Search

The White Paper on Intercultural Dialogue, published in 2008 by the Council of Europe, is one of the first European level attempts to provide a common guideline for diversity politics in Europe. It introduces the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a new focus and a method of governing diversity. Our paper aims to investigate the explicit and implicit meanings included in the idea of ‘intercultural dialogue’ and how the idea is rhetorically operationalized as a policy in the White Paper. The investigation is conducted with a lexical and semantic analysis of the text in the White Paper and a discourse analysis of its rhetoric, in order to explore how the ‘intercultural dialogue’ as a policy relies on a mixture of ideas borrowed from different political discourses. The investigation revealed how the concept of intercultural dialogue and other related concepts, such as culture and diversity, embrace power hierarchies. The meanings of these concepts are produced from a hegemonic point of view which grants the ‘intercultural dialogue’ with the power positions of a dialoguer and a dialoguee . The policy rhetoric in the White Paper emphasizes social cohesion in Europe. Its policy discourse does not recognize the societal, cultural, historical, religious, or linguistic differences between European societies, but offers unified – and profoundly Western European – views for the governance of diversity. Formulating a common and generic diversity policy for Europe as a whole inevitably simplifies the idea of diversity in Europe and produces new hierarchies between the subjects and objects of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the sources of authority behind the Bologna and ASEM secretariats' technocratic appearance and administrative routines, and argues that they are transnational policy actors in their own right. By drawing on principal-agent theory and the concept of "authority," it offers an alternative framework for understanding the various forms of authority. The case studies generate three important insights. First, it shows how the secretariats derive their authority from the "tasks delegated by states," the "moral values" and social purpose they uphold, and the "expertise" they possess. Second, it compares how the different governance structures of the Bologna and ASEM education processes impact on the secretariats' authority. Third, it highlights how the secretariats exercise their respective authorities and exert their discernible influence at different stages of higher education policy-making and region-building processes. [The paper was presented at the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) conference in Prague.]

The purpose of this research was to identify how the use of a debate-based course delivery approach merged with a flipped classroom model influenced the students' academic outcomes and motivation in relation to their intelligence type and how the sampled students perceived the course delivery approach and certain debate-related activities. Sampled students' academic performance records, an evaluation survey to obtain students' feedback on both the course delivery approach and the effectiveness of the activities like 'Think-Pair-Share', 'Write-Pair-Share', 'Illogical story-telling', 'Treasure Hunt', case-study, 'One Minute Paper', 'Attitude/motivation test battery' as intelligence type-based diagnostics of learners' motivation, and a focus-group semi-structured interview were used as the instruments. SPSS 10.0.5 computer statistical package was used to process data. The use of debates to deliver the instructional content to the tertiary students can be considered a three-vector approach capable to bring a positive change to learning motivation, cognitive (intellectual) activity, self-esteem (self-efficacy) of a student and the overall quality of the vocational training system of the historians and lawyers-to-be. This study boosts the methodology of vocational training of the students majoring in humanities like History/Law in terms of fostering the 21st century-competencies and it adds a different perspective to the theory on relation between the type of intelligence and skills. This approach fosters learner autonomy and positive perception of challenging educational activities. It was found that it was prerequisite for the success of the above approach that there was a well-trained debate moderator, and debate-procedure-aware and trained students. The further research is needed in purposeful introduction of NLP training into the above model and examination its impacts.

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Age of Revolutions, the Habsburg monarchy initially opposed nationalist movements as revolutionary. While the monarchy later sought to co-opt loyal patriots, historical memory often imagines the Habsburg state as implacably opposed to both nationalism and nationalist movements. In practice, however, Habsburg officials and central European nationalisms overlapped and engaged with each other in surprising ways. Their interaction problematizes a sharp line between monarchism and nationalism. This essay speficially introduces a special issue of Central Europe, consisting of two papers presented at a 2022 conference on the Habsburg state apparatus. The two papers explored the tensions and interactions between Habsburg officials and patriot circles as they played out in international relations. Polish exiles sought to recruit Habsburg officials to the national cause, while Habsburg agents sought to recruit patriots to the spy network of the Habsburg political police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union endeavours to capitalise on and achieve its geopolitical ambitions through the policy of enlargement, framing the countries within geographical Europe. This paper employs discourse analysis and historical methods to address the following research question: In the context of geopolitical changes, what is the European Union's response towards enlargement, and is the nature of the European enlargement policy undergoing a process of change? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the nuances of summit diplomacy in regional formats within Central Europe, with a particular emphasis on the Visegrád Group (V4), the Bucharest Nine (B9), and the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) from 2015 to 2023. Though each format functions differently, all rely on summit diplomacy to achieve their objectives. The article aims to explore the reasons why informal regional formats are frequently implemented in this region. The study conducts a thorough review of existing literature. It systematically analyses past instances of the selected formats, considering variables such as meeting frequency, location, and the level of representation. Based on the adopted definition of summit diplomacy, this article classifies the meetings of the highest level during the specified period as personal meetings between political leaders from at least two countries with official, state roles, such as presidents, prime ministers, or ministers. These leaders hold significant power to shape their country’s foreign policy and influence the legal and political order through summit decisions, while engaging with counterparts from other nations. The paper also highlights the variations between the above-mentioned formats in Central Europe, including the differences in meeting frequency, level of representation, and the number of participating states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper entitled "postmodernism in international relations" examines the epistemological and ontological development of the theory taking into consideration that the term has already constituted an international relations discourse after the second world war in Europe and that recognition and injection of the theory into international relations was done in 1980. The evolution and emergence of postmodernism as a social theory will be discussed, basic assumptions, contributions and criticisms of the postmodernism will be discussed and analyzed. Related academic books and journals on postmodernism will be used as a reference in gathering literature to analyses the concept in a broader meaning. The paper argued that postmodernism in international relations is a radical departure or break away from modernism way of thinking to postmodernism characterized by the new and complex articulation of world conditions and issues within the context of interpretative and internationalized informed by postmodern preoccupations of new philosophy and ideas based on the relative objective reality of human conditions. The paper concluded that postmodernism is a reaction from modernity to post modernity for their inability and failure to interpret world events based on objective reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 16 April 2020, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) released preliminary figures2 according to which the collective Official Development Assistance (ODA) from the European Union (EU) and its Member States to developing countries amounted to 75.2 billion in 2019, representing 55.2% of global assistance. The EU and its Member States therefore maintain their position as the largest international aid donor. In spite of the vast amount of resources spent annually by the EU, there is widespread perception that the EU punches below its weight. Notwithstanding the undeniable positive impact that the EU external policies have on the ground, the EU's role in international development remains mostly invisible. This paper presents the perception of the EU and EU's policies abroad and makes the case for the necessity of an integrated and fully coordinated EU Public Diplomacy (PD) capable of communicating effectively and strengthening EU's role as a global actor. It argues that culture has a substantial potential in Europe's international relations, making the case for the necessity of an integrated and tailor-made EU Cultural Diplomacy. This paper shows that culture is a worthwhile investment in driving economic growth. Failure to capitalise on this would be a huge missed opportunity for Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Investigación en Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Asuncion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The analysis of international and collaborative publication trends in prominent behavior‐analytic journals has been a topic of interest for behavioral researchers. This paper focuses on publication trends from 1997 through 2020 in three prominent journals: Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior (JEAB), Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis (JABA), and Perspectives on Behavior Science (PBS). The variable of interest was the percentage of articles published per geographical category—Australasia/East Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, North America, and Africa. The results showed that 79, 96, and 87% of the published articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were conducted by researchers with a North American affiliation. Furthermore, 12, 4, and 4% of the articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were coauthored by at least two researchers from different geographical categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we investigated how policy rate modifications – the main instrument used by central banks to provide liquidity during the current health crisis – influenced the evolution of the exchange rate, which is a key element within macro-stabilization policies. We documented that foreign exchange markets in European countries responded asymmetrically to monetary policy interventions devoted to the encouragement of spending and the stimulation of the economy. However, this only occurred during extreme events, which is a side-effect of the monetary policy on the foreign exchange market. These results contribute to the assessment of the space for manoeuvres by monetary policymakers regarding key policy rate modifications as a response to pandemic shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnography of the Serbian Academy of Sciences & Arts / Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta SANU is the property of Institute of