Search

This paper documents the influence of diaspora networks of highly-skilled individuals -- that is, inventors -- on international technological collaborations. Using gravity models, it studies the determinants of the internationalization of inventive activity between a group of industrialized countries and a sample of developing and emerging economies. The paper examines the influence exerted by skilled diasporas in fostering cross-country co-inventorship as well as R&D offshoring. The study finds a strong and robust relationship between inventor diasporas and different forms of international co-patenting. However, the effect decreases with the level of formality of the interactions. Interestingly, some of the most successful diasporas recently documented -- namely, Chinese and Indian ones -- do not govern the results.

The Caravan Sites Act 1968 imposed a duty on local authorities in the United Kingdom to provide sites for ‘gipsies’ (sic). Contradictory aims of active repression, enforced dependency and notional integration combined in a mode of dwelling invented and controlled by the state, but increasingly promoted, transformed and privatised by Travellers themselves. In a ruling in 2004 against the United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights found that local authority sites were ‘homes’ under Article Eight of the European Convention on Human Rights, and tantalisingly described the UK’s Traveller population as ‘nomadic in spirit if not in actual or constant practice’ ( Connors v. the United Kingdom , ECtHR 267, 2004, Press Release of the Registrar: 4). This paper explores the paradox of permanent temporariness imbedded in the relation between the UK Traveller site, the legal category of the gypsy, and the house of the post-war planning system. It argues that post-nomadic architectures and subjectivities radically challenge the public-private nexus of citizenship, property, and family objectified in the post-war ideal of the permanent house. In the house, as Engels (1948 [1891]) describes, political economy and the materiality of dwelling and family life collide, and the tension of contradictions eventually gives rise to new house forms and concomitant social relations. The paper draws on anthropological fieldwork in the UK and Ireland to revisit the house as a field of productive instability.

DIDOMI POLEITEIAN ROMAION. DIDOMI POLEITEIAN ROMAION. THE CONTENT AND THE EXTENT OF THE CITIZENSHIP GRANT IN THE ‘ CONSTITUTIO A NTONINIANA ’ Summary In orbe Romano qui sunt ex constitutione imperatoris Antonini cives Romani effecti sunt – the mode, in which Ulpianus described the constitutio Antoniniana , does not reflect the importance of this act, the act by which nearly all inhabitants of the Imperium Romanum were granted Roman citizenship. Actually, the edict of Caracalla, released in 212 CE, was a revolutionary one. Nonetheless, due to brevity of antic testimonia, and particularly to the meagre condition of the papyrus Giessensis 42 (which carries the Greek version of the constitutio ), numerous problems concerning the content and the extent of the citizenship grant remain yet unresolved. This paper aims at finding satisfactory answers to these questions. This attempt shall consist in a systematic analysis of the papyrus text read in the context of as many surviving sources as possible. A particular emphasis will be laid on the essence and the scope of the citizenship grant. This paper ignores, of necessity, several contextual questions, including those about the circumstances, motives and effects of the release. In fact, these problems are vast enough so as to be recognised separately.

What has remained of Israel’s tent encampments protest; what mark has it left on Israeli society and politics? This paper seeks to answer these two questions and to reflect on the “post-protest” protest. In reviewing the different accounts of the 2011 protest I propose to identify two political actors – the “hegemonic” and the “subaltern” – taking part in an agonic game which destabilized the neoliberal order. Central to the analysis is an activist group – The Not NiceTrans.: The Not Nice invokes an utterance attributed to the then Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir labeling the Mizrahi social protest leaders of the early 1970s as “Not Nice.” There is however a distinction in the Hebrew language between Female and Male voice and the activist group here was self-labeled Lo Nekhmadim-Lo Nekhmadot, i.e. The Not Nice (m) – The Not Nice (f). To distinguish between the two we will use hereafter ‘Not-Nice’ to refer to the female-led splinter group and ‘The Not Nice’ to the group as a whole. (I am using The Not Nice and Not-Nice in their chronological content; Not-Nice became more prevalent since the split in the group leading to greater female predominance). – studied in consideration of its relations to the mainstream of the protest movement. The group’s activities and position challenge the conventional patterns of Israeli political discourse and its boundaries. It thus offers an opportunity to extend the discussion on citizenship and democracy beyond the liberal discourse and adopt the Radical Democracy theory as a conceptual framework to grasp present-day political reality.

