding Sino–US friction in the East and South China Seas from spilling over into the Korean Peninsula. This article presents a road map to stimulate and reinvigorate security cooperation among South Korea, the United States, and Japan and economic cooperation among South Korea, China, and Japan in a virtuous cycle, and by extension to craft a dialogue channel among South Korea, the United States, and China. It also puts forward a three‐stage program for the evolution of the South Korea–US alliance whereby South Korea secures flexibility in its approach to China based on the robust trust of the alliance. This is to enable South Korea to assume a key role in connecting the three trilateral cooperation channels with the development of the Seoul–Washington alliance being a key driver to expand Seoul's diplomatic capacity. In the end, this study envisions a foreign policy model for South Korea that would allow the middle‐power country to punch above its weight by expanding the framework of cooperative security. It aims to ultimately pursue a multilateral, common security architecture in Northeast Asia, including China, which will serve as a multilayered catalyst to promote lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades, South Korean popular culture has not only attracted a great deal of interest in neighbouring Asian countries, but has also penetrated the West, becoming a global phenomenon. This is not the first time that the world has experienced a cultural wave from the Korean Peninsula. The Asian martial arts craze that swept the West in the 1970s and 1980s would have been incomplete without such Korean contributions as Taekwondo, Hapkido and others that introduced the world to Korean culture long before the Hallyu of the late 1990s and early 2000s. With this in mind, a closer examination of the Korean martial wave can be instrumental in understanding the country's current cultural interactions with the rest of the world. This article analyses the forces behind this wave by dividing them into two dichotomic categories: those originating from Korean culture and society (the transmitter), and those generated by cultural and social processes in the rest of the world (the receiver). The article concludes that the transmitter's promotional efforts contributed to the overall success of Korean martial arts expansion to a far greater extent than the forces on the receiving side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the US-led UNC (United Nations Command) have enough clout to misapply its original function, thereby making those assets available to hegemonic rivalry? Is this clout likely to be seen as equally important by all members? The UNC was established as an integrated warfighting organization during the Korean War and continues to this day as the peace driver on the Korean Peninsula. In the meantime, the UNC helps the US hegemony sustain the region, functioning as the two-for-one entity for both peace and hegemony. Seen in this light, the UNC serves as a rare case in international politics. The UNC allows the US to be armed with four types of leverage-political, military, economic and institutional-which contribute to hegemony maintenance. The institutionally given legal nature of the UNC with a large international audience makes the four types of leverage more viable. The effectiveness of the UNC could possibly encourage the US to use it to further US interest in its hegemonic competition with China. If the US were to maximize its function as a hegemony keeper, however, the UNC is likely to lose its convergent ground gradually because it is seen as a far-fetched intention by the UNC members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author recalls the Korean War, which he argues was the first manufactured international event that cemented the new power elite in Washington. Topics discussed include evidence of the hidden, internal coup d'etat of the American government approved by U.S. President Harry Truman, and ambition and desperation of North Korea's invasion of the South in the summer of 1950 and the U.S. motivations in resorting to extreme racial hatred and violence to thwart Korean unification.

The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is one of the most significant instruments dealing with the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. In addition to preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, its main objectives include promoting cooperation on the peaceful use of nuclear energy and further achieving nuclear disarmament, with the ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament. The three major objectives of the NPT are, namely, nuclear non-proliferation, peaceful use of nuclear energy, and nuclear disarmament. The treaty was opened for signature in 1968 and entered into force in 1970. Twenty-five years later, the state parties of the NPT met in May 1995 and agreed to extend the treaty indefinitely. More countries have adhered to the NPT than to any other similar arms limitation and disarmament agreement. As of June 2019, 191 states have come to participate in the treaty. North Korea, which acceded in 1985 but never came into full compliance, announced its withdrawal from the NPT in 2003, following the detonation of nuclear devices in violation of core provisions of the treaty. Since then North Korea has continued developing nuclear weapons against all odds and against all sanctions from the international community. North Korea's repeated violations of the duties of non-proliferation stipulated in the NPT imply a bleak future for peaceful coexistence on the