Ethnography, SASA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2008, a negative image of China has prevailed in Europe, leading to the country's image crisis in the region. The state has implemented several policies to improve such a perception. This paper aims to examine the major tools of China's attempts at influence in Europe, targeting the media and public opinion. Applying the concept of soft power and public diplomacy, we analyse the tools China uses to modify and shape public opinion about itself in Europe. The research framework comprises secondary resources on China's foreign policy, soft power, public diplomacy and media strategy in Europe. We distinguish four primary influence tools: China buys European media outlets to prevent negative information about itself; it pays for inserts in leading European newspapers; it signs cooperation agreements with media organisations and holds media forums; and it limits access to its market to affect media, film and academic content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the concept of spatial imaginations as the constructions of places as meaningful entities that establish identities of self and other through particular narratives and associated practices. It argues that traditionally, International Relations has ignored question of space despite their obvious centrality to the discipline. This has changed with the "spatial turn", which has its precursors in critical scholarship, especially drawing on sociology and political geography. The paper traces these contributions to the conceptual development of space in its material and discursive dimensions. It proposes that spatial imaginations are central to relations between "Turkey" and "Europe", establishing both as meaningful yet contested entities. In the works collated in the special issue of which this paper serves as an introduction, we may thus see facets of three core claim of the spatial turn: that space matters, that space needs to be made, and that spaces need to be formed. Against the prevailing attempts to fix the meaning of the spaces of "Turkey" and "Europe", I end with a plea to provide room for the articulation of a multiplicity of spatial imaginations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: In the COVID-19 pandemic, coordination was certainly late, also due to the scarcity of information disseminated at the very beginning of the pandemic, when countries were inevitably taken by surprise. The lack of information, mainly attributable to the country from which everything seems to have started, has produced a huge delay and numerous uncertainties in the feedback of the WHO and international organizations. OBJECTIVE: The inevitably relevant issue, from a legal point of view, concerns the legitimacy, formal or in any case shared, of the authority in charge of coordinating reactions and policies. The paper analyses the current legislation, soft and hard law, and the undertaken policies concerning emergency responses. METHODS: International and EU legislation analysis. RESULTS: The G20 understood that sustainable, flexible and agile funding systems for health emergencies are essential elements of pandemic prevention, preparedness and response. In EU there are many regulations about coordination and response to emergencies in practice in the EU and the Regulation (EU) 2021/522 (EU4Health programme), broadly extends the Union's competence in the field of health and has the objective of strengthening the Union's capacity for prevention, preparedness and rapid response in the event of serious cross-border threats to health. CONCLUSIONS: It is essential to formalize, within international agreements, the institutionalization of relationships, procedures, and the possible recognition of the reference figure. If in the European Union, at least partially, the protocols are there (even if the COVID-19 emergency has blown them up in principle), certainly in relations with non-EU countries the story is complicated, requiring specific agreements. This is the goal of the path started by the Rome Declaration of 21 May 2021 within the G20 – Global Health Summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The EU's normative promotion is a keystone in the arch of its Foreign and Security Policy, reflected in establishing a "ring of friends" in its neighbourhood. However, the EU's normative impact in these countries is often hindered by domestic constraints. Conversely, deeper socialisation through persuasion and "learning" may advance towards the promotion of EU norms better. By tracing the "learning" component of the EU's external perceptions in its Eastern (Ukraine) and Southern (Israel and Palestine) neighbourhoods, this paper elaborates upon the receptiveness of EU norms. Considering the specific attention that the ENP draws towards the support of civil society, this paper focuses on "learning" narratives of EU norms among civil society elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine as the key targets of EU assistance – with a particular focus on various conceptualisations of learning in the learning process. Notwithstanding perceptions of the EU as a normative power, we find that the learning processes remain too complex to be captured within a single theoretical framework. Whereas communicative rationality implies learning about each other's identities through rational arguing, our analysis demonstrates that identity performance is one of the most emotive and crucial factors in perceptions of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper provides an introduction to the regulatory landscape affecting a particular category of medical technology, namely standalone software—sometimes referred to as ‘software as a medical device’. To aid the reader’s comprehension of an often complex area, six case studies are outlined and discussed before the paper continues to provide detail of how software with a medical purpose in its own right can potentially be classified as a medical device. The reader is provided an appreciation of how to go about classifying such software and references to support the developer new to the field in locating detailed regulatory support documents and contact points for