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Copyright of Memoria Americana is the property of Memoria Americana, Cuadernos de Etnohistoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the population growth through natural growth and migration, coupled with the city expansion, it is the fact that Dehradun City in India faces severe water scarcity. Therefore, the Song Dam Drinking Water Project (SDDWP) is proposed to provide ample drinking water to Dehradun City and its suburban areas. This paper examined economic significance and environmental impacts of the SDDWP in Garhwal Himalaya, India. To conduct this study, we collected data from both primary and secondary sources. There are 12 villages and 3 forest divisions in the surrounding areas of the proposed dam project, of which 3 villages will be fully submerged and 50 households will be affected. For this study, 50 heads of the households were interviewed in the 3 submerged villages. The questions mainly focused on economic significance, environmental impacts, and rehabilitation issues of the dam project. The findings of this study indicate that economic significance of the dam project is substantial, including providing ample water for drinking and irrigation, contributing to groundwater recharge, creating job opportunities, and promoting the development of tourism and fisheries in the Doon Valley. In terms of the rehabilitation of the affected people, there are only 50 households in need of rehabilitation. Currently, the arable land of these affected people is not sufficient to sustain their livelihoods. The entire landscape is fragile, rugged, and precipitous; therefore, the affected people are willing to rehabilitate to more suitable areas in the Doon Valley. Moreover, it is essential to provide them with sufficient compensation packages including the compensation of arable land, houses, cash, common property resources, institutions, belongingness, and cultural adaptation. On the other hand, the proposed dam project will have adverse environmental impacts including arable land degradation, forest degradation, loss of fauna and flora, soil erosion, landslides, and soil siltation. These impacts will lead to the ecological imbalances in both upstream and downstream areas. This study suggests that the affected people should be given sufficient compensation packages in all respects. Afforestation programs can be launched in the degraded areas to compensate for the loss of forest in the affected areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Healthcare workers (HCWs) in the United Kingdom (UK) have faced many challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic, some of these arising out of their social positions. Existing literature explicating these challenges (e.g., lack of appropriate PPE, redeployment, understaffing) have highlighted inequities in how these have been experienced by HCWs based on ethnicity, gender or, job role. In this paper, we move a step ahead and examine how the intersection of these social positions have impacted HCWs' experiences of challenges during the pandemic. Methods: We collected qualitative data, using interviews and focus groups, from 164 HCWs from different ethnicities, gender, job roles, migration statuses, and regions in the United Kingdom (UK) between December 2020 and July 2021. Interviews and focus groups were conducted online or by telephone, and recorded with participants' permission. Recordings were transcribed and a hybrid thematic analytical approach integrating inductive data-driven codes with deductive ones informed by an intersectional framework was adopted to analyse the transcripts. Results: Thematic analysis of transcripts identified disempowerment, disadvantage and, discrimination as the three main themes around which HCWs' experiences of challenges were centred, based on their intersecting identities (e.g., ethnicity gender, and/or migration status). Our analysis also acknowledges that disadvantages faced by HCWs were linked to systemic and structural factors at the micro, meso and macro ecosystemic levels. This merging of analysis which is grounded in intersectionality and considers the ecosystemic levels has been termed as 'intrasectionalism'. Discussion: Our research demonstrates how an intrasectional lens can help better understand how different forms of mutually reinforcing inequities exist at all levels within the healthcare workforce and how these impact HCWs from certain backgrounds who face greater disadvantage, discrimination and disempowerment, particularly during times of crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contact restrictions imposed during the COVID-19 pandemic have contributed to the rapid expansion of remote work. With this expansion, new opportunities arise for the typical migrant-sending countries in Central and Eastern Europe to remotely involve their diaspora in their labor market. The aim of this paper is, by using the case study of Latvia, to show the potential of cross-border remote work for alleviating human capital losses caused by emigration. We assess the main obstacles and necessary adjustments in taxes, social benefits, labor market regulation and other areas to facilitate the labor market transition and show what incentives the country can use to become a place of choice for performing remote work for the diaspora. Combining the perspectives of employers, employees and the government, this study sheds new light on the challenges and opportunities related to the rise of remote work for countries suffering from emigration. The comprehensive analysis builds on triangulating secondary data, analysis of policy documents, a survey of employers, as well as a survey and in-depth interviews with cross-border remote workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the extraterritorial processes of migration governance has developed a strong focus on immigration states’ externalisation management and the diaspora strategies of emigration states. In labour migration, the scholarship on migrant-sending states has largely focused on the systematic processes of recruitment and employment of migrant workers; in contrast, the question of how migrant workers are extraterritorially governed in return has received less attention, despite its importance for understanding migration governance beyond sending country jurisdiction. This paper contributes to this area of research by investigating how migrant workers are repatriated from host countries during disruptions. Using assemblage thinking as analytical lens, I consider repatriation as an extraterritorial, emergent process, shaped by the relations among state and non-state actors, material and technological resources, and the role of street-level actors. Focusing on the case of the Philippines, I draw from over 30 key informant interviews with repatriation actors to examine how the exit stage of the repatriation process is constructed, mobilised and negotiated for Filipino migrant workers, in ways that reveal the possibilities and challenges of migrant protection in host countries. The paper shows how assemblage and street