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In this article, I propose a return to Jacques Lacan, I develop a Lacanian discourse analysis (LDA) as one possible method in international relations and demonstrate its potential by sketching out the case of climate change policy within the European Union. Lacan's theory of the four discourses as conceptual "mind maps" informs a method of discourse analysis enabling researchers to empirically investigate how a hegemonic discourse can be challenged and potentially subverted. A Lacanian perspective emphasizes the "subject of the enunciation" and conceptualizes subjects as socially produced but lacking: Discourse provides an historicized socio-linguistic structure sustaining the subject's societal relations, but the speaking activity always produces a cut within subjectivity, which manifests as an excess-loss of meaning in the enunciation. Via the case study of the energy efficiency policy in the EU, I first illustrate how an LDA allows us to investigate climate knowledge and the authority of the discourse. Then, by looking at how energy efficiency is spoken in the enunciation, I expose the excess of meaning produced as an effect of language, which "fractures" the discourse. Finally, I show how to leverage on these produced fractures to assess the transformative and empowering potential of the observed discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of the Spanish legal system in terms of climate change legislation and the regulatory framework of the so-called energy transition. The configuration of the Spanish State as decentralised makes it necessary to allow the Autonomous Communities, as infra-state entities, to develop their own policy to fight climate change. The article thus explores the opportunity and advisability of adopting a multilevel model of relations between the State and the Autonomous Communities, in accordance with the European Union's climate neutrality requirements, and one that goes beyond the usual model of limited inter-administrative relations, based on the principle of coordination. First, the article deals with the basic State legislation on climate change and energy transition, with the aim of evidencing that the Autonomous Communities are necessary actors for the development and implementation of this framework. Second, it aims to provide an overview of what has been done so far by the Autonomous Communities. The article concludes with various reflections on the effectiveness of this decentralised model, insisting that its application is undeniable given that mitigation and adaptation actions have a territorial component that legitimises the intervention of infra-state entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study assesses the extent to which public health is integrated into European national and urban climate change adaptation policy and planning. We analyse national adaptation documents from the 27 European Union member states and interview city-level experts (n = 17) on the integration of three categories of adaptation efforts: general efforts to minimize health impacts related to climate change, targeted efforts to enhance resilience in health systems, and supportive efforts to foster the potential of the first two categories. At a national level, general efforts to address vector-borne diseases and heat-related illness are covered comprehensively, whereas efforts addressing several climate-related health risks are neglected (e.g. water-borne diseases, injuries from extreme weather and cardiopulmonary health) or overlooked (e.g. malnutrition and mental health). Targeted efforts to inform policy decisions, such as carrying out research, risk monitoring and assessments, are often described in detail, but efforts to manage day-to-day health care delivery and emergency situations receive little attention. At the urban level, health issues receive less attention in climate adaptation policy and planning. If health topics are included, they are often described as indirect benefits of adaptation efforts in other sectors and not perceived as the priority of the involved authorities. This effectively means that general and targeted efforts are the responsibility of other sectoral departments, while supportive efforts are the responsibility of the national government or external organizations. As a result, at an urban level, climate-related health system adaptation is not a policy aim in its own right, and many potentially high health risks are being ignored. In order for health risks to be better integrated into adaptation policy and planning, it is critical to interconnect national and urban levels, reduce sectoral thinking and welcome external expertize and facilitate large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators. We recommend focussing on cooperatively drafting strategies for integrating health issues into climate policy and planning with stakeholders at the national and urban levels, in different policy sectors and in society. Policy planners can build on the strengths of adaptation documents from other countries or cities and take note of any weaknesses. We advocate to foster co-benefits for health and climate action of various adaptation measures (e.g. by promoting active mobility and urban greenery, health impacts related to heat, (mental and physical) stress and air pollution are reduced). Large-scale data collection and sharing of health and climate indicators should be facilitated to support learning and pro-active decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European transition to green economy is based on long-term strategies. The Europe 2020 Strategy was launched in 2010 in order to promote smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth in the region. Later, the ambitions regarding this strategy were followed by the Green Deal and Sustainable Development Goals. Now, the effort of countries towards the green economy is even more relevant than ever because of the context of today's global energy crisis and economic uncertainty due to many challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic or Russia invasion of Ukraine. This paper seeks to assess the countries' achievements in seeking climate change and energy targets of the Europe 2020 Strategy by applying the innovative multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM) technique. The kernel-based comprehensive assessment (KerCA) method was applied for the calculations of the progress achieved and countries' rankings. It allows to evaluate countries' achievements and compare them using the mathematical models. The analysis of the national target implementation in the countries allows to determine the compliance of countries with their commitments and liability towards other countries and the European Union (EU). An analysis of the implementation of the strategy can serve as a guide to further develop climate change and energy policy in the region. Furthermore, the added value of the article is systematic overview of scientific studies proposing different methodologies for the analysis of target implementation at the whole region level. The novelty of this paper also relies on the approach, which considers not only the level of achievement of the target, but also assesses the excess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change, as well as the challenges that come with it, is one of the main issues in international and national politics today. Addressing the threats posed by climate change requires close cooperation at the international level and within each country, creating a dialogue between the political elite and society, thus promoting a common understanding and action across the European Union (EU). The aim of this research is to (1) identify what climate policy narratives are projected to the Latvian electorate (public) and (2) assess how these narratives are aligned with the EU-defined strategic climate policy narrative. The theoretical basis and methodological approach of the study is based on the concept of strategic narrative. It is assumed that the viability and impact of a strategic narrative is enhanced when there is coherence between all stages of the narrative life cycle (i.e., the EU level and the national policy level). The empirical basis of the study is based on the identification of the EU climate policy narrative in the sector's regulatory documents, as well as an analysis of the election programmes of Latvian political parties (the last European Parliament (2019) and parliamentary (2018) election programmes). The results show that the narrative that the Latvian public receives from its political elite through the European Parliament and the national pre-election programmes is significantly different from the EU strategic narrative on climate policy. Based on the theoretical concept of strategic narrative, it can be concluded that the observed dissimilarity of narratives does not stimulate the inclusion of the Latvian public in the common EU space of climate policy understanding and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aimed to present the research results on some environmental challenges and priorities of climate resilience. The research work was carried out in 2021 and referred to the analysis of the transcendence character corresponding to the environmental policies according to the strategic guidelines of recovery and resilience for sustainable development and green transition. Although sustainable development of the Romanian water sector has been approached in the past, the present paper has new research related to the water security and its role in building the climate resilience of agriculture and rural development in the European Union and our country. From a methodological view, there are used accumulations and outcomes from the specialty literature, from previous researches, the own data processing in figures and tables to describe some conceptual relationships, comparative analyses of the developmental state and the climatic vulnerability of the Romanian water infrastructure sector. The conclusions and recommendations highlight backlogs, needs and opportunities in the context of implementing the European Green Deal and the National Recovery and Resilience Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to protect energy security, the European Union (EU) has sought to persuade third states to accept its energy acquis, relying on a formed strategic narrative. However, the coherency of this strategic narrative, as the prerequisite for being well-received, has not been studied before. Considering the strategic narrative theory and applying the content analysis method, our research has indicated that the EU's narrative consists of five storylines, including geopolitics, the single energy market, and climate change, the last two of which have become increasingly accentuated over time. However, this strategic narrative suffers from two significant incoherencies, which lie between its storylines and also within the storyline. The results of our analyses indicate that both incoherencies originate from the securitisation of energy in the Union. This means that the effectiveness of the narrative formulated has been diminished, which is detrimental even to the EU's climate policy. This could suggest that de-politicisation of energy is required to reinforce the narrative and enable the EU to address the world with one voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the impact of climate change mitigation policies intended to reach the Paris Agreement's two-degree target on the structure of European labour markets. Employing a three-sector macro-econometric model with a rich labour market extension, we show that the measures targeted at shrinking the use of fossil fuels in electricity generation and the road transport sector – both of which have an overall modest, positive impact on GDP and total employment – could make occupational structure less unequal and polarised in 2030, the target deadline. This could occur in more than half of the European Union's member states, particularly where the industries most affected by the transition to a low-carbon economy (i.e., mining and