advice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There has been an increasing number of studies in the international relations literature discussing the rising salience of regionalism and regional powers in global politics. Due to its economic prowess, geographical size, demographic credentials as well as foreign policy activism, Turkey can be considered as one of the contemporary regional actors. This paper critically examines the impact of the Europeanization process on Turkish foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states and its rising status in regional politics. It argues that although Turkey is currently experiencing de-Europeanization in its domestic politics, the impact of Europeanization on its Balkans policy continues. This paper shows, among others, that it is not the internalizaton, but the instrumentalization of ‘Europe’ that has been the driving force of Turkey's domestic and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The post-cold war unipolar world turned to be multipolar, and as a result the West is increasingly struggling to find solutions for dealing with emerging threats and challenges. The European Union, still going through its own crisis, needs to establish and keep good transatlantic connections and to be able to remain or become one of the influencers in the international arena. Today's world is interdependent and not so much concentrated on security issues, threats and challenges like before, since problems of human survival and human security have arisen and are becoming increasingly serious. Theoretical approaches to international relations indicate the changes in the distribution of global power, setting up grounds for changing multipolarity and the questionable functionality of multilateralism. That could lead towards more serious confrontations among the big powers. In these constellations of the international relations, South Eastern Europe (SEE), a geopolitically very sensitive area for transatlantic partners, struggles with old and new challenges and threats, trying to find the best possible solutions to join the transatlantic family. This paper will present what are the steps in that direction, proving why stronger regional integration and cooperation is needed for better safety and security, and what is the contemporary role of NATO and the EU in SEE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of the Troika on the retrenchment and reform of social security in Ireland during its bailout between 2010 and 2013. To do this, it draws on data from in-depth interviews with senior civil servants and civil society organisation staff who met with the Troika as part of their quarterly missions to Ireland during this period. The key themes which emerged from these interviews include the largely domestic origins of social security retrenchment and reform; the surprising, and distinctive, positions adopted by the European Commission and the International Monetary Fund (IMF); the extent of the Irish government's room for manoeuvre in this area, and the ways in which the Irish government defended social security against proposals for additional cuts put forward by the Troika. The paper concludes by arguing that the scope for domestic decision-making was heavily constrained, yet non-trivial, and that the Troika's influence comprised not only ‘powering’ but also ‘persuasion’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Simple Summary: In the treatment of colorectal cancer, classic chemotherapy drugs such as 5-fluorouracil, capecitabine, irinotecan, oxaliplatin, trifluridine, and tipiracil have played a crucial role. Through the analysis of the top 100 most influential articles, we examined the evolution in research and current relevance, confirming the continued significance of this group of drugs despite the emergence of new treatments. The research reveals global collaboration among institutions, countries (primarily the United States, China, and Europe), and researchers, with three main themes driving the study: pharmacogenetics, new pharmaceutical formulations, and the use of adjuvants. In the landscape of colorectal cancer treatment, classical chemotherapeutic agents such as 5-fluorouracil, capecitabine, irinotecan, oxaliplatin, trifluridine, and tipiracil have historically played a pivotal role. This study presents a comprehensive bibliometric analysis of the top 100 most influential articles focusing on these classic chemotherapy drugs in the management of colorectal cancer. With this, we shed light on their current importance, despite the emergence of new therapeutic targets and treatments in the field of oncology. Systematically evaluating research outputs, this analysis reveals a prevalence of co-authorship among institutions, countries (led by the United States, China, and Europe), and researchers highlighting the global and collaborative nature of efforts in research, utilization, and development of these drugs. Three thematic axes lead the research: pharmacogenetics, the development of new pharmaceutical forms, and the use of adjuvants. This research serves as a foundation for future endeavors, aiding researchers, clinicians, and policymakers in making informed decisions about the direction of research and development in the dynamic field of colorectal cancer therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of order is the core of international relations. Both the dimensions of history and reality should be explored in order that the relationship between Japan and the world should be acknowledged in a scientific way. This paper analyzes Japan's cognition and practice from such three aspects as the evolution of Japan's view of international orders from a historical perspective, the post-war international order and "the crisis of liberal international order" and Japan's responses to the international order under the ongoing unprecedented changes in the world. Based on principles of pragmatism, Japan strove to maintain its independence while expressing its respect with the order within the framework of the Hua-Yi Order. In face of the impact of rising Western civilization, Japan attempted to extricate itself from and overthrew