level analysis can illuminate the different ways migration processes emerge amid disturbances in extraterritorial space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how emigration impacts fiscal gap of population-exporting region in the long term. We construct a general equilibrium model of emigration and fiscal gap and make empirical verification using two-step system GMM model. Among the major lessons from this work, five general and striking results are worth highlighting: (1) the economic losses of emigration are the immediate cause of widening the fiscal gap. (2) in the short and long term, emigration can expand the fiscal revenue gap through the superimposed effect of tax rate and tax base. (3) the gap in fiscal expenditure is widened by the outflow of people in the short term. However, local governments would change the strategy to keep the spending gap from widening in the long run. (4) a positive impact of emigration on the fiscal gap. the more severe population emigration, the larger the fiscal gap. (5) when the trend of emigration becomes irreversible, the subsequent efforts of local governments to expand fiscal expenditure for attraction population would not only fail to revive the regional economy, but aggravate the expansion of fiscal gap. The contribution of research is twofold. On the one hand, it fills the theoretical gap between emigration and fiscal gap because previous studies have paid little attention to the fiscal problems of local government of population outflow. On the other hand, the selection of Northeast China that has been subject to long-term out-of-population migration is good evidence to verify this theory, which is tested very well using the 2S-GMM model. The comprehensive discussion on the relationship between emigration and fiscal gap is helpful to guide those continuous population-exporting regions that are facing a huge fiscal gap how to solve the fiscal gap and unsustainability from the perspective of fiscal revenue and expenditure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill a lacuna in existing literature by adopting a feminist and intersectional framework and analysis to examine the experience of racism of individual Chinese residing in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), and to explicate how macro and meso-structural processes impact Chinese individuals and communities during COVID-19. We draw on data analysis from a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) funded research project, and focus our analysis of the experience of anti-Chinese racism before and during COVID on i) context of racialization and racism, i.e., geopolitics, Chinese culture and identity, and media representation; and ii) experiences of racialization and racism, in the form of stereotyping, microaggression, and verbal acts of racism. We demonstrate that anti-Chinese racism has persisted prior to COVID-19, however, the pandemic exacerbates precipitating racist ideologies, policies and practices, allowing them to manifest and proliferate. In particular, our paper elucidates how different forms of antiChinese racism interact with individuals’ intersectionalities (i.e., race, class, gender, age, ability, English/French fluency, immigration/citizenship status, etc.) to further complicate how individuals are differentially targeted and how they experience racism differently. As well, our paper illuminates how individual interviewees utilize their agency to devise strategies to deal with anti-Asian racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the number of asylum seekers grew, and flight stories became more complex, many Western governments deployed national research units, tasked with producing reliable Country of Origin Information (COI) to assist officials, judges and policy-makers in decision-making. Building on ethnographic research at Staatendokumentation, the COI unit at the Austrian Federal Office for Immigration and Asylum, the paper argues that country research practices can best be understood as 'tinkering' – e.g. making use of know-how, equipment, material sources at disposal to produce workable COI in conditions of uncertainty. The concept of tinkering is derived from science and technology studies (STS) and brings into view how the research professionals cobble together a workable version of reality with the methodologies and materials at hand. Moreover, it highlights how country research involves continuous modification and adjustments to satisfy the needs of the unwitting case officer as the end-user of COI reports. Finally, using insights from feminist science and technology studies, the paper shows how country experts foster care for some things – i.e. the workload of case officers – at the expense of others – i.e. the experience of the asylum seeker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The identification of migrants and the creation of data identities lies at the core of datafied forms of migration and border control. In recent years, Frontex has made identification to one of its key tasks and conducted so-called screenings in many EU member states. Yet only little is known about the screening materials in use. Based on an ethnographic inquiry of Frontex' data practices, this paper analyses Frontex booklets, dossiers, questionnaires, images, and forms and studies how they structure the situation of identification. Making use of research in science and technology studies and recent research on suspicion and credibility assessment, it argues that those materials not only compile information but work as socio-material devices of suspicion that render migrants into fraudsters and translate peoples' actions, stories, and performances into accounts of truthfulness or deceit. As devices, they frame cases, script interactions, code statements, create stigmata of belonging, and produce purified accounts, and thus enact multiple forms of suspicion. The paper concludes with a critical reflection about the credibility of those materials and speculates about how devices could be designed otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on oral histories of first-generation migrant women, this paper explores Chinese women's role in financing migrant households, mothering children and promoting the well-being of the British Chinese community after 1945. It argues that, with better educational attainment and wider participation in professional occupations Chinese migrant women played an increasingly essential yet unrecognised role in private and public lives. This paper expands knowledge of Chinese women's experiences in contemporary international migration and confirms the necessity of understanding migration through the lens of gender to reveal evolving gendered family roles within migrant households and migrant women's manifold but unrecognised merits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses whether the human capital levels embodied in immigrants can explain xenophobic trends for 126 regions in 14 EU-15 countries from 1998 to 2018. It tests if xenophobic regions may be rejecting immigrants because they are poor, a phenomenon recently