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This paper examines the links between tariff protection and wage protection. These two areas of regulation were linked politically by a coalition of the Protectionist Party and the Labour Party which supported both policies together. In the regulatory systems themselves there were links through New Protection Policy and the major influence it had on the hugely important Harvester Judgment of the Court of Conciliation and Arbitration. By 1910, these developments had laid down the foundations of Australian tariff policy and labour market regulation which became among the most highly regulated markets in the non-communist world for many decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The Australian Radical Education Group (RED G) was created in June 1976, which in turn launched a magazine for radical(ising) teachers, the Radical Education Dossier (RED), that would be published for the next 30 years. The purpose of this paper is to characterise the emergence and first phase of RED’s publication up to its name change in 1984. Design/methodology/approach – The authors draw on interviews with key members of the magazine’s editorial collective, and a review of RED’s contents, to identify the major political ambitions as manifest in RED in historical context. The authors contextualise this radical education project in the post-1968 world context of social and political upheaval, rejecting the Cold War options of either Soviet style Communist or US-based capitalist pathways. Findings – In this context RED generated powerful critiques of dominant educational policy in multiple areas. The critique was part of a project to promote a socialist understanding of mass education, and to promote the transformation of Australian society towards socialism. The authors argue that the debates and struggles within RED in this period, seeking to define and advance a socialist educational project, reflected a broad and consistent critique of progressive educational reforms, rooted in its radical political foundations. Originality/value – This paper provides an historical review of a 30-year radical education publishing initiative in Australia, about which no accounts have been published. It connects directly with contemporary educational issues, and offers insights for interviews with those directly involved in the historical project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly mediatised policy processes influence practice in schools as education becomes a site of parental anxiety and choice exacerbated by standardised national assessment and ranking of schools in the media. This paper analyses the responses to media scrutiny of six principals whose schools’ national test results were reported in the Australian press following the release of the federal Labour Government’s MySchool website in 2010. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of social fields, the concept of cross-field effects, and associated research on mediatisation, the evidence suggests that the relationships between the press, education policy and schools are highly contested, and that principals have some agency in talking back regarding their school’s reported ‘performance’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most widely-endorsed norms in Australian politics is the requirement for bipartisanship in the management of defence and security policy. This norm is assumed to lead to good policy creation, foster political unity, and protect those who implement national policy (particularly the military). The paper argues that evidence for all three of these claims is overstated. In addition, the effects of the norm are often counter-productive and even harmful to the conduct and management of Australian policy. The paper concludes by arguing that the norm of bipartisanship for Australian defence and security policy should be abandoned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effect Australia's 'Medevac' legislation had on the way refugees were depicted by the Liberal-National Coalition and Australian Labor Party in their debate about immigration detention and border security. I argue that by enabling medical evacuations for people detained offshore, Medevac shifted debate about refugees and border security into the realm of the biomedical. I maintain this resulted in the biopolitical production of the figure of the malingering refugee, who falsifies illness to cross the border. While both parties produced this pejorative category, what distinguished them was the degree to which they believed malingering applicants could be rendered ' known ' via the medical border. For the ALP, Medevac could recruit the purported 'objectivity' of biomedicine, such that malingering applicants could be identified, and border security thereby supposedly maintained. Conversely, for the LNP, no such guarantee could be established, meaning for them, Medevac rendered the border and therefore the nation vulnerable to malingering applicants. Despite their differences, I argue both parties articulated the figure of the malingering refugee for similar nationalistic purposes. Namely, to justify the violence of the Australian border protection regime, while nevertheless simultaneously depicting themselves and the nation as fundamentally 'good': not in spite of, but because of their harsh border policing practices. In concluding, this article considers the applicability of its analysis both to the contemporary Australian context and abroad, such as the United States and UK, where similar border protection policies and discourses have emerged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour governments around the world are struggling to renew labour and social democratic values in the modern era. The South Australian Labor government, led