the Hua-Yi Order and achieve the objective of "leaving Asia and embracing Europe," and then turned from a follower of the Western dominant order into a challenger. After being defeated in WWII, the US occupation and the democratic transformation, Japan chose to accept and integrate into the liberal international order dominated by the US and gradually formed a unique view of international order through constantly sizing up the international situation, maintaining dynamic adjustment and making efforts to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages. Faced with the changing international relations nowadays, Japan has been committed to enhancing the "comprehensive strategic activity" and repairing the liberal international order in crisis. The relationship between Japan and the international order not only reflects historical continuity but also presents newly emerging characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines and evaluates China's global rise and the state of the transatlantic discussions about this issue. Since 2010, the rise of China has been accompanied by multiple Chinese initiatives on the international front, especially in the fields of trade and investment. Chinese overseas direct investments are on the rise at a global level. The creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, of the Silk Road Fund, and of the 'Belt and Road' initiative are signs of a much more assertive China that is now engaging Western countries, including Europe and the USA. Western reactions, both at governmental and grass-root levels have been mixed. Two questions emerge: can Europeans agree on a common policy toward China? And can the USA and the European Union pursue a dialog and a more coordinated strategy? This will be especially relevant in the context of President Donald Trump's administration as well as newly elected governments in France and Germany following general elections in these countries in 2017. The future of a transatlantic dialog should also encompass the British question when the UK leaves the EU. As the USA and leading European countries map their foreign policy strategies in coming years, there is a need to elevate policy coordination toward China in the hierarchy of political and economic goals. The paper offers some suggestions on possible priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU)'s trade strategy has changed since 2015 with the re-introduction of human rights and the EU's refusal to grant China Market Economy Status. The questions under investigation here are what were the drivers of EU-China trade before the strategic turn and what consequences could the new EU strategy bring about in the relationship. The paper will draw from 16 interviews with think tanks and policy makers carried out in Beijing and Brussels in 2015 to uncover the Chinese perceptions of the EU and its diplomats as well as the preferences that have so far pushed China to make the EU one of its first trade partners. This work concludes that in order for the EU-China trade relationship to keep functioning, the new EU strategy towards China needs to keep human rights as an issue separated from trade, needs to boost knowledge and legislation transfers on sensitive issues like food safety and environmental management and finally needs to keep the 'European way' of dealing with trade frictions and disputes with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1977 to 1984, an ambitious European industrial policy was implemented by the European Economic Community for the first and only time in its history. It dealt with the crisis of the steel sector. This paper strives to understand why member states chose this solution, despite the fact that some of them were hostile to the devolution of power to supranational institutions, as for example Britain or France. The most reluctant state was Germany, whose officials usually associated any attempts of EEC-wide industrial policy with dirigism. The paper, based on archives of three governments (Germany, France, the United Kingdom) and of the European Commission, argues that the European solution was best for member states, and in particular for Germany, in order to control their neighbours and avoid a costly subsidy race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic crisis signifies a turning point for Greek national self-image. The present paper explores the ideological function of interpretative repertoires in relation to the reproduction and contestation of national identity. We focus on two basic repertoires: a victimizing and a self-blaming one. Even though connotations of victimhood are not homogenous, its association with an external enemy is very popular. This paper demonstrates that discourses of victimization are not unambiguous and solidified; they interact with self-blaming discursive patterns, thus leading to hybrid perceptions of the national self-image that are adjusted to particular political actors’ strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Does the EU's Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU's AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Over the last few years, the share of public spending for orphan drugs (ODs) has increased in several western countries, raising concern on the exemptions granted to this sector with respect to the implementation of health technology assessment (HTA) principles. The aim of this paper is to shed light on both the HTA criteria adopted and the international agreements implemented in the OD regulation, given the new challenges imposed on western countries by a growing number of therapies for rare diseases. Methods: We carried out a literature review to analyse the development of the international debate on the adaptability of HTA criteria for the OD assessment and regulation. The time span lies between January 1990 and May 2018, and the policies considered relate to both market authorization and reimbursement decisions within western countries. We focus specifically on HTA criteria in some of the dimensions included in the Core Model of the European net for HTA (EUnetHTA). Results: OD high prices, the absence of clarity on the possible high revenues