quarrying, utilities and manufacturing of coke and refined petroleum products) remain most important. • Impact of climate change mitigation policies on the structure of European Labour markets. • Analysis of the effect on inequality and polarisation through the lens of a macro-econometric model and wage rankings. • Overall, European labour markets become slightly less unequal and polarised as a result of the green transition. • Relevant different across countries, with greater reductions in inequality and polarisation in those countries where the industries most affected by the ecological transition remain most important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Study visits are an underresearched phenomenon, particularly in the field of climate change adaptation. Drawing on interviews with key local stakeholders, this article investigates study visits organized by European municipal climate networks. The results of this exploratory research show that study visits about adaptation policies can (1) particularly stimulate conceptual learning, (2) increase the credibility of policies within municipal administrations, (3) be used as strategic instruments by mentor cities, (4) be more successful if the peer-cities are not too different (in terms of size, institutional context), and (5) under certain conditions, lead to policy adoption in a learning city. Future research needs to critically discuss the mass suitability of learning from frontrunner cities. Furthermore, a call is raised for more research and practical action on how to initiate and improve learning exchanges beyond the strict division between mentors and learners. Instead, the focus needs to be on mutual learning exchanges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution investigates how combinations of instruments, often called policy mixes, enhance policy learning processes at different levels. It analyzes the European Union's (EU) Covenant of Mayors (CoM) that is underpinned by a set of learning instruments, to promote local action for sustainable energy and climate. The piece offers an original framework to explore whether and how the Covenant enhances learning at the level of European institutions and among local governments. Drawing on an extensive documentary review and elite interviews in four countries (Germany, Italy, Poland and the UK), the analysis shows that the CoM instrument mix has enhanced certain elements of learning within the actors leading the Covenant as well as many of the local governments within and outside the EU, but only if certain conditions operate, such as political leadership, individual motivation and knowledge and regional coordination mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at reconstructing the history - since its inception until today - of climate change policy and legislation developed at a central/federal level in the European Union and the United States. The comparative-historical approach shows how the EU and US domestic climate change policy and law are intertwined with the development of the international climate change regime and how their actions as well as their omissions are strongly affecting the international arena. Despite the EU and US are now only two of the many actors seating at a global negotiation table they are still able to continue shaping the framework of this paramount debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate litigation is on the rise. The role that nongovernmental organizations play in its facilitation is reflective in the numerous cases that are being brought by them to the Courts. However, it is not always easy and the NGOs have to face legal challenges in matters such as those relating to standing requirements ('who may sue') and validity of their claims. The present article attempts to analyse the working environment of the NGOs by taking references from different jurisdictions, with a special emphasis on the climate policy framework of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of global warming in the Arctic region present a particular challenge for the European Union (EU), which seeks to profile itself as a leader in responding to climate change. Although the EU strives to prioritize climate protection, the Arctic region remains one of the EU’s major suppliers of energy, particularly oil and gas. The EU must thus strike a balance between climate change mitigation and adaptation, and energy security. The present article analyses the developments of the EU position in this field, particularly in light of the COP 21 negotiations, and the more recent 2016 Integrated European Union Policy for the Arctic. In doing so it seeks to explore to what extent the EU truly is fulfilling its own leadership aspirations in the field of climate change and energy in the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong political divide on climate change in the US general public, with Liberals and Democrats expressing greater belief in and concern about climate change than Conservatives and Republicans. Recent studies find a similar though less pronounced divide in other countries. Its leadership in international climate policy making warrants extending this line of research to the European Union (EU). The extent of a left–right ideological divide on climate change views is examined via Eurobarometer survey data on the publics of 25 EU countries before the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2009 ‘climategate’ controversy and COP-15 in Copenhagen, and an increase in organized climate change denial campaigns. Citizens on the left consistently reported stronger belief in climate change and support for action to mitigate it than did citizens on the right in 14 Western European countries. There was no such ideological divide in 11 former Communist countries, likely due to the low political salience of climate change and the differing meaning of left–right identification in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European Union has pioneered the adoption of binding greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets and measures to address