Korean Peninsula. Also, nuclear proliferation in Northeast Asia will potentially become a serious threat to the stability and security of the international community. Taking into account this context, this essay addresses the legal and political aspects of the NPT regime with special reference to the interrelationship between international law and international relations. Specifically, it examines several issues, including the process of the development of nuclear weapons in North Korea, a review of the NPT regime, the law and politics of nuclear weapons, and South Korea's policy choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade ago, Korea seemed poised to establish new leadership on global and regional governance using "middle power diplomacy." Korea hosted the G-20 leaders in Seoul in November 2010, the Fourth High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness (HLF-4) in Busan in November 2011; and the Nuclear Security Summit with over 50 world leaders in attendance in March 2012. In 2013 Korea joined Mexico, Indonesia, Turkey and Australia on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) to form the MIKTA caucus of like-minded middle powers. Yet experts generally agree that Korea's middle power diplomacy has lost momentum in recent years. Follow-up on these earlier summits has been incomplete and more recent initiatives, such as President Park Geun-hye's Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Initiative (NAPCI) and President Moon Jae-in's New Northern and New Southern Diplomacies have failed to gain any traction. What went wrong? An assessment of these various initiatives suggests that Korean-style middle power diplomacy has suffered from three problems: capacity; geopolitics and domestic political divisions. As Asia becomes more contested, Korea will need to take a clearer stand in support of the neoliberal norms that have underpinned the post-war international order. Early middle power strategies based on convening and bridging will leave Seoul in a reactive and vulnerable position as geopolitical competition increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the transnational circulation of Korean TV dramas in Latin America. It argues that the popularity of Korean TV dramas in Latin America has to do with how they offer a lived experience of social class struggles as an essential fabric of modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign policy behavior of North Korea remains puzzling to many observers to date. This article aims to explain Pyongyang's foreign behavior between 1995 and 2011 with a concept called the balance of dependence. Although it stood on the brink of collapse in the 1990s, the North Korean regime defied the odds and survived with the help of neighboring countries, namely South Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and the United States. This article intends to explain Pyongyang's foreign policy under Kim Jong Il by focusing on how it deliberately built a portfolio of dependence on its neighbors. I argue that North Korea's foreign behavior had been attuned to the rise and fall of assistance from other nations. It sought to disperse its dependence among a host of potential sponsors in order not to be exclusively reliant on a single donor state, fearing restrictions on its political autonomy. As long as its neighbors are willing to help out, Pyongyang will continue to play one sponsor off the others while making progress with its nuclear and missile programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze the changes in the composition of bilateral trade—and more specifically, in the new goods margin—following the free trade agreements (FTAs) signed by Korea between 2004 and 2008. We find that new goods trade increased disproportionately after the FTAs came into effect, and that least-traded goods (LTG)—those accounting for the lowest 10% of trade prior to the FTAs—ended up accounting for 37% of post-FTA trade with FTA partners. In contrast, the corresponding share for a comparable group of countries that did not sign FTAs with Korea was only half as large, averaging close to 20%. We also find that only less than 2% of all least-traded products accounted for most of the growth in LTG trade, and that those goods tended to be clustered in the same industries as the intensively-traded goods. Furthermore, a larger fraction of LTG became heavily traded for the case of FTA partners than for non-FTA countries. Finally, we find evidence that least-traded imports were subject to higher pre-FTA tariff protection than other products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: We suggest that the international community's focus needs to shift from traditional security concerns (the nuclear program) to non-traditional (humanitarian concerns) as an avenue to engage in dialogue on improving living conditions for North Koreans within with the country and ensuring a lasting peace in Northeast Asia. Approach: This article draws on analysis of policy documents, current developments regarding the North Korean nuclear program, and comparative case studies to support its underlying argument. Findings: This article finds that a change in approach towards a nuclear North Korea aligns with Chinese and other regional actors' interests for regional stability and allows for a concerted effort to use non-traditional security issues to shape traditional regional security concerns. Practical Implications: These findings are significant because the international community is on the verge of either accepting that the DPRK is a nuclear power or possibly opting for