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The article focuses on the role of transportation “hubs" in the pattern of interregional and perhaps international trade. It is also found that free trade agreements do not promote export in East Asia, only export in intermediate goods. The paper presents analyzes the rise of global value chains (GVCs) in East Asia, export is increasingly sensitive to the capital-labor ratio and high-skilled labor productivity and understanding the twin-hub trade regime between China and Japan.

The author presents his comments on Mitsuyo Ando and Fukunar Kimura's findings about the expanding linkage of production in North America with East Asia especially in the electric machinery sector. Topics discussed include their claim that foreign direct investment strengthened the linkage of production networks in North America and East Asia and their use of gravity models to confirm the strengthening of inter-regional production network which the author deems lacking in control variables.

This paper contributes to the discussion on East Asian capitalism as a distinct and path dependent economic model. Taking the discussion on the "varieties of capitalism" (VoC) as a departure point, we distinguish East Asian capitalism from Anglo-American liberal market economies and European coordinated market economies. We show that the core East Asian capitalist countries Japan, Korea and China follow a coordinated approach in business-finance relations, while business-labor affairs remain largely uncoordinated. These findings identify some limitations of the classic VoC approach, which is based on the dichotomy of the liberal and the coordinated model as well as the hypothesis of institutional complementarity. The second contribution of this paper is to investigate the changes in the above-described two-dimensional relationships. We find that there is no clear trend and few evidences that East Asian countries have been converging with an Anglo-American liberal model of managing economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to ascertain whether direct macroeconomic linkages exist between some East Asian (EA) countries on the one hand and the United States (US) and Europe on the other, based upon quarterly real gross domestic product (GDP) series spanning from the early 1990s. Long-run and short-run lead-lag relations are explored within a trivariate modeling framework. Contrary to popular belief, the empirical evidence suggests generally either very nominal or no direct links at all between these EA countries and the US in terms of GDP. Direct links with Europe are completely ruled out. All these would allude to a very limited susceptibility of these EA economies to shocks in the US and Europe, barring a global economic crisis of catastrophic proportions. The growing belief that if China sneezes, the world catches the flu is also not borne out by the empirical results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to establish conceptual foundations of analyzing the economic dimensions of Brexit. The International Financial-Trade Exchange Leaking Index (TIFTEL-Index) attempts to analyze and compare pre-Brexit versus post-Brexit international trade and international financial transactions between East and Southeast Asia and Europe. TIFTEL-index is based on three main variables, namely (1) international trade exchange marginal rate (∆Τ′), (2) international financial exchange marginal rate (∆σ′), and (3) GDP in real prices growth marginal rate (∆γ). Simulation findings indicate that Brexit will have only a limited negative effect on the world economy. In addition, Brexit will affect East Asia more than Southeast Asia region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper describes how the U.S.–China trade tensions affect Indonesia's trade and investment. The direct impacts come through increasing uncertainties, lower world demand, and diverted East Asian regional production networks. The indirect impacts can be observed in trade and investment reallocations. Amidst the tension, in 2018, the Indonesian economy grew 5.17 percent with reserves of 6.7 months of imports. Its trade with the United States and China grew by 7.5 percent and 23.5 percent, respectively. Although creating opportunities for Indonesia in the short run, trade tensions will repress the world economy. Indonesia understands that trade openness will improve productivity and we believe it will continue its reforms to be more open and integrated into the world economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents analyzes of how the rise of global value chains (GVCs) has changed the patterns of trade in East Asia. It is mentioned that export (measured in value-added) is increasingly sensitive to the capital-labor ratio and high-skilled labor productivity. The article discusses the twin-hub trade regime since the beginning of 21st century is empirically reconfirmed using our modified hub index and identify the rising China-hub along with a declining Japan-hub.

The author presents his comments on Mitsuyo Ando and Fukunari Kimura's study on the developments in trade between East Asia and North America focusing on developments in machinery trade. Topics discussed include their examination on how distance and country size shaped international trade flows and suggestions that production network activities that connect locations in North America and East Asia were strengthened.

The article examine potential slowdown in international production networks in East Asia. Topics discussed include international trade emerged as the key issue in world economy; introduction on factors affecting trade patterns in primary goods; and the expansion of trade within international production networks.

