Search

In the recent "National Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship" (2015), a selection of Canadian youth identified their vision for global citizenship education (GCE). The document articulates the Canadian youths' vision for global citizenship and outlines changes that need to be implemented in order for that vision to be achieved. Drawing on critiques of modernity and of liberal multiculturalism coming from postcolonial, decolonial, and feminist anti-racist scholarship, this article explores how young people imagine their positionalities as Canadian citizens and agents of change in the world. We aim to describe how the White Paper can be used both as a call for deepening critical engagements in education as well as a bridge for discussions of GCE in ways that move conversations into new realms. This paper is divided into four sections. In the first section, we analyse the 2015 White Paper, written collaboratively by Canadian students. It is the first document to focus exclusively on youth perceptions of what action is needed and what problems need to be addressed. We summarize the Canadian youths' articulation and understanding of GCE and identify the major themes addressed. The second section articulates the calls for action that the Canadian youth deem necessary for their vision of global citizenship. As they demand an emphasis on criticality in their formal education, we consider how we can listen to and respond to these calls. The third section presents a critical analysis of the document with a view to paving the way for collaborations to push discussions even further. The fourth section highlights how we can build on the White Paper to move discussions about GCE in new and different directions. We aim to address how the White Paper can be used to further the conversations in ways that explore how the youths' calls for actions can open up the possibilities for critical GCE.

The main objective of this study is to evaluate Citizenship Education (CE) literature through systematic bibliometric analysis. The science mapping method was conducted to analyze data. Because CE is also studied with the names of social studies and civic education in the literature, articles related to these topics were included in the study. 4029 articles and proceeding papers that were obtained from the WoS database were analyzed. As a result of the study, it was revealed that number of publications has been dramatically increased in recent years. Moreover, Theory and Research in Social Education Journal was found as the most relevant source in terms of number of publications about CE. Furthermore, the study conducted by Westheimer and Kahne in 2004 was determined as the most influential source that has the most citations per year in the field. Finally, it was found that USA and UK are the most productive, most cited, and most collaborative countries in terms of scientific publications.

Schools develop mission statements in part to communicate their purposes of schooling to internal and external audiences. The goal of this study is to employ text analytic techniques to analyze school mission statements. Focusing on Arizona and New Jersey's schools, we seek to understand: 1) what themes (topics) emerge from their mission statements, 2) whether local context (politics) and institutional factors (being a charter) mediate topic prevalence, and 3) how similar school mission statements are to one another overall and across select factors. Using structural topic modeling we find that five topics emerge as particularly prevalent, and they address key purposes within the US context related to social, academic, and civic development with an emphasis on a safe environment and a sense of community. Local political leanings have a minor impact on the prevalence of topics but being a charter has a distinct influence. Compared to regular schools, charters are more likely to include themes related to preparing for college, academic approaches, and character and family ties, but they place lower emphasis on community and citizenship themes. School missions display moderate levels of similarity, indicating that a common set vocabulary has permeated schools' missions, though differences remain, including between states. Overall, this study deepens our understanding of the varieties of schools' missions and reveals text analytic techniques are well suited for uncovering them.

Universities are more than institutions only conducting research and educating students in today's world. Changing conditions in the world show that there is a need for redefining the functions of universities. This is called the third mission of universities. Starting from this perspective, this study aims to examine, first, the missions of all state and private universities in Turkey within the framework of the "third mission," one of the most important priorities of universities today. The study results show that universities in Turkey adopted the third mission understanding to a certain extent, and particularly with the influence of the Council of Higher Education (CHE). However, they should do more related to the continuing education (CE), and, partially, to the social engagement (SE) dimensions. While many of the world's leading universities include concepts such as service-learning, public engagement, or outreach in their missions and programs in order to seek integration with the societies in which they exist and with all the stakeholders with whom they cooperate, collaborate, and conduct important related activities, it is a concern regarding Turkey's future that many universities (about 23%) did not even reflect the third mission understanding in their mission statements.

This paper aims to investigate how and to what extent 'critical' global citizenship is reflected in middle school English textbooks in Korea. Framed within Freire's concept of critical literacy, the study is concerned with analyzing the written texts in two English textbooks, with a focus on the issue of representations. Using critical content analysis, the research centers on unpacking how race, racism, or racialization, especially in the United States, is represented, and to what extent these representations may be associated with global citizenship education in English language learning. The major findings indicate a notable absence of sufficient sociohistorical and cultural contexts of race in the United States as presented in the concerned English textbooks. Based on the analysis, this paper calls for an expansion of the dimensions of critical global citizenship in English language learning settings, aiming to provide students with broader opportunities to question colonial discourse and challenge issues related to power and systemic oppression.