the climate change challenge for more than a decade. Amongst them, the European Union Emissions Trading System plays a central role. This article addresses the evolution of European climate policies, from the first emission reduction targets that were assumed under the Kyoto Protocol to the recent adoption of the 2030 climate an energy framework. Due to its importance, special attention is paid to the European Union emissions trading system, an essential tool to meet these targets at regional level and a cornerstone of European climate policies, now working for more than ten years. In this context, the European Union emissions have significantly decreased, although the effort ahead is, without any doubt, still remarkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is widespread consensus that current climate policy for passenger transportation is insufficient to achieve significant emission reductions in line with global climate stabilization goals. This article consequently has a starting point in the notion of ‘path dependency’ ( Schwanen et al., 2011 ) and an observed ‘implementation gap’ ( Banister and Hickman, 2013 ), suggesting that significant mitigation policies for transport do not emerge in the European Union because of various interlinked ‘transport taboos’, i.e. barriers to the design, acceptance and implementation of such transport policies that remain unaddressed as they constitute political risk. The paper argues that without addressing transport taboos, such as highly unequal individual contributions to transport volumes and emissions, social inequality of planned market-based measures, the role of lobbyism, and the various social and psychological functions of mobility, it will remain difficult to achieve significant emission reductions in passenger transport. Yet, transport taboos remain largely ignored among EU policy makers because their discussion would violate ‘order’, i.e. harm specific interests within neoliberal governance structures and the societal foundations and structures of transport systems built on these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing climate changes necessitate an effective climate policy. The energy transition is now an important topic and problem, especially in Poland. (1) The undertaken analysis of the problem of energy transition is important for political, social and technological reasons. Political, because it shows the weakness of the implementation of Polish energy policy in regards to climate change. Social, because energy transition will bring about significant social changes in the largest industrial region of Poland. Technological, as the departure from fossil fuels requires the introduction of other sources of energy on a massive scale, for which Poland is not prepared. The aim of the study was to critically analyse the activities to date in the field of energy transition in Poland. The second goal of the analysis was an attempt to answer the question of whether the process of energy transition and achieving the goals set in the EU's European Green Deal are possible at all until 2050. (2) To achieve the goals, the system method and the decision-making method were primarily used. These methods allowed for an examination of the main determinants of the Polish energy transformation. (3) The main results include the confirmation, contrary to the announcements of the Polish government, that despite the adoption in Poland of the strategy "Poland's energy policy until 2040", the effective implementation of the energy transition before 2050 is not only very difficult, but may even be impossible to implement in the assumed time. This is due to political, economic, social and technological conditions. Coal energy is outdated, expensive and ineffective. Due to natural conditions, wind energy is not able to meet the energy demand of the industry. The development of nuclear energy is only in the planning phase. (4) To sum up, in the next thirty years, Poland will not be able to achieve the assumed effects of the energy transition, which is in contradiction with the official declaration of the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postulated efforts to limit adverse climate change (CC), increasing attention is paid to the development of distributed renewable energy (RE) that meets the needs of local communities on the spot. This article analyses the objectives, planned actions and performance indicators related to CC and RE, defined by national and local stakeholders in: (1) the national Rural Development Programme (RDP) 2014–2020 in Poland and (2) in the bottom-up Local Development Strategies (LDS) financed from RDP and using a Community-Led Local Development approach. The content analysis method was used. We found that the strategy documents considered, created in the years 2014–2015, paid relatively little attention to local actions related to CC and RE. Some educational activities related to adaptation and mitigation of CC were planned in 66% of LDS, while investment support for RE was planned only in 9% of the LDS. Traditional goals such as supporting local businesses and farmers, local cultural heritage and the development of human and social capital were seen as more important. The results of the analysis suggest a relatively low level of interest from rural-policy actors in Poland in implementing the climate-friendly objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy. This article contributes to understanding why Poland failed to meet the European 2020 RE development goals. These issues are discussed in the context of national and continental climate policy and problems of transformation to post-carbon society. • The European Union (EU) prioritises climate change (CC) mitigation actions. • The Rural Development Programme 2014–2020 in Poland disregarded EU aims related to CC. • In Poland, 66% of Local Development Strategies (LDS) planned CC educational actions. • Investment in Dispersed Renewable Energy (DRE) was planned in only 9% of LDS. • Development of DRE needs greater targeted support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]