realized by the distribution of a new OD outside the national borders, the risk that – once marketed – a new OD can be used to treat common diseases, are all issues that raise concern on OD regulation and have to be carefully monitored by policymakers in the next future. Conclusions: Across western countries, the preferential track granted to ODs in the implementation of HTA principles is not homogeneous, but fragmented and differentiated. The need for common rules at an international level is underlined, with a view to assessing the sustainability of a sector which, due to this regulatory void, can lend itself to producers' strategic and opportunistic behaviours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of orientalism to propose a framework for understanding the relationship between international news media and individual representations of minority groups in Europe. Even though the case study focuses on Narva, Estonia, the model here provides a basis for comparing the identity formation practices, particularly of geographically separated Russian speaking minority groups in Europe. Narva's large Russian speaking population and geographical proximity to Russia have been pinpointed as security concerns due to the convenient source of information and mass media sponsored by the Russian Federation causing a misrepresentation of Russian speaking minority groups in international media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Moroccans living in Europe maintain transnational ties with their country of origin. Maintaining such transnational relationships also has a legal dimension, especially in the field of family law. The ongoing significance of Moroccan family law for Moroccan migrants in the Netherlands and their children has fuelled a variety of projects from women's NGOs, migrant organisations, as well as Dutch social work organisations. In addition to providing transnational legal aid, there have been many initiatives to educate women and, more recently, men, about their rights in Dutch and Moroccan family law and Dutch migration law. While these projects have been taking place since the 1980s, they gained new momentum after Morocco substantially reformed its family law in 2004, a reform explicitly framed to improve the legal position of women in the family. Taking a closer look at initiatives and activities in the field of transnational Moroccan family law, this paper will focus on two major issues: the introduction of the new Moroccan family code in 2004 and the issue of women left-behind in Morocco by their Moroccan-Dutch husbands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research of Eurasian regionalism mostly focuses on the Eurasian core, for example, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, which have been pursuing a more exclusive and closer form of integration – Customs Union/Eurasian Economic Union. Other countries of the post-Soviet space are often described as post-Soviet ‘escapists’ or ‘isolationists’ and mostly discounted in the analyses of the Eurasian regionalism. The paper looks at six post-Soviet states, who opted out from the Eurasian Economic Union, and analyse their interaction with the EEU. The paper argues that despite tensions in relations with Russia, most of these countries are reluctant to entirely disrupt their economic relations with the post-Soviet Eurasia. The paper argues that six countries of the post-Soviet Eurasian periphery effectively pursue policies of a looser form association with the Eurasian core. This finding allows to argue that Eurasian regionalism, similarly to its European model, consists of the core and outer circle. The outer circle is featured by overlapping regional arrangements and growing presence of external powers and growing number of transit and trade flows linking this Eurasian periphery with the West and Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The One Belt One Road (OBOR) project is perhaps China's most significant international relations initiative in recent times. It is based on openness, harmony, inclusivity, mutual benefit and market operations and aims to connect the economically vibrant East Asia and the developed Europe by land and by sea, and in the process, it brings growth and development to tens of countries along the modern Silk routes. In this paper, we compare the impact of the main initiatives of OBOR, namely enhancements in physical infrastructure and improvements in border administration, on the trade of countries that have signed on to this project, especially countries along the six economic corridors. We find overwhelming evidence that shows improvements in border administration has the greatest impact on exports of corridor countries. Although physical infrastructure is important for trade, the Chinese government should place equal attention to improvements in trade facilitation to ensure trade routes operate seamlessly across the various corridors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU is clearly in the process of developing an external dimension to the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). This paper focuses on ex. Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters (PJCCM) provisions. These developments pose specific legal basis issues for the EU, given its complex EU–member state legal relationship, and the inter-institutional balance, all reflected in the treaty framework post-Lisbon. New Court of Justice rulings are now emerging which will assist in this issue. Equally the approach to be taken in developing these relationships will be crucial. This paper proposes the adoption of an Onuf style constructivism in order to best capture the reality of the process that is developing, and has developed for the ex. PJCCM measures internally. This then needs to be allied with a constitutionalism model to ensure a balanced development of all three aspects of the AFSJ. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As international relations actors in the post-Second World War world, international organisations have played a significant role in the standardisation of global policy concepts during the 20th century, and humanitarian assistance has been no exception. While the study of the role of international organisations in shaping a dominant model of humanitarian aid has recently gathered pace, few historians have focused on different, less successful models and interpretations developed by other international organisations. Recently declassified Commonwealth Secretariat records show that discussions within the Secretariat and among member states regarding the potential objectives and scope of Commonwealth humanitarian assistance programmes took place as early as the 1960s, and continued throughout the following decades. This article provides an overview of the origin and evolution of the Commonwealth’s approach to humanitarian assistance since the 1960s. Its objective is to document this hitherto little known aspect of Commonwealth assistance policies, and, based on an initial literature and archival survey, to contribute to the identification of further research questions and gaps in this aspect of Commonwealth history. Although they are very different in nature and scope, the Commonwealth and the European Union share at least one common feature in so far as humanitarian assistance is concerned, namely their difficulty in reaching a consensual definition of it. By exploring the links and discrepancies between, as well as within, each organisation’s approach to humanitarian assistance, and by examining the initiatives of some of their member states, this paper seeks to highlight the plasticity of the definition of humanitarian assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article contributes to two debates about international relations (IR) as a discipline: first, how global is IR, and how is it structured? Second, what is the state of theory in IR? We conducted (co-) citation analyses of both Web of Science (WoS) and—for the first time— non-WoS publications from Europe, North America, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. With regard to the first question, we find that global IR resembles a core–periphery structure as a "hub and spoke" system whereby transatlantic core nodes are interconnected to each other and to some periphery nodes, while the periphery nodes are connected to the core but not to each other. IR scholarship in the periphery quotes the transatlantic theory cluster but is not linked to each other, not even in the same region. Knowledge produced in the periphery has to go through the transatlantic core in order to be recognized globally. As to the transatlantic core, we identify two major (co-) citation clusters: one committed to IR theory-building across issue areas from a variety of perspectives and the other focused on security studies with a strong emphasis on quantitative methods. With regard to the second question, global IR hangs together through references to the IR theory cluster consisting of North American and European authors who appear to define what IR theory is. Scholars in the periphery refer to this transatlantic IR theory cluster when engaging in theory-building. IR theories have become rather diverse and pluralistic, even in the core. While scholars still refer to the big "isms," they use them around the globe in a synthesizing manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of evidence and expertise in policy-making has been of interest to public health professionals and political scientists alike. The public health community often sees its efforts as part of a linear knowledge transfer process and tends to blame itself for inadequate communication or translation of its arguments to policy-makers' language when its efforts fail. Political science, especially theories of the policy process, offer alternative perspectives to explain the success or failure of experts' preferred policy goals. This paper focuses on the concept of epistemic communities (groups of experts with a common policy goal derived from their shared knowledge) in policy-making, drawing on examples from the field of health technology assessment in Europe. By combining the parsimony and the central focus on experts of the linear knowledge transfer model with the recognition of complexity of political science, the epistemic communities concept provides a useful structure for the public health community to analyze its efforts to influence policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the Eurocrisis to the migration crisis, and from Brexit to a strengthening far right, the European Union (EU) faces multiple stressors. But while crises unleash anxiety, they do not necessarily portend the worst: because they disrupt old routines, crises can open space for new political possibilities. As a self-consciously hybrid, ‘post-national’ political form, the EU would seem poised to take advantage. Instead it is stuck. In this paper, taking an ontological security approach and focusing on EU migration governance, I propose that one cause of paralysis could lie - ironically - in an aspect of the EU that is crucial to its normative power: Europe’s long peace. An ontological security perspective highlights the management of existential anxiety as crucial to identity, suggesting how different modes of anxiety management have different political effects. Applied here, EU narratives and routines preserving ‘no war’ might suppress relations of structural power; they might mimic primitive defense mechanisms; or they might be symptoms pointing to unconscious processes keeping difficult knowledge - including colonial pasts - undealt with. I suggest how migration governance might manifest these mechanisms, contributing to the difficulties of desecuritising migration and linking its governance to EU values and institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 6 July 2017, after four years of negotiation, the EU reached an agreement with Japan over the main elements of a comprehensive free trade agreement. The breakthrough came at a time when progress on multilateral trade negotiations at the global level seemed out of reach and EU bilateral trade agreements faced strong public opposition. This paper examines the content of the new agreement with a view to global trade dynamics and assesses its main trade policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The European Organisation for Research and Treatment of Cancer (EORTC) Group has developed a new multidimensional instrument measuring cancer-related fatigue to be used in conjunction with the quality of life core questionnaire (EORTC QLQ-C30). The module EORTC QLQ-FA13 assesses physical, cognitive, and emotional aspects of cancer-related fatigue.Methods: The methodology follows the EORTC guidelines for phase IV validation of modules. This paper focuses on the results of the psychometric validation of the factorial structure of the module. For validation and cross-validation confirmatory factor analysis (maximum likelihood estimation), intraclass correlation and Cronbach alpha for internal consistency were employed. The study involved an international multicenter collaboration of 11 European and non-European countries.Results: A total of 946 patients with various tumor diagnoses were enrolled. Based on the confirmatory factor analysis, we could approve the three-dimensional structure of the module. Removing one item and reassigning the factorial mapping of another item resulted in the EORTC QLQ-FA12. For the revised scale, we found evidence supporting good local (indicator reliability ≥ 0.60, factor reliability ≥ 0.82) and global model fit (GFI t1|t2 = 0.965/0.957, CFI t1|t2 = 0.976/0.972, RMSEA t1|t2 = 0.060/0.069) for both measurement points. For each scale, test-retest reliability proved to be very good (intraclass correlation: R t1-t2 = 0.905-0.921) and internal consistency proved to be good to high (Cronbach alpha = .79-.90).Conclusion: Based on the former phase III module, the multidimensional structure was revised as a phase IV module (EORTC FA12) with an improved scale structure. For a comprehensive validation of the EORTC FA12, further aspects of convergent and divergent validity as well as sensitivity to change should be determined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that attempts to make this type of collaboration permanent failed during the years which followed, the Euro-Arab Dialogue was a significant moment in the field of international relations and of the history of the European Community, especially analyzing the global scenario and the American opposition. Thought by the Quai d'Orsay to be an alternative strategy to the Washington deals during the 1973 oil crisis, it certainly represented an important attempt to develop an EC foreign policy that did not necessarily imply – as it turned out –incompatibility with the wishes of the White House. The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of the EAD and to compare it with the Trans-Atlantic dealings. Nevertheless, the typology and the methods of Washington opposition changed over time; in some circumstances Kissinger seemed to control the evolution of the EAD, pressing the Western European governments to confront and oppose the Arab intention to transform the dialogue into a base for political claims. This manuscript aims at investing the beginning of the EAD and the relations with the Trans-Atlantic limits and constraints, mainly using archival documents available at the Historical Archives of the European Union, at the National Archive, at the National Archives and Record Administration. There is not much literature about the EAD and this is mainly focused on the poor results. Beside the first academic works with a political science approach (i.e.: Al-Dajani, 1976; Allen, 1977; Taylor, 1978; Jawad, 1992), in the new articles the EAD is not always the main subject (i.e.: Miller, 2014; Möckli, 2009). Furthermore, Bat Ye'or (2005) attaches too much importance to the political issues, while Zakariah (2013) focuses its analysis on the ‘real' attitude of the British policy towards the EAD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France is one of the most prominent European military powers and a strong proponent of an independent European military capability. Yet, France’s actions since 2009 suggest that it may be prioritizing the transatlantic relationship over the development of the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy. Does this signal a fundamental Atlanticist shift in the way that France envisions its future defence and security, or does it simply signal a temporary re-evaluation of French Europeanist security ambitions? Our analysis attempts to answer whether there is presently an Atlanticist shift evident in French foreign policy, and whether any such shift is rooted in a desire to preserve French influence through international institutions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This paper combines elite interviews with content analysis of French media comparing the current time with the mid-1990s to determine whether there is a shift in how defence and security issues are discussed and, if so, whether that signals a fundamental change. We find that, while there is a shift, it does not necessarily indicate a more Atlanticist posture, but suggests rather a pragmatic move to further French security goals through the most effective institutional mechanisms available. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Europe has been recently shaken by the great number of persons coming from Syria and neighbouring countries which were calling themselves "refugees". According to the United Nations Refugee Agency, since 2015 more than 1 million refugees travelled to Greece. This paper aims to analyze the notion of "refugees" in light of international legal instruments applicable and to draw up distinctions between different categories of migrant persons and those who are really refugees and may apply for international protection under the 1951 UN Convention on refugees. The distinction regarding the use of terms is relevant for shaping the legal status of different persons who leave their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization & Management / Zeszyty Naukowe Politechniki Slaskiej. Seria Organizacji i Zarzadzanie is the property of Silesian Technical University, Organisation & Management Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Slavica Litteraria is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)