by Mike Rann (2002-11), presents a striking case of a labour government that pursued a renewal of social democracy. By offering a critical examination of the ideological contours of the Rann Government, this paper contributes to wider debates about the flux of social democracy. In Australia, debates about Labor's identity tend to focus on the federal rather than state level, which this article seeks, in part, to redress. The Rann government's economic and social inclusion policies are examined and compared with its South Australian historical forebears, and the Rann government is located within the various labour 'traditions'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the politics of telecommunications reform between 1967 and 1972, during which time Labor developed a new policy approach that included committing to reconstitute the Postmaster-General's Department as a relatively independent statutory authority. This represented the first serious attempt to reconcile the conflicting objectives of Australian policy: to provide affordable universal services by a government department expected to operate as a 'business-like' enterprise, and ended the political consensus about how national telecommunications should be delivered. The paper contrasts Labor's policy with the Liberal-Country government's more incremental approach; and highlights a significant public policy shift that has received insufficient attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of ‘compacts’ between government and the ‘third’ or ‘not-for-profit’ sector is intimately linked to the comprehensive transformation of the welfare state. The first compacts in the United Kingdom in 1998 spawned similar policy instruments in other jurisdictions, including Australia. In 2006 the Labor opposition led by Kevin Rudd undertook to repair a ‘broken’ relationship between the federal government and the not-for-profit sector. The National Compact, launched in March 2010, was an initial step in a bumpy policy journey. Prime Minister Rudd was replaced in June 2010 by Julia Gillard, who portrayed the National Compact as the ‘foundation stone’ of a broader reform agenda. Although dogged by political instability, Gillard pursued ground-breaking reforms in the not-for-profit policy space. These reforms are now threatened with repeal by the Coalition government elected in 2013. This paper attempts to explain why Labor's reform agenda appears set to unravel. 政府与“第三”即“非盈利”部门之间的协定，与福利国家的综合转型密切相关。自1998年英国出现首个协定以来，类似的政策工具在其他地界像澳大利亚便如雨后春笋。2006年陆克文领导的工党反对派修补了联邦政府与非盈利部门之间破损的关系。2010年启动的国家协定在磕磕绊绊的政策旅行中迈出了第一步。2010年6月陆克文总理卸任，茱莉亚杰拉德接任，她将国家协定描绘成广泛改革议程的“基石”。尽管困于政治动荡，杰拉德还是在非盈利政策空间里进行了开拓性改革。这些改革有可能被2013年当选的联盟党政府所废除。本文探讨了工党的改革计划为什么会开始瓦解。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The election of an Australian Labor Government in Australia in 2007 saw 'social inclusion' emerge as the official and overarching social policy agenda. Being 'included' was subsequently defined by the ALP Government as being able to 'have the resources, opportunities and capabilities needed to learn, work, engage and have a voice'. Various researchers in Australia demonstrated an interest in social inclusion, as it enabled them to construct a multi-dimensional framework for measuring disadvantage. This research program resulted in various forms of statistical modelling based on some agreement about what it means to be included in society. The multi-dimensional approach taken by academic researchers, however, did not necessarily translate to a new model of social policy development or implementation. We argue that, similar to the experience of the UK, Australia's social inclusion policy agenda was for the most part narrowly and individually defined by politicians and policy makers, particularly in terms of equating being employed with being included. We conclude with discussion about the need to strengthen the social inclusion framework by adopting an understanding of social inequality and social justice that is more relational and less categorical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the organisation of the state industrial undertakings carried out in Australia by the state government of New South Wales, and to analyse the reasons behind their privatisation in the 1920s and 1930s. The privatisation of government-owned enterprises has occurred in a number of countries in recent years (including Australia) and a number of alternative explanations have been given for this occurring. The privatisations of the New South Wales Government in the 1920s and 1930s were driven mainly by budgetary concerns and therefore look similar in character (if not in scale) to some of those undertaken in Australia during the 1990s and 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Interest in women's labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party's unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the 'future of work' in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the lead-up to the 2019 Federal Election the Australian Labor Party proposed, inter alia, to cap the cost of managing tax affairs deduction at $3,000. While there was much commentary in relation to this particular deduction from politicians and even more backlash from practitioners on the proposed capping of this deduction, there remains a dearth of academic research in this area - both in the Australian context and abroad. This article explores and extends the literature on the use and value of the cost of managing tax affairs deduction, and the usage and benefits of tax advisory services more broadly, with a focus on the under-explored High Wealth Individuals (HWIs) segment, by providing the perspective gleaned from a survey of senior tax professionals in Australia. It finds that a cap on the cost of managing tax affairs deduction would be unlikely