defined as 'aporophobia'. The results indicate that larger inflows of low-educated immigrants working in low-skilled occupations are significantly correlated with a higher rejection of migrants, thus confirming the aporophobia hypothesis. The findings in this paper bring light to the discussion of a powerful concept which underpins the need for a more just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the history of contractual choice in coffee plantations of São Paulo, Brazil. It focuses on the consolidation of non‐captive labour markets in the early phases of the transition from slavery in the country, particularly in the 1840s–50s. Vis‐à‐vis the alternatives of fixed rents and fixed payments per time worked or piece rates, the paper examines the rationale for the adoption of sharecropping arrangements with European bonded labourers. New archival evidence suggests that sharecropping had no obvious productivity advantage over alternative labour–rental arrangements in this period, and that the adoption of sharecropping arrangements resulted from the positional advantage of its first proposers, who influenced later choices of contractual design. A credit‐labour tie‐up long outlived the original sharecropping arrangements, in turn allowing for the immigration of poor and credit‐constrained Europeans, paving the way to insert Brazil into the circuits of mass migration without promoting institutional reforms to attract non‐bonded immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how distanciation, understood as the active production of different forms of distance as a method of control, is used to manage people racialised and criminalised as migrants within the UK's hostile environment. Analysing different policies introduced under the hostile environment agenda, as well as the more recent New Plan for Immigration, we argue distanciation is a key tactic that shapes these policies and their implementation as well as offers us insight into changing forms of governing migration. Drawing on the analysis of a wide range of policy documents, the paper attends to different forms of distanciation used as a method of control within the UK's wider hostile environment and then presents the results of a case-study of how distanciation is mobilised within the English National Health Service, under the Migrant and Visitor Cost Recovery Programme in particular, which was introduced in 2014 to ensure the NHS receives 'a fair contribution' from people racialised as migrants. Addressing different forms of distanciation such as – spatial, legal and emotional – we argue that the lens of distance can offer insights into how detachment – increasing distance between different agents in immigration law and border enforcement is an intentional design to control empathy, solidarity and resistance. Tracing ways these forms of distanciation are designed into legislative and administrative measures helps us better understand how hostile environment policies work as well as locating agencies and possibilities of resistance within different spaces, agents and subjects of bordering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the dramatic evacuation from Kabul airport in August 2021, the UK government proclaimed its commitment to a 'warm welcome' for Afghans. In this paper we draw on original qualitative research to explore the emerging experiences of evacuees, and other recent arrivals, during their first year in London. Using the narratives of our Afghans participants, as well as insights from key stakeholders, we show how they navigated slow, opaque bureaucratic processes and lack of communication with official agencies. As a result of these lengthy processes, many thousands of evacuees remained in temporary hotel accommodation for protracted periods. Drawing on the concept of 'everyday bordering', we explore the extent to which Afghan resettlement policies are achieving their objectives. We consider how such policies are birthed within a punitive immigration system, which is designed to 'wear down' migrants in the UK, regardless of their reason for migration. Moreover, we argue that the ad hoc response of the Home Office and the Foreign Office has created 'false distinctions' between categories of Afghan refugees, reinforcing notions of 'deserving' versus 'underserving' migrants. This distinction allows the government to present itself as humanitarian, 'rescuing' people from Afghanistan, while simultaneously maintaining its commitment to the 'hostile immigration environment'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory paper sets the scene for the special issue on migration in the Western Balkan region. First, we briefly outline the background to the research networking initiative in the Western Balkans—'WB-MIGNET'—which resulted in producing the set of papers presented here. Then we describe the context in which the analysis of migration, return and development in the Western Balkans takes place, highlighting the role of diasporas and return migration. The region exemplifies a wide range and interrelation of migratory forms, including temporary and permanent labour migration, forced migration of refugees, temporary displacement, high-skilled migration and transit migration. Quite apart from the scale and diversity of migratory phenomena in this region, the special relevance of the Western Balkans rests on mass emigration, predominantly of educated young people, and their possible return, including to post-conflict areas, and role in the development of their home countries. Such processes within the Western Balkans also offer useful lessons for designing future migration policies in Europe and worldwide. The final section of this introductory paper summarizes the papers that follow and highlights their originality and key findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 21st century has become the epoch of the increasingly interconnected world that has faced the social integration caused by the migration, regional conflicts or natural disasters. As a result of the latter, different minority groups settled in new countries and made attempts at being incorporated into a mainstream society. The process of integration necessitated a rapid assimilation via giving newcomers the possibility of living and getting an education. As a result, many groups of multilingual learners appeared throughout the world. The paper deals with the innovative approaches to teaching English for Specific Purposes (ESP) via translation, heteroglossia, translanguaging as well as code-switching. It is based on eight years' experience gained at the Department of English Philology at Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University (TSU). The methodology is oriented to the multiethnic groups of students and considers the modern approaches to teaching the vocabulary, grammar and translation. The accent is put on the acquisition of the specialized terminology via labelling, plying between terminological units as well as corpus-based analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the legal rhythms and temporalities of migration on the specific temporalities