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Thirty years on from the dramatic and unprecedented AIDS advertising campaign in the UK organised by the Conservative government of the late 1980s, this article reassesses the experience drawing upon subsequent memoirs and interviews. It does so in the context of an emergence of risk politics in the UK in the 1980s, situated within an historical perspective on the development of risk within modernity. I emphasise the forgotten pragmatic, amoral core of the campaign which challenged the illiberal climate of the times, and how it was possible for a government defined by high moralism to challenge it. I outline the range of pressures that led to the campaign, including the conscious attempt to limit stigmatisation amidst the mood of wartime emergency that prevailed in late 1986/early 1987. Its emergency character meant little direct legacy of harm reduction has endured, but I argue for a wider significance of the campaign as a key moment in the emergence of risk politics in the UK and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, several studies of post-war British propaganda have been published. While many of these have focused on developments abroad, some have explored domestic work carried out under the auspices of the Central Office of Information. Established in 1946, the Central Office of Information provided a range of services to government departments, including advertising and public opinion polling, but it was just part of a wider system of official communications that has tended to attract less attention in the historiography. Reorganised by Clement Attlee’s post-war Labour governments, this system was presented to the public as a means of disseminating impartial and apparently non-controversial ‘facts’ about government policy. Few commentators today accept that justification, but little is known about why it emerged after the Second World War or what impact it had on existing communications machinery. Taking a broad view of the subject that considers the inter-war and wartime antecedents to the post-war communications system, this paper seeks to fill in some of the gaps that have emerged in the literature. Focusing on shifts in official nomenclature and departmental practice, it explores the relationship propaganda shared to government policy and its broader legacy in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Public awareness campaigns for cancer are used to alert the UK population to symptoms which, if experienced, should be discussed with their general practitioner (GP). More timely diagnosis of cancer is assumed possible if patients with the appropriate symptoms present to GPs and GPs recognise the need to act on these symptoms. Objective: To investigate GPs’ perceptions and experiences of public awareness campaigns for cancer. Methods: Semi‐structured interviews with 55 GPs from practices in the North and North East of England and Greater London. Interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Repeated reading of GP transcripts engendered thematic analysis and co‐coding ensured legitimacy of findings. Results: Participants supported the underpinning ethos of public health campaigns and articulated a commitment to engaging with patients with respect to cancer warning signs and symptoms despite the common perception that public awareness campaigns increased numbers of consultations. Tensions were evident with regard to increased demands on GP time and primary care resources during a period of major upheaval within the NHS. Concern was raised that some patients remain outwith the reach of campaign messages. The complexity of addressing how public health messages compete with other issues in people's lives was identified as challenging. Conclusions: General practitioners provided insight into why some members of the general public do not engage with public health messages. Public health/primary care interaction that incorporates GPs' knowledge of their patient populations could advance the search for solutions to a more robust approach to earlier cancer recognition and referral in primary care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the promotion of civil defence or ‘national service’ in interwar Britain. Analysing a recruitment campaign organised by the Chamberlain government in 1938–1939, it explores how civil defence was promoted in newspapers, posters, leaflets, guides, radio broadcasts, speeches and rallies, and how recruiters planned and executed the campaign. Existing literature has tended to focus on the role of national servicemen and servicewomen in wartime, but little is known about how these individuals were persuaded to join up before the war began or how national service was itself presented in the media. Through an analysis of official files, correspondence, advertisements and public relations, this article argues that the campaign for national service was not simply intended to attract new recruits, but to cement in Britain the notion that any future conflict would represent a ‘people’s war’ in which each citizen would contribute an equal share towards victory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]