This commentary is about new approaches, proposed by three scholars from East Asia, to address the globalization of Latin American Studies through networked-research and academic cooperation. Based on the institutionalization in the twenty-first century of Latin American Studies in East Asia and of Asian Studies in Latin America, there is a need to promote joint-research projects among academics on both sides of the Pacific with emphasis not only on economic and international relations but on broader studies that highlight the increasingly relevant global role of East Asia and Latin America. Initiatives like the East Asian Network of Latin American Studies and the Pacific Studies Research Center of the University of Guadalajara, which is presented here, can be exemplars of platforms to achieve such goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the roles of co-chairs in international negotiations. This study attempts to fill the research gap by scrutinizing co-chairs' effectiveness, defined as an ability to shape agreement details in one's direction, to better understand chairs' and co-chairs' influence in negotiations. I argue that a co-chair's effectiveness is not a function of resource possession, but is rooted in its resource management, or ability to convert the existing resources into bargaining influence. To validate my argument, I analyze the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM) negotiation rounds from 2005 to 2010, focusing on the members' financial contributions and vote shares. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Transport advantage, assembly hub under global value chains, technology advantage, and home-market effect are the four main factors contributing to the emergence of trade hubs in East Asia. Using a region-specific trade "hub-ness" measure, we examine the evolution of trade hubs in the East Asia. A China-Japan twin-hub pattern was found in the 1990s, but the twin hub began to divide in the beginning of the 21st century because of a rising China and declining Japan. We also show that ASEAN as an integrated region may lead to the emergence of another trade hub in East Asia, because of the enlarged ASEAN home-market-size effect, for the highly fragmented automatic data processing industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coastlines have always played a major role in Europe's history. From antiquity through the early stages of colonialism and the advent of the Industrial Revolution, seashores were the economic centres of the continent. Though industrialization marked the beginning of the decreasing importance of these areas, it has been in recent decades that the significance and economic structure of coastal regions has changed completely. The importance of fisheries has declined, the hubs of the marine trade have moved to the Far East, and the significance of the tourism has increased. This article examines how the social and economic role of the European seashores--which used to have a central role in trade and the world economy--has changed in the last 10-15 years. In addition, the article studies the differences between the coastal and terrestrial regions of the European Union based on existing literature and statistics. Finally, the paper analyses some coastal areas, and examines what has led to increases or decreases of population and the economy in certain regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a summary of discussion regarding the evolution of machinery production networks in North America and East Asia. These include Shigeyuki Abe's opinion that the quality of trade-related infrastructure is a key determinant of trade in parts and components, Prema-chandra Athukorala's suggestion of a possible aggregation bias in the estimated trade equations and Chalongphob Sussangkarn on the impact of North American Free Trade Agreemnt (NAFTA) on trade in East Asia.

There have been two related trends shaping global trade during the past couple of decades: the increasing role of international supply chains and the rise of China. Increased complexity in global trade has generated a need to construct more processed trade data — trade in value added — in order to deepen our understanding of trade relations between countries. In this article, we present a broad picture of trade in value added between the EU28 and East Asian countries. We find that East Asia is important as a final demand and supply chain export destination, especially for Northern European countries, while for CEE countries it is more important as an import source for both final demand and supply chain trade. Trade with East Asia is least important for Southern European countries. The production structure of an EU country seems to be one of the main factors explaining the importance of supply chain trade with East Asian countries. The data also suggest that supply chain trade could support the growth of domestic value-added exports to the supply chain trade partner country as well as to other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author comments on the article "Connectivity in East Asia," by D. H. Brooks in the same issue. He claims Brooks is confident on the benefits of connectivity after the global financial crisis showed the disadvantage of export reliance on the Chinese economy. He suggests that Asian economies implement policies that would help boost the productivity and balance its growth sources. He also advises conducting accurate assessments of the costs and benefits of intra-regional integration.

Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK's potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of its past "Look East" and now "Act East" policies, India seeks to increase the radius of its influence beyond South Asia by broadening relations with East Asian actors, including South Korea. New Delhi and Seoul continue to promote economic cooperation and explore ways to deepen their strategic partnership. However, for relations to grow substantively and enduringly, both will have to show greater concern, creativity, and caution—especially bearing in mind their mutual neighbor, China. This article explores how, through harnessing its unique longstanding relations with both Koreas and investing in non‐realist approaches resonant of people‐centered engagement, India as a middle power with major power aspirations can lay its footprint softly in Northeast Asia by playing a more pro‐active role to bolster and sustain inter‐Korean rapprochement and peacebuilding efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, China has experienced one of the most dramatic and sustained periods of economic growth in world history. China's use of economic statecraft provides an important venue in which to examine the role of unacknowledged ‘coercive diplomacy’ within the context of China's ‘peaceful rise discourse.’ In contrast to Western countries, which have overtly used sanctions and other forms of economic coercion, China has publicly denied any such policies while at the same time quietly pursuing them. China's denial of using coercive economic statecraft has muted the reactions of neighboring publics and government, but it cannot entirely forestall them. Without seriously undermining China's ‘peaceful-rising’ image, a more explicit statement from Beijing regarding its coercive economic measure could provide deterrence and assurance to China's neighbors in resolving the disputes. This article first surveys existing literature on economic statecraft focusing on the coercive aspects of such strategies. Second, it presents an in-depth case study on how China uses economic leverages over its neighbors in East Asia: North Korea, Japan, and the Philippines. Finally, it highlights the limits of China's economic statecraft within the constraints of China's ‘peaceful rise’ discourse. It concludes with implications for Asian politics and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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East Asia currently faces mounting issues (including a wide range of political, military, and security conflicts), and the ever-intensifying crisis in the region unfolds in sharp contrast with ever-growing economic cooperation and cultural exchange. The term ‘Asia Paradox’ is loaded with such overtones, and it is directly related to East Asian regionalism. Since the 1990s East Asian regionalism has been widely developed in various spheres, but the reality in East Asia today shows that rich experiences of economic and cultural cooperation are powerless to ease current conflicts in the region. Where then can we discover possible ways of overcoming the Asian paradox? This article attempts to find a clue in the perspective of East Asian critical regionalism, focusing on its dynamism of trans-boundarisation as a coexistence of re-boundarisation and de-boundarisation. To that end, this work will first examine the characteristics of boundaries, globalisation, regionalism and critical regionalism theoretically, using trans-boundarisation as a key word. Second, it will examine the possibility that East Asian critical regionalism can show a way forward toward the resolution of conflicts in East Asia, or for the solution of the Asian paradox, using East Asian border disputes as the empirical case. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers the author's insights on the awareness related to short-term risks in sustaining the economic growth of East Asia. Topics discussed include the recovery of the U.S. economy from the 2008 global financial and economic crisis (GFC), the impact of consumer spending in the creation of jobs, income growth, and consumer confidence improvement, and the benefits of the economic cooperation and integration in East Asia.

The special issue this article opens engages with an apparent conundrum that has often puzzled observers of East Asian politics—why, despite the region's considerable economic integration, multilateral economic governance institutions remain largely underdeveloped. The authors argue that this ‘regionalism problématique’ has led to the neglect of prior and more important questions pertaining to how patterns of economic governance, beyond the national scale, are emerging in East Asia and why. In this special issue, the contributors shift analytic focus onto social and political struggles over the scale and instruments of economic governance in East Asia. The contributions identify and explain the emergence of a wide variety of regional modes of economic governance often neglected by the scholarship or erroneously viewed as stepping stones towards ‘deeper’ multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article studies both general trends and peculiar characteristics of processes of economic integration in the Great East Asia, which plays the role of one of the major centers of contemporary global development. The basic determinants and barriers for implementation of regional strategies by China, Japan, ASEAN that will influence the geo-economic policy of Ukraine not only in East Asian, but also European and Eurasian areas. Attention is focused on the basic principles of realized and potential future integration models in the "ASEAN+" format with variable composition of member states that correspond to different extents to strategic objectives of both specified key actors in the region and extra-regional states that have global and transnational interests. Extrapolation of dominant trends in the nature and dynamics of transformation processes of East Asian economic regionalization allowed forming a forecast for the longterm conservation of importance of free trade agreements in the absence of preconditions to create customs unions. At the same time it was stressed out that proper assurance of national interests of international economic relations will be based on contractual instruments at the international level, without creating institutional and legal superstructure similar to the European Union or the Eurasian Economic Union as supranational law and supranational bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses Australian foreign relations from January 2014 through June 2014, with a particular focus on its foreign policy toward East Asia. An overview of Australia's foreign economic relations, including its trade relationship with China, is provided. The U.S.'s alliance with Australia, including in regard to its dependence on the U.S., is discussed.