of family life, under conditions of enforced temporariness. It apprehends enforced temporariness as a mode of governance infused with chronopolitics, which – by producing specific experiences of time – deprives migrants of the right/capacity to lead their family lives according to their plans and aspirations. Through a focus on highly qualified third-country nationals holding temporary visas in Belgium, it shows that these experiences of time result from the friction between the institutional timescale of administrative procedures and policies, and migrants' everyday and biographic timescales. Starting from the administrative timescales of highly-skilled migrants, the paper describes the existing Belgian migration legislation, with a focus on administrative procedures. It then explores the specific experiences of time those procedures generate, by highlighting different kinds of friction migrants experience as well as their effects. It presents some of the ways these migrants cope with them, and concludes by highlighting the fruitfulness of applying a friction lens to the study of intersecting timescales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Beykoz Akademi Dergisi is the property of Beykoz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper empirically investigates the impact of dominant religion and radical right-wing political views on social trust, using data taken from the World Values Survey on 60 countries over the period 2010-2014. To supplement the existing literature, we consider both religion and political views at the same regression equation, and relatively recent data to reflect terrorism and anti-immigration policies in recent years. It is found that people living in Asian countries where Buddhism, Confucianism, Hinduism, and Shintoism are the dominant religions trust others more than people living in Christian and Muslim countries. A plausible explanation is that Asian religions are closely related to the ethics of life regarding relations with neighbors, which may have a positive impact on trust among people. However, when classified according to the frequency of participation in prayer, it is observed that these religions may not have a distinctly discriminatory impact on social trust. The impact of radical right-wing political views on trust is negative and statistically significant, meaning that people with radical right-wing political views have a relatively lower social trust than others. The empirical results suggest that religion and political views influence trust and can be a factor in producing either harmony or division among people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the rise of antisemitism in contemporary Canada and explores some emerging social trends that may exacerbate and enable it. Specifically, the rise and maintenance of antisemitism in Canada may be, in part, due to the multifaceted diversification of the West known as super-diversity, as well as increasing political polarization. By examining super-diversity and its implications, this paper explores the connections between immigration and diversification, the growth of political polarization, and the rise in antisemitism across Canada. This paper argues how the aforementioned social trends may lead to the existence of more antisemitic manifestations and motivations in Canada. Of particular concern is the importation of certain anti-Israel and anti-Zionist biases found within populations arriving in Canada and coming from parts of the world where tensions with Israel are present. Additionally, political polarization heightens intergroup tensions in Canada and may foster a broader atmosphere of prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This descriptive paper is based on a desk review to unpack the opportunities and challenges that migrants face in constructing and maintaining meaningful lives in their transition and destination countries. The paper explores factors that affect inclusion and draws insights on the general and targeted support for migrants in their new environment. The findings show that migrants face challenges of being perceived deficient by most stakeholders in migration. Most strategies for inclusion do not factor migrants’ involvement and are often designed from the lens of the host governments and the organizations working with migrants. There is more focus on migrants’ experience in the destination countries than their experience during transition. It also emerged that migrants’ individual characteristics interact with factors in their new environment to affect inclusion. To achieve sustainable futures, the paper recommends interventions that focus on engagement of migrants as resourceful persons in development and enhance their opportunities for inclusion during transition and in the destination countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, one observes a surge in the number of city networks formed to address the welcoming and integration of immigrant populations. Drawing on a database of over sixty networks, the paper provides a global overview of their different types, scales and activities. Exploring the underlying factors explaining this worldwide expansion, it highlights two sets of congruent dynamics. This phenomenon has been elicited by the longue durée devolution to local authorities of powers and responsibilities pertaining to the management of immigrant populations on the one hand and the recent events of the 2015–2016 'migration crisis' on the other. It is also the outcome of the top-down influence of international organisations (including the European Union) and the bottom-up mobilisations of municipalities facing the growing contradictions between their welcoming responsibilities and security-oriented migration management. In the concluding section, the paper points to the challenges faced by international actors for the building of a 'glocal' migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focal point of this paper is a specific element in the domain of asylum policies, the Safe Country of Origin (SCO) policy. This asylum policy became integrated into the European Union's (EU) hard law in 2005 with the adoptation of Directive 2005/85/EC or Asylum Procedures Directive (APD). The SCO policy envisions a list of countries considered 'safe' and allows for asylum applications from those countries to be rendered 'unfounded'. The SCO list materialised as an effort to devise a more expeditious asylum procedure by fast-tracking the process for a distinctive group of claimants. Until the present day, reaching consensus on the definition of 'safe' and the content of a common EU SCO list has proven impossible. The purpose of this paper is to theorise and explain the absence of a pan-EU SCO list. As a dominant theory of regional integration (Hoffmann 1966, 1995; Milward 2000), Liberal intergovernmentalism (LI) will provide a complementary analytical framework offering insight into the process of making a supranational SCO list in order to underline the interactions between both Member States (MS) and the EU. This investigation will also discern a constellation