Mission statements and public statements of values are widely recognized as important for educational improvement, even if often ignored. The mission statements and supporting documents of Utah's 41 school districts were analyzed to locate prominent themes and significant omissions. An unexpected and disturbing neglect of democratic citizenship aims was found. Recognizing democracy is a complex educational ideal, the author argues for refocusing mission aims on the distinctive qualities of democracy as a way of life to be lived in schools by identifying for both modeling and practice across the curriculum the distinctive manners of democracy beginning with but moving beyond voice and listening.

This article examines the processes of youth engagement in an "invited space" for Canadian secondary school students. The organizers created a participatory citizenship education space in which Canadian students discussed their views and visions and developed their policy position on global citizenship and global citizenship education. The content and process of "The National Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship" (2015) demonstrated that youth have important policy knowledge and understand they live in a globalized world that includes unacceptable inequalities and oppressions. They also understand that, through acts of citizenship, these conditions can be changed. The article discusses how students were engaged in developing public opinion and working in the public sphere while developing the policy paper on the topic of global citizenship.

The paper is based on the concept of political culture, which is particularly important for the maintenance and functioning of a democratic political system and is closely linked with the political literacy of young people. In this paper research focus is on the two dimensions of political culture -- political values and trust. Specifically, the main research question is: what are the determinants of accepting constitutional values and the trust in political institutions of final year secondary school pupils? The paper use the data provided by research on political literacy of final year secondary school pupils. In order to provide answer to the research question the hierarchical multiple regression is used. In the first step, particular socio-demographic variables (sex, education of mother and education of father) were introduced. In the second step, the type of secondary school education was added. The third group of predictors encompassed the level of religiosity, generalized prejudices and authoritarianism. In the final step political knowledge was included. The introduced model provides certain explanation regarding constitutional values, but fails to explain distrust in political institutions. The phenomenon of low trust in political institutions is discussed in paper.

This paper explored the relationship between graffiti arts and civic education among young people in Nigeria. A mixed methods approach was employed to generate and synthesize empirical data. The study was guided by Barbara Rogoff's social constructivism theory. Findings indicated that graffiti arts and artists were present in Nigeria, driven by desires for self-expression, financial gain, and training opportunities sponsored by NGOs for up-and-coming artists. Writing styles varied, but drawing, mural painting, and styles uniquely African remained dominant. Despite the difficulty of acceptance of graffiti as an art form due to its earlier association with transgressive activities, its engagement as a method for emancipatory, participatory, cultural literacy, dialectical relations, and creative learning tools in both formal and informal settings demonstrated its educational-supportive capacity for young adults. The values that graffiti express can help reorient young adults in their thinking and social agency. To this end, this paper recommends rethinking the way we view and relate to graffiti arts and writers; incorporating graffiti art education into school curriculum reforms in Nigeria; and using an interactive approach, including new media, to understanding graffiti art produced and displayed by young adults.

As social and economic problems change, so do the goals of education reformers. This content analysis of presidential debates transcripts, state of the union addresses, and education budgets from 2000 to 2015 reveals the ways in which presidents and presidential candidates have framed education goals thus far in the twenty-first century. Using Labaree's (1997) framework of competing goals in American education, we found that democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility made their way into education discourse. Democratic equality occurred most frequently, followed by social efficiency, then social mobility. Presidents also used these goals in concert, applying symbolic language of equity to promote education policy initiatives framed as bolstering economic growth, America's global competitiveness, and the opportunity for individuals to achieve the American Dream. Implications for federal education policy trends and frameworks for understanding the education goals of U.S. presidents in the 21st century are discussed.

Human rights education (HRE) has been recognised in international educational discourses as a sustainable practice to develop active citizenship and protect human dignity. However, such education has not been fully explored in a broader political context. In addition to contributing to empowering citizens to resist human rights violations, HRE plays several roles in society, contributing to both national identity and international image-building. The article explores possible relations between national identity construction, foreign policy and HRE in Norway through the following research question: "What interplay occurs between Norwegian foreign policy and national identity in relation to human rights, and, within this context, what is the role of HRE?" The article presents a qualitative analysis of Norwegian policy documents and reports, arguing that HRE is a component of Norwegian national identity as well as political currency in foreign relations.