military intervention on the country's nuclear program. Consequently, it is important to understand that a nuclear North Korea is more likely to be bound by the obligations of being a "normal state," including support for issues related to the human security of its citizens. Originality: This study draws on qualitative evidence, historical precedent, and contemporary comparative cases to offer an original perspective on the North Korean nuclear crisis. Instead of further sanctions, this article argues that North Korea is already a nuclear state and that the international community should focus on encouraging the positive outcomes that this might offer to the people of North Korea, and the east Asia region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the imposition of anti-dumping (AD) duties on imported products in Korea. We use panel data for Korean firms between 2000 and 2012 and estimate the firm-level productivity of import-competing firms before and after AD imposition. Using a difference-in-difference framework, we compare firm productivity changes in a treatment group that receives AD protection to a control group that does not. In contrast to recent findings on the effects of AD measures, we find that the average protected firms experience productivity loss during the AD protection period. Examining the changes in external market condition and internal resource allocation during the protection period, such loss appears to be more evident inside highly concentrated import-competing sectors. Further, we find that protected firms are more likely to reallocate their resources abroad via FDI at the expense of domestic production and investment once they receive temporary protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Korea-Nordic relations predate the liberation of the Korean peninsula from Japanese occupation, developments on the Korean peninsula became an issue in the foreign policymaking of the Nordic countries first with the division of the peninsula by the two superpowers and the move of the Korea Question to the newly established United Nations. The deliberations behind the decision by the Nordic countries to act on the United Nations request for Nordic assistance in the defense of the recently established Republic of Korea was influenced not only by humanitarian issues but also, in particular, by national security considerations Nordic countries faced in the early Cold War. All three Nordic countries decided against deploying military units in the Korean War and instead decided to assist with medical resources. Nevertheless, non-military participation provided an impetus, driven to a significant degree by the individuals involved in Nordic medical assistance, to seek diplomatic normalization between the Republic of Korea and the Nordic countries, which was finally achieved in 1959. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of power transition on inter-Korean rivalry has yet to he thoroughly studied. Interestingly, the period of power transition between Seoul and Pyongyang coincided with an increase in cooperation between the two countries. The main objective of this article is to show how the balance of power shifted in the early 1970s on the Korean Peninsula and to explain why South and North Korea managed to execute dialogue while undergoing power transition. As Seoul was overtaking Pyongyang, the two contenders believed that a peaceful transition was somehow possible. South Korean leader Park Chung-hee became confident of his country's increasing national strength, while North Korea's Kim II Sung remained optimistic that inter-Korean relations would unfold in socialisms favor. The combination of South Korea's growing confidence and North Korea's optimistic outlook paved the way for transient inter-Korean reconciliation during a period of power transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's "turn to the East" was not only the reaction to the rift with the West, but a long-term policy started since the turn of the century. Northeast Asia is the gate for Russia to Asia and the Pacific while Korean Peninsula can be the key to Northeast Asia for Russia. Russia is a stakeholder in the unification issue, which is far from solution because of different concepts of the two parties. Moscow does not support pressure or sanctions, but the multilateral political process. In 2014-2015, the considerable upsurge in political contacts and economic interaction with North Korea took place. North Korea approves of Russia's strong anti-dominance stance in world affairs and would like to avoid overdependence on China. However, the discussed economic projects are yet to be materialized. Russia sees trilateral and multilateral projects with the participation of both Koreas as the most effective tool for a breakthrough in economic cooperation for prosperity in Korean Peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on national and local news stories, newly declassified documents, u.s. prisoner of war (POW) memoirs, and popular films, this article argues that the legacy of the Korean War in the United States from 1953 to 1962 dramatically shaped how Americans imagined the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). It specifically examines how media portrayals of North Korean atrocities, the alleged misconduct of u.s. captives, and the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the DPRK affected public perceptions of "North Korea" as a subjective construct. The painful legacy of the Korean War, particularly the experience of u.s. POWS , encouraged Americans to think of North Korea as an inherently violent foe and as part of a broader "Oriental Communist" enemy in the Cold War. When the experiences of u.s. soldiers contradicted these narratives, media sources often made distinctions between 'Worth Koreans," a repugnant racial and ideological "other," and "north Koreans," potential u.s. friends and allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies on U.S.