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This paper explains how a comparatively weak Indigenous movement succeeded in establishing a precedent of Indigenous prior consultation reform in a national context adverse to Indigenous rights. The in-depth study of Peru shows that alliances between civil society actors and people inside certain state institutions who supported Indigenous claims can explain this outcome. The paper focuses on the collaboration of many human rights lawyers who became part of the Peruvian state. Still, the analysis also shows the limits and challenges of these alliances, particularly in the regulation phase. The paper shows that progressive state activists without strong ties to social movements, and the barriers they face inside institutional settings, can also contribute to the reproduction of weak institutions, particularly during the regulation phase of approved norms. The paper is based on long-term qualitative research in Peru. Data is culled from various source documents and semi-structured interviews with key actors, bureaucrats, Indigenous leaders and human rights professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of claims filed by Indigenous peoples against pollution caused by extractive industries makes the challenge of factualizing and measuring the damage caused in their territories necessary. In Peru, the Kukama Kukamiria people are among the most affected by the various spills from the North Peruvian Pipeline since its construction, one of the most well-known occurred in the lower Marañón River in 2014. This paper is about the efforts and limitations involved in aligning the Kukama Kukamiria's experiences with the criteria and frameworks for measuring damage and compensation amid the toxic environment and the complicated time and space of late capitalism. Based on ethnographic research and considering the judicial processes, the analysis found that compensation became a tool of dispute in which incommensurable Indigenous worlds emerged to claim for their incommensurability to exist. But in the Peruvian neoliberal and extractive context, compensation also became a technique for governing Indigenous lives and natures in a way that excludes those worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a reflexive approach that highlights the level of social practice and the role of ethnical difference on the dialogue between hosts, guests and tourism heritage managers, in this paper we focus on a local tourism program targeted to indigenous population of Cusco Region, Peru. To elucidate the cultural meaning of this patrimonial and touristic experience for indigenous tourists, we study what their interests are on these tours, the ways they relate to the visited heritage, and about the production of regional and national identity narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Peruvian institutional scaffolding that favours mechanisms for dispossessing land from indigenous peoples in Peru, despite their protection by regulations that recognise them as such and their constitutional status, which imposes binding obligations. International human rights protection standards are therefore violated, along with the International Labour Organization's Convention 169 and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). It is therefore noteworthy that the Peruvian State has approved the titling of indigenous peoples' lands that are suitable for forestry "Transfer of use rights" - the main mechanism of dispossession affecting the ancestral territories of the indigenous peoples of the Peruvian jungle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing value of forest resources has produced an increasing regulation of the use of forest resources in the national states of the Amazonian region. The new generation of forest norms have established a standardised system for the utilisation of forest resources based on two main aspects: the elaboration of forest management plans, and the granting of forest licences by the State's authorities. However, this system has also increased the barriers for applying TFRK in indigenous lands because the current forest norms do not always consider their knowledge, their customary law, and their values. In view of this problem, this paper identifies the gaps and opportunities of the ICH Convention for protecting the TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples, considering the national legal frameworks of Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Peru. For doing this, firstly the connection between TFRK and intangible cultural heritage is shown. Secondly, the duties of the national States in relation to TFRK established by the ICH Convention are identified. Thirdly, it is discussed the form TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples is regulated in the national legal systems. Finally, it is analysed how the national norms that regulate TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples accommodate the ICH Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peruvian government's Law N. 27811, an intellectual property law passed in 2002 and designed to register and protect traditional knowledge, provides productive opportunities for critical analysis. Framed within the trajectory of international intellectual property rights and discussions that complicate the integration of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) into Cartesian scientific frameworks, this paper critically examines how the Peruvian law has been implemented and its impacts in Indigenous communities, particularly in the Andean Amazon region. The analysis is based on the author's work assisting Indigenous communities in San Martin register their knowledge through this law. While the law represents an advanced legal attempt to address power inequalities, it remains problematic. It does not address the impoverishment of Indigenous Peoples and continues to subordinate Indigenous TEK to Cartesian science. Although it is a symbolic recognition of the value of Peruvian Indigenous Peoples, other mechanisms are still required to redress the long history of colonization and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayahuasca is a hallucinogenic plant mixture used in a ceremonial context throughout western Amazonia, and its use has expanded globally in recent decades. As part of this expansion, ayahuasca has become popular among westerners who travel to the Peruvian Amazon in increasing numbers to experience its reportedly healing and transformative effects. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in and around the area of Iquitos, Peru, the epicenter of ayahuasca tourism, this paper focuses on some of the problematic aspects of western engagement with indigenous spiritual traditions. This engagement is usually based on idealized and romanticized notions of indigenous shamanism and an inability to digest its less palatable aspects, such as sorcery. Through ethnographic examples and ethnohistorical evidence, I show that the romanticization indigenous peoples is not benign. In fact, this one-sided romantic image hides the complexity of indigenous peoples' situations by erasing the injustices that they have experienced and continue to experience. I propose a more holistic approach to ayahuasca shamanism that views indigenous peoples not living in a fictitious harmony with nature but as people embedded in larger struggles and facing important challenges not the least of which is the recent commercialization of indigenous spirituality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focusses on the negotiations in which many subaltern peoples engage within contexts of unequal power relations in colonial settings like eighteenth-century Peru. The trial and 'confession' of Micaela Bastidas, an indigenous mestiza and wife of the Inca rebel Túpac Amaru II, allows for an analysis of the complexity of her subjectivity and agency, both as products of colonial impositions and Andean notions of gender complementarity and power. As a woman, wife of a noble curaca and member of a conquered indigenous population, she defied rigidly bipolar colonial ethnic and gender norms. Skilfully engaging in 'rituals of subordination' through the manipulation of discriminatory colonial expectations, Micaela refused to share what was expected of her, subverting colonial gender and power hierarchies, albeit momentarily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim of the Study and Ethnopharmacological relevance This paper presents the first ethnobotanical survey conducted among the Achuar (Jivaro), indigenous people living in Amazonian Ecuador and Peru. The aims of this study are: (a) to present and discuss Achuar medicinal plant knowledge in the context of the epidemiology of this population (b) to compare the use of Achuar medicinal plants with the uses reported among the Shuar Jivaro and other Amazonian peoples. Materials and methods The author conducted field research in 9 indigenous villages in the region of Morona Santiago and Pastaza in Ecuador. Semi-structured interviews on local illnesses and herbal remedies were carried out with 82 informants and plant specimens were collected and later identified in Quito. A literature research was conducted on the medicinal species reported by Achuar people during this study. Results The most reported medicinal plants are species used by the Achuar to treat diarrhoea, parasites infection, fractures, wounds, and snakebites. Informants reported the use of 134 medicinal species for a total of 733 recorded use-reports. Of these 134 species, 44 are reported at least 3 times for one or more specific disease condition for a total of 56 uses. These species are considered a core kit of medicinal plants of the Achuar of Ecuador. Most of these medicinal species are widely used in the Amazon rainforest and in many other parts of Latin America. Conclusion The author documented a core kit of 44 medicinal plants used among the Achuar of Ecuador and found that this core set of medicinal plants reflects local epidemiological concerns and the pharmacopoeias of the Shuar and other Amazonian groups. These findings suggest that inter-group diffusion of medicinal plant knowledge had a prominent role in the acquisition of current Achuar knowledge of medicinal plants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]