of factors responsible for the current impasse. The paper argues that no consensus on a common EU SCO list was reached as MS arrived at the negotiation table with dissimilar migratory pressures, combined with the heterogenous procedural application of SCO in their respective national legislatures. What motivated states to push for negotiations on this policy was a desire to attract support for a restrictive and deterring asylum tool by incorporating it into EU hard law, allowing for almost immediate rejection of applicants from 'safe' countries and therefore reducing the pressure on asylum determination systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past decades, migration policies in Western societies have grown stricter by the day. As part of this retrenchment, migrants are required to pass language tests to gain access to human and democratic rights such as residency, family reunification, and citizenship, as well as to enter the labour market or higher education. The use of language tests to control migration and integration is not value neutral. The question discussed in this paper is whether those who develop language tests should strive to remain neutral, or, on the contrary, whether they have a moral and professional responsibility to take action when their tests are misused. In this paper, a case is made for the latter: arguing along the lines of critical language testing, we encourage professional language testers to take on a more active role in order to prevent harmful consequences of their tests. The paper introduces the concept language test activism (LTA) to underscore the importance of scholars taking a more active role for social justice, following the pathway of proponents of intellectual activism in related fields like sociology and linguistics. We argue that language testers have a special responsibility for justice and consequences, as these are integrated in the very concept of validity upon which modern language testing is based. A model of language test activism is presented and illustrated by real-life examples of language test activism in Norway and Italy showing that language test activism may need to take on different forms to be successful, depending on the context in which it takes place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study aims to contribute to our understanding of how second‐generation immigrants negotiate their multiple identities, and construct their feelings of belonging. We focus on second‐generation ethnic Kurds, a stateless ethnic group with a complex political and social history, who have seldom been investigated in a UK context. Drawing on data from interviews with 14 Kurds living in the UK, this paper outlines the tensions in Kurds' lived experiences of Kurdish and British identity; in particular, experiences of feeling "othered" and how this manifests in relation to their identities. We found that Kurds most commonly dealt with some of the tensions they experienced from not belonging or feeling like an "other" by constructing new identities with more permeable boundaries of belonging; in this study, this was achieved through a "place‐based" identity. In sum, this paper offers a novel contribution to discourses of belonging, by demonstrating how the nuances of belonging and its lived complexities manifest in the experiences of UK‐based second‐generation Kurds, and the resultant strategies that they adopt to navigate tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During migration, whether due to war, political conflict, or poverty, immigrants of turmoil carry their limited personal belongings, family items, and supportive objects in their luggage, bags, and, in some cases, chests to their new homes. Throughout this displacement, chests of migration are necessary and valuable witnesses via their materiality and they wait in their specific corners of houses dare to be contemplated. After the demanding journey, some immigrants continue to use both the chest itself and its contents at their new house in the target locations. In addition, used chests and their contents link immigrants to the journey and to the former location. The immigrants often choose to organize, decorate, and arrange their homes and rooms according to these chests and the items within. This rich mutual relationship between chest, immigrant, and house allows for multidimensional readings considering the spatial trajectories and narratives of migration. Moreover, the trialectic relationships of chest, immigrant, and their space within generate the arguments on the production of space in particular. In this paper, decoding of recent in-depth interviews, documentation of chest locations on each space, and revealing archival material of immigrant families in Ankara, Turkey, are systematized to illustrate the journey of emigration together with the particularities of chest keepers' attitudes and feelings. Additionally, inscriptions, contents, types, and paths of chest are unlocked on private and communal spaces of the Tatar community. This paper aims to uncover those implanted, profound, and engrained interactions on space of immigrant during expedition of chest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accompanied by public demands to reduce migration by creating perspectives 'at home', employability projects have become an important component of migration and development policies. While research has revealed the sedentarism underlying these policies and questioned the effectiveness thereof, more recent work has found that stakeholders are, in fact, aware of the potential increase of migration. However, contrary to analyses that hold that such interventions are carried out because they meet the different interests of both migration and development actors, this paper argues that migration and development interventions are mutually implicated. Examining European employability projects in Tunisia and drawing on interviews with representatives of donors and implementing organisations as well as policy documents, this paper argues that employability activities operate through twofold depoliticised logics. Whereas the focus on employability enables isolating migration from politicised debates across Europe, these interventions promote depoliticised logics of neoliberal selectivity. In centring skills in these interventions, some subjects are rendered employable for the Tunisian and, potentially, European labour market. Others, in turn, are excluded from the participation in migration and development due to a lack of sought-after skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper has two complementary objectives. First, it sustains an analysis of the concept of 'coloniality' that accounts for the epistemic imbalance in the modern world, demonstrating precisely how Africa is adversely affected, having been caught up in the throes of coloniality and its epistemic implications. Second – and complementarily – the paper attempts to bring this very concept of 'coloniality' into the discourse on Africa's emigration crisis, arguing that Africa's emigration crisis is traceable, inter alia, to the epistemic