-Korea relations describe the bilateral interactions to 1905 and the restored diplomatic relations after Korea's liberation in 1945. This study focuses instead on the interwar years proceeding from the premise that American understandings of colonial Korea are important to grasp U.S. wartime planning for Korea's future. It explores unofficial levels of interactions, representations, and perceptions of Japan and the United States regarding colonial Korea. On one hand, American writers and professionals portrayed Korea as a developing country needing critical help from Japanese colonizers that coincided with imperial imperatives. On the other hand, professional scholars and U.S. government officials began to look at Japan's rule in Korea from a more critical perspective, observing problems with Japanese rule in Korea in economic, political, and social affairs, U.S. officials posted in Korea, in particular, saw how Koreans were suffering from Japan's discrimination and harsh rule. This repressive colonial rule was creating appeal for communism among the Korean people, U.S. officials began to doubt the feasibility of Japan's pan-Asian doctrine, questioning if it could be a successful ruler. These varied American views of colonial Korea became the basis of U.S. policy toward post-colonial Korea after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Korean unification could come about suddenly. As it was impossible to predict the East German and Soviet collapse at the end of the Cold War and the German unification that followed, it is impossible to predict when unification will occur on the Korean Peninsula other than to say it could happen, perhaps even within a decade. There is a great danger of unification occurring when South Korea and other neighboring states are not ready. The consequences of a poorly planned regional response to Korean unification, particularly in a scenario where North Korean is instable, are potentially calamitous. Preemptive diplomacy--strong and forthright cooperation among the great powers, particularly between the United States, South Korea, China, and Japan--will be essential to mitigate the negative consequences of unification and ensure that it winds up benefitting the entire region. It is imperative that such efforts to smooth the path towards Korean unification begin today. Unless South Korea can assure all regional stakeholders to play a constructive role in unification, the process could become more messy, protracted, and costly than it would be otherwise. By contrast, if South Korea can succeed today in getting the support of its neighbors for a variety of unification scenarios, it can ensure that the creation of a unified Korean state, while still expensive, will be as smooth as possible under extremely challenging circumstances. The beneficiaries under such a scenario will be not only the people of the Korean Peninsula, but also the people of the neighboring states and indeed the people of Asia and the world. All would experience great benefits from the merger of North Korea into a new and unified Korean state with free markets and free elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Korean government's engagement in FTAs since the late 1990s has been enthusiastic. As of 2012, the Korean government concluded FTAs with small trading partners such as Chile, Singapore, EFTA, ASEAN, India, Peru, and Turkey, and major counterparts such as the European Union (EU) and the United States as well. However, the degree of each of the Korean administrations' engagement in FTAs has shown discernible differences: While the Kim Dae-jung administration passively engaged in FTAs, the Roh Moo-hyun administration was proactive in that engagement. What explains the shift from the Kim administration's passive FTA policy to the Roh administration's comprehensive multi-track FTA policy? This article argues that the appreciation of the Korean won since 2001 made Korean exporters lose their price competitiveness in the global market, thereby forcing the Roh administration to offset Korean exporters' lost price competitiveness by formulating a comprehensive multi-track FTA policy, with huge side payments for politically sensitive import-competing sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As business becomes increasingly globalized, companies are exposed to more and more competition issues around the world, but they may also enter into 'global' anti-competitive arrangements. In opposition to these global anti-competitive arrangements, there is a growing need for cooperation among states to tackle them. In this regard, Korea's FTAs contain Competition-Related Provisions (CRPs), which define key terms and provide principles for bilateral cooperation, rules on the conduct of state-owned enterprises, cooperation in capacity building, etc. At the same time, Korea Fair Trade Commission (KFTC) and other competition enforcement agencies have signed bilateral competition cooperation agreements (BCCAs) or Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) to provide the details of bilateral cooperation of competition law enforcement activities. Currently, BCCAs/MOUs may be more relevant to the daily competition law enforcement as they function as lex specialis