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Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on recently declassified records to describe the origins of the 1957 Tripartite Intelligence Alerts Agreement. The agreement required the Governments of Canada, the United Kingdom (UK), and the United States (US) to inform each other in case they concluded that war was imminent in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization area. British and Canadian desires to influence any United States decision about nuclear weapons use provided the impetus for the agreement. Canada played a significant role in the diplomacy that led to the agreement. This suggests that Canada was a more important player in intelligence history than usually observed, and that parts of the US-UK 'Special Relationship' cannot be fully understood without attention to Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Political Science Review is the property of Canadian Political Science Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The common perception of a foreign service career emphasizes the role of high-ranking diplomats traveling the world to engage in the high politics of statecraft and negotiation. Critical geographic scholarship, however, has recently turned to examine the more mundane, quotidian, and regularized work of foreign policy professionals in consulates, embassies, and foreign ministries. This paper builds a historical and institutional understanding of the work of Canada's foreign service officers, examining how ideals, practices, and structures related to professionalism, elite status, expertise, and collective bargaining matter for articulating diplomats' self-identity, and how this shapes and is shaped by institutional change in the Canadian state. We look first at the changing "institutional culture" within the foreign service, especially how FSOs understand their work and its relationship to the foreign ministry as a workplace, and how this workplace has changed through institutional shifts in the departmental configuration housing the diplomatic corps. We then examine the role of the Professional Association of Foreign Service Officers (PAFSO), which represents and bargains on behalf of foreign service officers in Canada, in shaping Canadian foreign service officers' sense of themselves, their work, and their place in the Canadian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy and environmental diplomacy factors were a major, though often unrecognized, part of Canada-United States relations prior to the Cold War. Hydroelectricity was the most important of these factors, particularly power exported from the Canadian side of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence basin. The history of Canada-U.S. hydroelectricity relations, exports, and regulations offered here covers the key steps, institutions, and actors in the evolution of hydroelectricity geopolitics and governance regimes during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century. Most of the earliest large Canadian hydropower projects were built on or planned for border waters, which, after the creation of the 1909 Boundary Waters Treaty, required formal coordination with the United States. Over the following half-century, prospective power projects on border waters continued to dominate the diplomatic dialogue. Federal governments or agencies established broad export restrictions, altering them occasionally, but often subnational governments, special interests, and specific power projects played as large a role in shaping the power trade. The result was a constantly shifting political and regulatory context, albeit one that generally trended toward cooperation and reduced barriers to electricity integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the state of Russian-Canadian relations from 2014 to 2020, identifying areas where cooperation is still possible. Russian-Canadian bilateral relations are deeply affected by the crisis in Russia-West relations and are at their lowest point since the end of the Cold War. Despite the sanctions and accusatory rhetoric from politicians on both sides, 'niche cooperation' between the two countries is still possible in areas of common interest. Cooperation on non-political issues and the use of instruments of alternative diplomacy -- Track II diplomacy, para-diplomacy, business diplomacy, and parliamentary diplomacy -- are all workable approaches, with the potential for positive interactions during the crisis. One very promising area of cooperation is interaction in the Arctic region through bilateral and multilateral frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the diplomatic practices of non-state actors in the history of Canadian-Eastern Asian relations in order to theorize and show empirically how diplomacies make and can transform world orders. Analysing examples of trans-Pacific missionary, commercial and labour interactions from the late eighteenth century to the Second World War, the article points to how the diplomatic practices of non-state actors, often in everyday circumstances, enacted Canadian-Asian relations. They, in turn, constituted and challenged the hierarchical social relations of the European imperial world order that was linked with race, class, gender, civilization and culture -- hierarchies that conditioned patterns of thought and action, in that order. The analysis uses and further develops the concept of 'other diplomacies', as introduced by Beier and Wylie, to highlight the centrality to world orders of practices that have a diplomatic character, even when the actors involved do not represent states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of the History of Sport is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)