Purpose: In 2017, the Government of Québec made a high school financial education course compulsory. Anchored in the social studies, it tackles themes like consumer rights, savings, and employment. This paper strives to understand the types of citizenship education they promote. Design/methodology/approach: Our research is based on a content analysis of Québec's financial education curriculum and its textbooks. Findings: This paper reveals that Ministry approved educational materials focus on issues of personal finance and information retrieval tasks at the expense of a critical approach and tasks of a higher intellectual value. Québec's financial education materials therefore seems to foster personally responsible citizens. Research limitations/implications: To understand the use teachers and students make of financial education materials, we must now conduct individual and group interviews with teachers and students, but mostly authentic classroom observations.

Purpose: This paper aims to trace how Asian American girls engaged with civic learning in a virtual out-of-school literacy community featuring a curriculum of diverse literary texts. Design/methodology/approach: The researcher used practitioner inquiry to construct a virtual literacy education community dedicated to the civic learning of Asian American girls. Findings: The paper explores how participants mobilized critical practices of textual consumption and production rooted in their intersectional identities and embodied experiences to make meaning of the civic constraints and affordances of marginalized identities and to read and (re)design author choices for civic purposes. These findings -- examples of youths' critical civic meaning-making -- indicate how they claimed space for Asian American civic girlhoods in literacy education. Originality/value: This paper foregrounds how Asian American girls mobilize critical processes of text consumption and production to assert civic identities in literacy education -- a significantly under-examined topic in literacy studies. This work has implications for how literacy practitioners and scholars can prioritize Asian American civic girlhoods through pedagogy and research.

Events of recent years both in the United States and around the globe have highlighted the fragility of democracy. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has prompted educators to seek evidence-based civic engagement methods for helping students understand the invasion and its implications. This paper offers a set of recommendations on how to teach the war in Ukraine through the lens of civic engagement education. Over the years, a sizeable body of scholarship has developed addressing the critical role civic education plays in safeguarding democracy and producing effective pedagogical approaches for instilling democratic knowledge, skills, and dispositions. Using this scholarship as a starting point, this paper offers recommendations on how educators in a variety of settings and across disciplines might modify these civic learning models to address the war in Ukraine. Based on my experience as a scholar-practitioner-educator at an institute of politics focused primarily on American democracy, I also offer suggestions on how to integrate teaching the war in Ukraine using these practices to enhance appreciation of civic engagement and the role of the citizen.

Since 2015, UNESCO has developed a variety of programmes for preventing violent extremism through education (PVE-E), under the framework of Global Citizenship Education and Target 4.7 of Agenda 2030. There have been formal board decisions to promote PVE-E, regional and international conferences and three key publications: a Teacher's Guide (2016), a Guide for Policy-makers (2017), and a Youth-Led Guide (2017 and 2018). Through a discourse analysis of these key documents and a critical engagement with the institutional politics of UNESCO, the paper delineates the discursive constructs of PVE-E that are mobilised and sheds light on the under-researched politics of production that affect the nature of these texts. Taking a comparative perspective, the paper shows how PVE-E is represented within and between these different texts, exposes the normative values and ideological assumptions underpinning these representations and argues that we are ultimately witnessing a declining legitimacy of UNESCO's normative power.

This paper discusses how Bernsteinian concepts ('pedagogic rights', 'discursive gaps' and 'pedagogic code') from the field of sociology of education can be used as didactic tools to illuminate how different ways of organising teaching in VET has implications for citizenship preparation. The paper is based on results from a five-year research project investigating the extent and nature of learning processes that can be characterised as civic education in Swedish VET. Results from the project show how VET often contributes to social reproduction through provision of class-, gender-, and ethnicity-based access to knowledge with different powers to students. However, we also identified many variations in the VET-contexts studied. In the paper at hand, examples of when and how students got access to different types of knowledge through different ways of organising teaching, and how different ways of teaching prevented or promoted different types of questions with implications for the kind of citizenship preparation the students were offered, is discussed. Our hope is that these discussions contribute to a conversation on how to make a language accessible to VET-teachers that is helpful to problematise and plan their teaching to offer greater access to an active citizenship for students in vocational programmes.

Using Chinese language teaching in an engineering department as an example, this paper explores how language teaching can meet the challenges of globalisation and the advancement of technology by fulfilling its educational function as described in Byram's model of intercultural communicative competence. By adapting theories and practices from counselling psychology, the proposed curriculum focuses on emotions to help learners uncover emotional barriers that arise when confronted with differences. It will support learners in raising awareness and developing their capacity to negotiate differences, leading to more effective cooperation with others. The paper discusses the use of experiential exercises in the classroom. They include those developed in Chinese language pedagogy, namely the performed culture approach and those developed in humanistic psychotherapy, such as body psychotherapy. The aim is to help learners notice their own feelings, attitudes, and behaviour as well as the otherness of the other in the classroom. This approach is powerful because it is in the here and now. It utilises movements and different senses as well as cognition. It helps uncover barriers to intercultural communication hidden under the surface by making the unconscious conscious. Reflection is a key part of this process. Learners are expected to reflect on their own thinking and feelings and to make sense of the dynamics in the classroom. Learners are expected to develop reflexivity, subjectivity and intersubjective awareness while acquiring linguistic competency and social cultural rules of use.