imbalance in the very structure of modernity. This imbalance results from the stifling of Africa's epistemic resources under Western epistemic hegemony. Epistemic coloniality, of course interacting with some material factors, creates a sufficient condition for emigration. It is further theorized that the apparent lack of epistemic will on the part of Africans to mobilize some surviving epistemic resources to address some problems on their own is also a function of coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is not uncommon for immigration-seekers to be actively involved in taking various language tests for immigration purposes. Given the large-scale and high-stakes nature those language tests possess, the validity issues (e.g., appropriate score-based interpretations and decisions) associated with them are of great importance as test scores may play a gate-keeping role in immigration. Though interest in investigating the validity of language tests for immigration purposes is becoming prevalent, there has to be a systematic review of the research foci and results of this body of research. To address this need, the current paper critically reviewed 11 validation studies on language assessment for immigration over the last two decades to identify what has been focused on and what has been overlooked in the empirical research and to discuss current research interests and future research trends. Assessment Use Argument (AUA) framework of Bachman and Palmer (2010), comprising four inferences (i.e., assessment records, interpretations, decisions, and consequences), was adopted to collect and examine evidence of test validity. Results showed the consequences inference received the most investigations focusing on immigration-seekers' and policymakers' perceptions on test consequences, while the decisions inference was the least probed stressing immigration-seekers' attitude towards the impartiality of decision-making. It is recommended that further studies could explore more kinds of stakeholders (e.g., test developers) in terms of their perceptions on the test and investigate more about the fairness of decision-making based on test scores. Additionally, the current AUA framework includes only positive and negative consequences that an assessment may engender but does not take compounded consequences into account. It is suggested that further research could enrich the framework. The paper sheds some light on the field of language assessment for immigration and brings about theoretical, practical, and political implications for different kinds of stakeholders (e.g., researchers, test developers, and policymakers). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The kafala system of migrant sponsorship prevalent in the Middle East has long been the subject of scholarly and public scrutiny, due to the high level of reported abuse of migrant workers. Prevalent analyses of the kafalaview it as a rentier system that offers economic opportunities for both non-national migrant workers and citizen sponsor-employers, despite the inherent structural asymmetries that bias the overall economic benefits towards the latter. However, the racialised incorporation of African and Asian migrant workers within the kafala is rarely considered in such analyses. Drawing on intersectional, critical race perspectives, this paper 'de-centres the white gaze' in the scholarship on race and migration by first, shifting the geographic locus outside Europe/America to analyse racialisation of migrant workers in the Middle East, and second, by drawing on scholars from the global South who theorise systematic humiliation as a manifestation of deeply unequal societies. The paper illuminates the operation of the kafala as a racially stratified occupational hierarchy of migrant workers that is legitimated by an hegemonic ideology and practices of degradation, diffused coercion and state enforcement. The paper also 'de-exceptionalises the Middle East' to argue that while these racialised hierarchies of difference in the kafala sustain and expand the possibilities of capitalist accumulation through the expropriation of migrant labour, they are not unique to the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial "Editors' showcase 2023: insights in cell adhesion and migration" published in Frontiers in Cell & Developmental Biology discusses the importance of cell adhesion for migration, focusing on both extracellular matrix and cell-to-cell adhesion. The research topic includes reviews and original research papers on various aspects of cell movement, such as cytoskeleton remodeling, molecular motor activity, and membrane trafficking. The editorial highlights the role of mechanotransduction, extracellular matrix, and molecular motor proteins in cell migration, providing insights into the complex mechanisms involved in this essential biological process. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses discourses and policies of citizenship and immigration in Croatia, with a special focus on marketization and culturalisation of citizenship. Along with many other Central and Eastern European states, Croatia is commonly studied as a model case of ethnonationalism. This study seeks to warn that in an ethnocentric state, there can also be other important notions of deservingness that structure one's route to membership today, showing us that we need to move beyond an exclusive focus on ethnonationalism. The paper explores how socioeconomic status and (ethno)cultural origin impact the ability of non-ethnics to claim and receive citizenship rights. The research focuses on two cultural groups: traditional immigrant populations coming from post-Yugoslav states and the new immigrant groups coming from countries in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration‐information campaigns informing potential migrants about the risks of the journey and the harsh life conditions in the destination countries have emerged as prominent tools of migration management in the last decades. Despite their growing importance, little is known about their local implementation in countries of transit and origin as well as their influence on potential migrants' perceptions and experiences. The central objective of this paper is to understand how migration‐information campaigns are implemented on a local scale and how they shape the perception and discourses of migration in the region. We pursue a multi‐scalar analysis of international migration management policies and their outcomes in a specific place and link them with local migration aspirations. The paper is based on qualitative empirical research carried out in Harar, a medium‐sized city in the Harari regional state of Ethiopia. Drawing on interviews with government officials, NGOs, city dwellers, and return migrants, as well as the analysis of policy documents and scientific literature, we show how the local implementation of migration‐information campaigns shapes the local perceptions and discourses on migration within which migration aspirations are embedded. We found that information campaigns did not take into account the