providing details of bilateral competition cooperation. In addition, reviewing Korea's FTA and BCCA/MOU drafting history may provide developing countries models for drafting such agreements, based on Korea's experience in negotiating those types of agreement with both developed and developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most theories of international relations ( IR) have been concerned for a long time with national interest, alliance, international conflict and peace, and the world system; and they intend to explain and predict conflict and cooperation between major powers. In the early 1990s, some IR theorists began to discuss the notion of 'middle-power diplomacy' in connection to middle-level powers, such as Canada and Australia, which enjoy substantial influence and respect in international society. Middle-power theory, however, has not yet been accepted as a mainstream IR theory, since its main research topics include 'soft' issues instead of hard issues of a global nature involving the United States or other major players. In the 20th century, the national power of the Republic of Korea increased rapidly, and the country is now recognized as a middle power. The ROK should also play a leading role in developing new international norms and forging international consensus in human security and related areas. Toward this goal, South Korea should strengthen its diplomatic capability to resolve conflicts and promote cooperation in the international community. She should fully utilize a wide spectrum of diplomatic channels and tools, including public diplomacy, inter-state networks, NGOs, and multilateral Track II diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is still a matter of debate whether the patriotic act of An Chunggŭn, namely, the 1909 shooting of Itō Hirobumi, the ex-Resident-General of Korea, was an independent act by An or accomplished in systematic cooperation with Taedonggongbosa, a newspaper company run by Koreans in the Russian city of Vladivostok. Earlier research supporting the view that the act was plotted and planned at Taedonggongbosa has been refuted, but since material suggesting cooperation with Taedonggongbosa still coexists with material to the contrary, a finite conclusion has not yet been reached. This essay demonstrates the need for a complete reappraisal of the properties of various historical materials, and carries out a reexamination of the characteristics of several types of data. It points out that the sources--including An Chunggŭn's own writings, his testimonials in examinations and in court, Japanese records of the trial and the reports of Japanese agents, a play by a Japanese playwright in the 1930s, and memoirs by An's associates from after 1945--are all limited in their ability to record the complete truth, and that future research therefore must incorporate multiple sources while taking the characteristics of each into account. The current study does not reach a conclusion between the cooperation hypothesis and independent action hypothesis, and stops at proposing several hypotheses; however, the need outlined here to consider the characteristics of each type of material will lend useful insights to further productive discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diplomatic relations between South Korea and Israel were formed only in 1962. Furthermore, as the two countries from both ends of the continent cooperated in various areas during the 1960s and 1970s, relations were becoming more complicated and even officially rather cool in light of Korea’s evolving relations with the Arab world. Against this backdrop, and based on the reading of contemporaneous Israeli press, the study argues that culture mattered very much in the early stages of the relations. Cultural contacts between Koreans and Israelis started well before the establishment of full diplomatic relations, and cultural diplomacy played a significant role in maintaining them in the decades that followed. Like today, both parties often emphasized the cultural and historical affinities between the two peoples, and in the process, the Israeli public was exposed to early glimpses into Korean culture while images of Korea and its people were created as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was during the late nineteenth century that the British began to develop a distinct image of Korea, irrespective of whether the image corresponded to reality. By examining late nineteenth-century British newspaper articles that discuss Korea, this study reveals the image of Korea held by the British people during that time, and the ways in which this image emerged. First of all, articles discussing Korea's political and social situation--namely, the king, government officials, and the working and living conditions of people--are reviewed. Secondly, we examine descriptions in these articles of what may loosely be called the "cultural domain," which includes clothing, religion, and customs, for example. Finally, British newspaper accounts of Korea's relations with China and Japan are analyzed. Through a systematic examination of the way Korea was depicted by British newspapers, the most popular source of information in late nineteenth-century British society, this study ultimately attempts to show that the image of Korea that they sketched was framed by Orientalist assumptions and based on their knowledge of the relatively familiar Chinese and Japanese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented to this special issue on topics related to the history of foreign relations between Korea and China.