In the twenty-first century, meeting our technological challenges demands educational excellence, a skilled populace that is ready for the critical challenges society faces. There is widespread consensus, however, that education systems are failing to adequately prepare all students with the essential twenty-first century knowledge and skills necessary to succeed in life, career, and citizenship. The purpose of this paper is to understand how twenty-first century knowledge and skills can be appropriately embedded in engineering education finalised to innovative product development by using additive manufacturing (AM). The study designs a learning model by which to achieve effective AM education to address the requirements of twenty-first century and to offer students the occasion to experiment with STEM (Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) concepts. The study is conducted using the quality function deployment (QFD) methodology.

Two weeks ago, the IRS published the latest quarterly notice pursuant to § 6039G. In plain English, the § 6039G list is a list of individuals that expatriated during the quarter preceding publication (here, the second quarter of 2016). For readers that are new to the world of U.S. taxation, the first shock may be that § 6039G even exists. To be clear, since late 1996 the United States has purported to publish the name of every individual losing citizenship. This paper examines why.

Employee engagement is a workplace tactic thought-out by the companies to make definite that employees are committed to their organisation's goals and principles, motivated to pay out for organisational success by enriching their perceptiveness of happiness. It highlights the extent to which employee's emotional and intellectual commitment exists concurrently for achieving the work, mission and vision of the organisation. In short, it is an optimistic outlook and a strong emotional tie held by the employees towards the organisation and its values which progress into organisation-citizenship behaviour. It is due to this that gauging the engagement levels of the employees has become necessary for the organisations. In the above framework, the paper focuses on understanding the effectiveness of employee-engagement activities of the one of the India's leading oil companies. The main focus of the study was to find out the effectiveness of current employee-engagement activities carried out by the company for its employees in order to gauge the areas in which the company needs to focus in the future to improve the citizenship behaviour of the employees hence ensuring efficiency and innovativeness from the employees.

A tanulmany a maltai allampolgarsag-arusitasi ugy kapcsan azt a kerdest jarja korul, vajon mennyiben es milyen jogelvek menten korlatozhato az Unio tagallamainak kizarolagos jogkore az allampolgarsagi ugyek szabalyozasara. A maltai torvenymodositas es az azzal bevezetni kivant befektetői allampolgarsag program eredeti formajaban biztositotta volna, hogy barki maltai – kovetkezeskepp unios – allampolgarra valhat, aki egy tekintelyesebb osszeget a maltai allamnak adomanyoz, vagy ott befektet. A maltai program kapcsan az EU sikeresen szolt bele a szabalyozas fontos reszleteibe, megkovetelve tobbek kozt a tenyleges tartozkodasi kriterium bevezeteset a gyorsitott honositas feltetelekent. A sikeres intervencio azonban tovabbi kerdesekhez vezet, peldaul hogy mi a helyzet azokkal az orszagokkal, melyekben hasonlo programok vannak hatalyban, illetve hogy az Unio erveleseben megjelenő jogelvek, igy a tenyleges kapcsolat elvarasa nem fordithatok-e ki, es hasznalhatok fel bizonyos csoportoknak az allampolgarok koreből valo kizarasara. This paper examines the Maltese citizenship-for-sale affair and its relevance for current and future configurations of citizenship of the EU. The affair has revealed the increasing relevance of a set of European and international legal principles limiting member states’ discretion over citizenship matters. The affair has placed at the forefront the EU general principle of sincere cooperation in nationality matters. Member states’ actions in the citizenship domain cannot negatively affect in substance the concept and freedoms of European citizenship. That notwithstanding, the European institutions’ insistence on the need for Maltese nationality law to require a ‘genuine link’ in the form of an effective residence criteria for any rich applicants to benefit from the fast-track naturalisation poses a fundamental dilemma from the angle of Union citizenship: what is this genuine link really about? It is argued that by supporting the ‘real connections’ as the most relevant standard, the European institutions may be paradoxically fuelling nationalistic misuses by member states of the ‘genuine link’ as a way to justify restrictive integration policies on the acquisition of nationality.