complexity and multifaceted nature of local socioeconomic and political conditions which reflects the discrepancy between policy discourses at large and people's perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As the third-largest exporting country in the world, Germany is a clear beneficiary and proponent of free trade. Few, therefore, expected the magnitude of contention that emerged within Germany during the negotiations between the EU and the United States for a transatlantic trade deal (TTIP). This paper explores the politicisation process of TTIP within the context of the broader transformations of German politics including not only the entry of new issues and new players in the electoral and protest arenas but also the increased hybridisation of forms of protest. Theoretically, we draw on the 'Players and Arenas' framework to put forward a sequential, strategic interactionist approach to the unfolding process of politicisation, in which various types of players face dilemmas when interacting with each other over time. Applying this analytical framework to the politicisation of TTIP in Germany, we reveal previously overlooked players, interactions and dilemmas, while opening up multiple opportunities for empirical analysis of cases beyond this area. We show how the politicisation of TTIP brought about an important intensification of relations between Germany's protest and electoral arenas, and confronted all players involved with choices with long-lasting consequences for both mobilisation and coalition building dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the partition of India in 1947 was not only a humongous humanitarian crisis, which caused the death and migration of millions of people, but it had also been a historical development that gave birth to a 'crisis of history' in the earlypost colonial Punjab. For over a century, the history of Punjab had been aligned with the history of India (or Indian Subcontinent) under the British Raj in the 19th and early 20th century as an integral part of it. But the partition of India, divided the Punjab region into two halves, and with the formation of two nation-states, viz., India and Pakistan, a question appeared before the Punjabi historians of East Punjab: How do we write the history of premodern Punjab? This paper argues that amidst a tug-of-war between Indian and Pakistani historians on the custody of the Indus Valley Civilization, Punjabi historians got embroiled in the Punjabi Suba movement in the decades following India's partition, and as the fault-lines between the Hindu and Sikh Punjabis widened, two competing history writing trends appeared in East Punjab with an aim to define 'Punjab', 'Punjabi', and 'Sikh' identities. One trend located the roots of Punjab and Punjabi identities in India's ancient past, whereas another trend developed the Sikh-Punjabunison approach; it credited the Sikh Gurus and their Sikh followers for transforming Punjab into a distinct nation and Punjabi into a distinct nationality, and this trend thus endorsed the idea of Punjab as 'The Sikh Homeland'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration in general and the recent refugee crisis in particular are complex and much debated topics in European politics. Concurrently, education systems must operate under uncertain and unpredictable conditions. In this situation, migrant children become a group at particular educational risk of exclusion and marginalisation. This paper explores reflections of principals of schools with migrant students regarding how to navigate in those uncertainties related to how migrants are received in Denmark and whether current Danish policies on migration and integration affect the everyday practices in education. Thus, the paper looks at how problematisation and insecuritisation processes stemming from current immigration and integration policies in Denmark influence professionals' working conditions in the field of education. Drawing on methodological perspectives from narrative theory, a selection of five out of 15 interviews with school principals are analysed, focusing on their small stories about approaching the complex processes of risk production when providing education for migrant children. The conclusion drawn from the study is that immigration and integration policies that do not stem from the field of education still influence the field of education in a way that creates complex dilemmas for school professionals when navigating in the (co-)production of risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asian labour migration to the GCC States is a debt-financed migration in which labour diasporas mobilise resources from a variety of sources, often at exorbitant interest rates, to cover migration costs. In the event of the COVID pandemic, job losses and involuntary returns compound the problem of debt-financed migration, affecting the transnational livelihood of migrant families. This paper explores how the debt-financed migration shapes the transnational livelihood of Gulf labour diasporas amid the pandemic. Empirically, this paper draws on the experiences of 60 Gulf migrants from the Indian state of Bihar. This study reports that the families diversify their labour resources by joining Gulf labour market and migration generates remittances that provide improved livelihood for their families. Although unforeseen events such as the pandemic may delay migration episodes and thus mount the debt burden on migrants, migrants nevertheless find ways to join the Gulf labour market and erk out a trananational livelihood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite this being the era of migration, no systematic theory of international migration has emerged, nor is there an academic or political agreement on ways in which migration is a 'gendered' process. Both theoretically and as inputs in the policy‐making process, gender‐blind approaches have actually rendered the gender dimension of migration more or less invisible. Through an in‐depth examination of the place of gender in the key theories of migration and relevant sources of data, the paper seeks to take stock of how these theories treat this dimension and investigate the cross‐sectional challenges in uncovering gender in international migration data. It, therefore, provides a critical review of both theory and data by shedding much‐needed light on their neglect of the gender aspects. Our findings based on a conceptual review of the literature and a case study based on Eurostat data on migration drivers demonstrate that migration theories and statistics typically equate gender with sex, which limits our ability to develop a comprehensive understanding of how complex gender dimensions shape the migration process. Moreover, given the extent to which existing data and theories overlook the intersectionality between the drivers of migration and diversity within migrant groups, this gap in knowledge presents an obstacle to gender‐responsive migration governance. In light of this, the paper discusses priorities for 'gendering' international migration research. We argue that in addition