The study deals with the outdoor learning approach developed by Sreten Adžic (1856-1933), who is considered the founder of the outdoor learning movement in Serbia. He greatly influenced pedagogical practice as a primary-school teacher, professor, and teacher-training school manager. According to this approach, the term outdoor learning had two meanings: learning through exploring the local environment and staying outside the school building in green spaces during regular classes. This paper deals with the questions related to the theoretical and political foundations of that approach, its didactic characteristics, possible pedagogical, social, political and economic scope, and its position and role in the circulation of knowledge about the international context. The first part of the paper deals with the Pestalozzianism and socialism foundations of Adžic's practice at the beginning of his professional career. The second and third parts thematise outdoor learning as student-centred learning in an authentic context based on sense perception and students' self-activity. The local environment is interpreted as an educational object. This approach aimed to develop students' critical thinking and civic education. The fourth part presents the realisation of Adžic's project of outdoor classrooms as green spaces for learning and explains their pedagogical meaning. Key findings presented in the final part are those encouraging teachers to come outdoors contributed to rethinking the traditional teaching model and school education in giving a background for the new school movement, which was widely accepted in Yugoslavia between the two world wars.

At a time when there are renewed expressions of concern about how our societies are organised and the health of our democracies, this paper focuses on the role of education in a democracy. Informed by John Dewey's and Martin Buber's accounts of what it is to be educated, and Homi Bhabha's concept of third space work, the paper presents the case for a progressive education for democratic citizenship. Adopting an ethnologically-informed approach, the paper provides an in-depth look at two Catalan and two English schools, focussing on the ways in which they look to provide a democracy enabling education. The findings reveal how and why mutual cooperation, collaboration and dialogue in relationships are key elements in the modelling of an education for democratic citizenship.

What do pupils learn from bilingual interventions of civic education? This paper addresses this question by analyzing survey responses of 301 pupils who participated in a bilingual role-play about a televised debate on the 2022 French presidential election in French foreign language classes. The study shows, first, that the intervention significantly strengthened the specific interest in the election campaign. Second, both internal efficacy and subjective knowledge increased, as did, third, pupils' actual knowledge about the election. Fourth, it appears that the pupils were able to sharpen their understanding of French political culture. However, it should also be noted that all other constructs that can be attributed to intercultural learning did not experience any changes as a result of participation in the intervention. This is also true for participants' general interest in politics, basal and advanced participation intentions, and external efficacy. I identify subjective knowledge about the French presidential election, internal efficacy, advanced participation intentions, and pupils' cultural self-reflexivity as key drivers for strengthening intercultural understanding about the French political culture. Our paper concludes by discussing the limitations of the study and its implications for empirical research and practice in bilingual civic education.

Studies on digital rights in education have both gained attention and provided a framework for research, policy and practice in educational research within the field of educational technology. The potential benefits we appreciate in Internet use are inseparable from the maximum risks involved. Faced with this responsibility, individuals demand that their rights and freedoms be guaranteed in the digital environment according to their various roles as students, teachers, families or staff. This scoping review selects and analyses 54 theoretical and empirical studies from the last decade (2013-2023), identifying the main topics investigated as privacy protection in online environments, right to digital security or cybersecurity, and right to digital education. The review underscores the need to guide efforts towards digital education for citizens because the legal regulation of rights and responsibilities is necessary but insufficient. The paper also makes arguments about acceptance, limitations and implications for teacher training.

In this article, I pose the question of what constructs of 'global citizenship education' are being mobilized by key international actors. I undertake a comparative analysis of three key United Nations (UN) and United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) documents that have emerged in the past 5 years to frame the content and pedagogy of global citizenship education among member states and educational stakeholders. This comparison asks to what degree the documents' discursive constructions of 'the global', 'citizenship' and 'education' are transformative, and what they might contribute to an ongoing conversation on the aims of education. I suggest that it is important to reflect constructively on the values, assumptions and strategies of key actors who aim to provide answers for fundamental questions about the nature, purpose and applications of education for a wide array of local educational contexts, needs and conditions.