to yield its intended policy outcome, in part due to the interchangeability in practice between advisors' use of personal income tax deductions and corporate income tax deductions for some client segments, including HWIs. It further finds that capping the cost of managing tax affairs deduction would likely have an undesirable effect compared to what was originally intended. Overall, this research presents evidence-based and practitioner-led policy recommendations for reform of the cost of managing tax affairs deduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the scholarship on negative campaigning, revealing the important dynamics of party and media messaging and its subsequent effects on issue salience and vote choice. Using a large-scale dataset combined with content analysis of media coverage and party press releases, we offer an innovative methodology that provides evidence showing the effect of a prominent negative campaign ("Mediscare") launched by the centre-left Australian Labor Party during Australia's 2016 federal election. We find political elites can influence what voters are paying attention to and, when issue salience is high, this can influence vote choice. We find Labor's "Mediscare" had two main effects. It significantly raised the issue salience of healthcare with voters, and it had an impact on vote choice, particularly in marginal electorates. The scare campaign providing a reinforcement effect for Labor, arresting declining support for the party that was evident prior to the commencement of the negative campaign. We conclude that under the circumstances of high public awareness, "issue ownership" and compulsory voting, this negative campaign was effective in shaping the 2016 electoral outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the policy discourse of Australian right-wing governments, exploring how such governments have combined neo-liberal economic policies with social conservatism, populism, cultural nationalism and forms of authoritarianism. It also examines the resulting response of social democratic political parties. As a predominantly Western country situated in the Asia-Pacific region, Australian experience offers interesting insights into the domestic politics of right-wing governments facing the changing geo-political and geo-economic imperatives of the "Asian Century." Conservative Australian governments have reasserted traditional Anglo-centric national identity and used competition from key Asian countries to further justify market-driven policies, reduced welfare benefits and reduced industrial relations standards. The social democratic Australian Labor Party has responded to right-wing government policy by placing an increased emphasis on challenging social and economic inequality. However, Labor's own plans for equitable economic growth potentially underestimate the challenges posed by the intermeshing of the Australian and Asian economies and provide insights into the dilemmas that a changing geo-economics poses for Western social democracy more broadly. Meanwhile Australian conservatism is facing not just challenges from its social democratic opponent but also from farright populist forces critical of globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Commonwealth Labor government’s introduction of a program of mass immigration after the Second World War was a pivotal moment in the nation’s history. The program itself and the experiences of those who settled in Australia have been studied closely by historians and social scientists. Less attention has been given to the fact that the postwar policy represented a transformation of Labor’s traditional attitude to immigration. Since its foundation in the 1890s, the Australian Labor Party had been suspicious of immigration and opposed to programs of assisted immigration on the basis that migrant labour threatened the wages and conditions of Australian workers. This article traces Labor’s attitudes to migration before the Second World War and shows how economic and security exigencies compelled the party to repudiate its decades-long opposition to assisted immigration. The article suggests that the reason that the postwar immigration program does not receive greater prominence in histories of the Labor Party is because the policy and its chief architect, Arthur Calwell, are diminished by their association with the White Australia policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the case study of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) from December 2006 to October 2013. During this period the party fought three federal elections. In 2007 they won government after 11 years in opposition. In 2010 they were required to form a minority government to stay in power and in 2013 they were comprehensively defeated. Beneath the surface though, party leaders were able to exercise agency to stretch their influence beyond their prescribed authority and to contribute directly to unexpected structural reform in the party. Altering the way the party leader was selected had up to this point been resisted by Australia’s major parties. This article will explore the context in which this period of stretch and reform occurred and will compare the ALP case to the pre-existing literature on institutional stretch and expansion of the leadership selectorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses several political developments in the Australian state of Queensland between July 2015 and December 2015. Voters' attitudes are addressed in relation to scandals, conflicts, and the Premier of Queensland Annastacia Palaszczuk. The unemployment rate in Queensland is examined, as well as the Australian Labor Party and a controversy involving the Indian-based Adani coal mine in Central Queensland's Galilee Basin region. Queensland's budget is assessed.