to improving accuracy and coverage of sex‐disaggregated statistics on international migration, both regular and irregular, it is crucial to develop quantitative as well as qualitative indicators to monitor the gender dimension in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to shed light on the mobility of people and relics in the seventh century. It will show that Emperor Heraclius strategically designed his movements and those of his household, citizens, and officials, as well as those of relics within and beyond the borders of Byzantium, in order to consolidate the empire and his position in it. These movements also allowed Heraclius to associate himself effectively with Old Testament, antique, and Byzantine exemplary models of leadership. Overall, this look at mobility in terms of political ideology and propaganda provides a more nuanced understanding of imperial leadership in seventh‐century Byzantium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration has continued to escalate over the last three decades, creating a risk of brain drain in developing countries. This paper reviews the extent to which the use of tax instruments to address brain drain can be justified in developing economies with large populations. Furthermore, it explores and assesses tax policy options that may be undertaken to prevent the emigration of high-skilled individual, namely the Bhagwati tax proposal, exit tax, revenue sharing and tax incentives. Five things can be concluded from the assessment of several policy choices. First, there is no stand-alone tax policy that can optimally address brain drain, in the sense of reducing the number of high-skilled individuals who emigrate. Second, most policies put more focus on the element of fairness to compensate for the "loss" caused by the home country. Third, almost every available policy requires better coordination at the international level. Fourth, all policy options require closer collaboration with immigration agencies. Finally, each policy has the potential to produce unintended consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws from research conducted in Gurgaon, a city which has been transformed from agricultural hinterland to a bustling metropolis over the course of the past 30 years. The aim of this paper is to expand debates on the uneven geographies of urbanisation in India by reconsidering marginalised urban neighbourhoods as infrastructural nodes, wherein the complex and contested work of reproducing urban life is carried out. Extending scholarship on urban infrastructure, social reproduction and heterodox Marxist political economy, this paper highlights the subaltern processes decay and repair which underpin Gurgaon's rapid urbanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At times when migration and diversity are politically salient and controversially discussed, the rhetoric of staying 'as we are' is widespread. But how do 'we' actually change and how would 'we' know when it happens? Based on the premise that political communities are the products of narratives of peoplehood, this paper explores how such narratives evolve over time. It conceptualizes different modes of balancing narrative continuity and change. These modes – repetition, adaptation, and institutionalization – are illustrated with reference to evolving German narratives of peoplehood centring around (not) being a country of immigration. The paper argues that all modes lead to some degree of change in narratives of peoplehood. Against the backdrop of different understandings of the core of a narrative, it further discusses when such changes fundamentally affect who 'we' are. Overall, the paper invites scholars, policymakers, and citizens to think critically about the essential aspects of their political communities' narratives and to be aware of the stories that 'we' are told and that 'we' tell ourselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to a series of papers on sports history in the Australian context, is presented, with topics such as Italian post-war migration to Australia in line with two contrasting football codes and sport within communities in Aboriginal reserves established in Queensland in the colonial era.

The Syrian crisis began in 2011 in Daràa, near the southern-Syrian border, with the first refugees coming into Jordan thereafter. Over the course of the following years, nearly one million Syrian refugees migrated to Jordan and still reside there, some in the same areas in which they first settled. These settlement patterns are often portrayed in simplistic narratives of Syrian migration that emphasise mobility in a straightforward trajectory. This paper aims to unsettle such narratives by examining the role of Syrian family networks in mobility in Jordan's northern region, particularly in and between the cities of Mafraq and Irbid, as well as the Zaatari refugee camp. Based on mixed methods, this paper examines the network factors that made Jordan the country of preference and possibility for settlement, the family networks involved in domestic mobility within Jordan, and their influences on aspirations and worries about future movements. Ultimately, the paper finds that pre-crisis economic, social, and familial networks were often employed at key decision-making moments throughout Jordan in mobility trajectories. As time has progressed, however, Syrians in Jordan reported challenges to social capital in the form of mobility assistance from their long-standing family networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Erdkunde is the property of Universitaet Bonn, Geographisches Institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Migration is reputed to have development prospects for the sending and host countries as well as migrants. Therefore, an effective migration governance system must be put in place to achieve this triple-win developmental aspiration. This paper, however, argues that when they migrate, migrants have their own subjective well-being in mind, and not some common national development objectives. The other developmental outcomes depend on this self-interestedness of migrants. As such, the institutional provisions for migration governance must be put in place to achieve migrant well-being, as a precondition for positive macro-developmental prospects for both the receiving and sending countries. The paper explored this objective in South Africa. The Migration Governance Framework (MiGoF) and the subjective well-being framework proposed by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) were used to assess the assumptions of this objective. Reviewing literature of surveys conducted with immigrants in three cities (Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg), it was found that while South Africa has one of the most mature and developed migration governance infrastructure, it has not been sufficiently translated into realising migrant well-being. Despite all the attractive pull factors and opportunities, most immigrants in South Africa live in socio-economic misery and political uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]