In 1975 the Whitlam Labor government invited Professor Jean Martin, then Australia’s leading sociologist of migration, to conduct a five-year study of the settlement experience of the first refugees from Vietnam. She had barely begun the study when the incoming Fraser government terminated its funding. Drawing on internal government documents, this article tells the inside story of that decision. The fate of the project became intertwined with the dismissal of the Whitlam government, but the links were indirect. Archival sources show state actors raising concerns about academic autonomy, the utility of academic research for public policy, and independence of academic publication. The social science of the period saw research as a public good, generating knowledge at once for its own sake and for application in public life. The withdrawal of Martin’s funding marks the end of an era when Australian social scientists could see research collaboration with government as unproblematic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information regarding the political behavior and demographic of the participants of the "March in August" (MiA) March Australia protest held in Sydney, New South Wales on August 2014. Topics discussed include the role of media policy in mobilisation in the state, the changes occurred in the government of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Liberal-National Coalition in September 2013, and the use of social media by participants as a mobilising tool for protest.

Since its formation in 1913, the Western Australian branch of the National Party has faced many challenges to its survival. Electoral reform removing rural malapportionment in 2005 prompted changes in strategic direction, including abandoning coalition with the Liberal Party and creating a discrete image, branding and policy approach. Holding the balance of power after the 2008 election, the party adopted a post-election bargaining strategy to secure ministries and funding for its 'Royalties for Regions' policy. This 'WA approach' is distinctive from amalgamation and coalition arrangements embraced elsewhere in Australia. This article updates progress of the strategy following state and federal elections in 2013 and finds that it has been a success measured by increased votes, seats and policy influence and expansion into regional Western Australia to displace Labor. However, its applicability to other branches of the National Party is likely to be limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2014, the Australian government shocked the world by overturning an established carbon pricing mechanism. Although successful in repealing against the carbon tax, the government was unable to convince the Senate to abolish a number of initiatives linked to green energy instituted by the previous government. Scrapping of the carbon tax is politically beneficial to the unpopular government at the time, but the surviving climate agencies could haunt the government by continuing to provide evidence about climate change and the nation's increasing carbon emissions. It is unlikely other countries will follow Australia's action in going backwards on greenhouse gas emissions. Meanwhile, heatwaves and bushfire events in Australia are becoming more frequent and severe. Public debate on the climate issue in Australia is far from over. Inevitable public realisation and global condemnation of Australia's action may contribute to a change in government or government policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the path of social policy and democracy in Australia and the latest set of welfare reforms under Labor. The reforms can be seen to mark a reaction to the excesses of neoliberal government on the one hand, but they also represent continuity in neoliberal thought and policy on the other. As we shall see, engrained ideas about individualist wage-earning welfare, that were established during the formative years of the 20th century, continue to shape, if not constrain collectivist solutions to some of the inherent social risks faced by Australian citizens today. In this light, efforts to create a welfare state geared towards meeting the needs of ‘hard-working’ Australian families appear much sharper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a speech by Alan Tudge, Australian Minister for Population, Cities and Urban Infrastructure, that was delivered at the Sydney Institute on June 14, 2018 on benefits of a shared language for social cohesion and economic success. Topics include reasons for English language proficiency being a necessary skill for migrants settling in Australia; the Labor Party's protest regarding the need for a shared language; and the role of migrants in Australian economic development.