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Drawing on Kristeva's theory of abjection, Wallerstein's world system theory, and Petras' imperialist-centered model of capitalist accumulation, this article argues that the immigration of Changez from Pakistan to America in The Reluctant Fundamentalist demonstrates a structural shift from the periphery to the center as a highly educated and skilled human capital in the era of global capitalism. The article contends that Changez's decision to accept a funded scholarship at Princeton University is a result of the lack of economic opportunities in Pakistan and the corrupt economic and political systems that impoverished his family. Furthermore, the article critically examines America's paradoxical policies of inclusion and exclusion toward Changez. While he gains access to Princeton University and the Underwood Samson company, his economic inclusion is not accompanied by genuine acceptance. In the context of global capitalism, Changez is economically included but psychologically abjected due to his ethnic identity. Keywords: Acceptance, Inclusion, Exclusion, Abject Identity, Hamid's The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Introduction: Immigration and Global Capitalism in The Reluctant Fundamentalist This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Changez's struggle for acceptance in America by placing his experiences as an immigrant within [...]

In his highly influential work Culture and Imperialism, Edward Said unravels the imperialist undertones in Jane Austen's Mansfield Park. Throughout the chapter entitled 'Jane Austen and the Empire,' Said demonstrates how this seemingly domestic novel of manners, not normally associated with imperialism, is actually densely saturated with colonialist discourse. For Said, the marginalized representation of the colonized territory of Antigua as simply a 'colonial garden' for the British imperial patriarch further accentuates the superior sense of colonialist entitlement. Thus, Said's approach in decolonizing the imperialist discourse in Mansfield Park may be extended to other canonical works not generally considered imperialist in nature. In this article, the researchers utilize Said's strategies involved in his reading of Mansfield Park to probe the imperialist nuances in Austen's Persuasion, a novel usually categorized as a romance/novel of manners which depicts two lovers' second chance at happiness despite all the social obstacles in their way. The researchers attempt to foreground the imperialist rhetoric in this novel, specifically Austen's tendency to romanticize and glorify the rising British naval society as the champions of the Empire. Furthermore, this article investigates the absent, peripheral representation of colonial terrains as opposed to the privileged, central position of the British Empire in the narrative. Keywords: Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, Jane Austen, Persuasion, decolonization, imperialist discourse, In his seminal book Culture and Imperialism (1993), Edward Said critiques seemingly innocent, canonical literary works to uncover the implicit imperialist discourses embedded within them. Referring specifically to Austen's Mansfield [...]

Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not recent phenomena. Power relations in this context refer to the binary nature of relations between Africa and the Western world in terms of knowledge production, application, and transference. In terms of its chronology, it has been in existence as far as the first decade of independence from European colonialism in the late 1950s. Despite the novelty of these cerebral efforts in African studies in the postcolonial era, little or no progress has been achieved in its application in our knowledge production processes. Postcolonialism as an intellectual binocular in the social sciences remains an under-explored standpoint even by African researchers in African Universities. Keywords: African Studies, Post-colonialism, International Relations, African Epistemology, Imperialism, 1. Introduction Intellectual efforts at removing the vestiges of colonialism in knowledge production and power relations in African studies are not recent phenomena. From the inception of the European invasion [...]

The idea of a transoceanic 'Indo-Pacific' region has a long historical lineage in British political thought and practice, one whose roots lie in processes of imperial colonisation, conquest and trade in Asia and Australasia. Recent discourses of a return 'East of Suez' and the UK's 'Indo-Pacific Tilt' cannot be understood as mere imperial nostalgia or post-imperial over-reach, however. Instead, there are historical political imaginaries of Britain's global role which are being put to work in the contemporary politics of shaping an Indo-Pacific strategy for the UK. British policy in the Indo-Pacific has been marked by a consistent awareness of multi-polarity and strategic vulnerability, hierarchies of alliances that give a privileged place to the US and the countries of the 'Anglosphere', and the recurrence of maritime, 'blue water' conceptions of British identity and interests. These are now being tested by the war in Ukraine and other developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the novels published in the course of the nineties, Every Light in the House Burnin' (1994), Never Far from Nowhere (1996), and Fruit of the Lemon (1999), Andrea Levy (1956-2019), a British writer of Jamaican origin, focuses on the experiences of British-born daughters of firstgeneration Caribbean immigrants in Britain. This paper will examine how Levy's young protagonists struggle to come to terms with their highly hybridized identities, which resist reductive racial categories of 'white' and 'black.' Experiencing racial bias on the one hand and confronting silences about their Jamaican heritage on the other, Levy's protagonists often find themselves in liminal spaces and are constantly compelled to negotiate private (Jamaican) and more public (British) spheres of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering, and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. This article emphasizes the urgency for decolonizing education, specifically English literature departments at Arab universities. Many thinkers have documented the connection between literature, culture, and imperialism on the one hand (Gauri Viswanathan's Masks of Conquest, 1989 and Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism, 1993) and literature, culture, and resistance on the other hand (Fanon, Kanafani, Cabral, Said, and others who wrote about zero point epistemology). While there have been some decolonization efforts in different parts of the world, even at Ivy League institutions (Cornell University, for example), Arab universities ironically maintain a very rigid, government accredited English and American literary curriculum with no attempt or intention at decolonizing these colonial era curricula. This article interrogates the aims behind maintaining a purely English (and American) literary curricula, especially as the Arab region continues to undergo the most violent and aggressive forms of Western intervention, which has led to massive destruction of Arab state infrastructures, the loss of Palestine in 1948, the dissolution of the social fabric of Arab societies and thousands of deaths in the past two decades. Against this destructive Western agenda, a constructive, awareness raising impulse embedded in a literature/culture of resistance is in order. It is high time that Arab universities decolonize their English literature departments, a necessary transformation that entails, to quote the title of an essay by Walter D. Mignolo, 'Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and Decolonial Freedom' (2009). Keywords: decolonizing education, English literature, epistemic disobedience, revolution, Palestine, zero point epistemology, Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. [...]

This article provides an analysis of the economic cost incurred by the world through the use of the fiat international reserve currency since the end of the 1971 gold standard system. The article uses the Quantity Theory of Money to provide an empirical manifestation of how reserve currency yields income to its issuing country through the provision of an inflation buffer, which is equivalent to what the article frames as an imperial rent of reserve currency. The article then provides a method to estimate the cumulative quantity of this rent by using data on the broad money supply, nominal GDP, and world total official foreign exchange holdings of the currency of the country in question. The article estimates that the quantity of the imperial rent of reserve currency that accrued to the four major reserve currency-issuing states (US, Euro area, UK, Japan) from the end of the gold standard until the end of 2021, which was accumulated through the official channel only, is of a value equivalent to 11.1 trillion USD, 71 % of this amount went to the US singly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s, Michael Manley set out a vision of democratic socialism that was internationalist, anti-imperialist, and centred on the needs of poor and working-class people. Manley also recognised that [...]

During the period 1922-37, both the British and Italians launched institutes for educational cinematography and collaborated in the creation of the League of Nations' International Educational Cinematographic Institute. Their leading newspapers dedicated entire sections to the advertising of educational campaigns through cinema. Comparing official documents and the print apparatus about the establishment and the activities of two institutes for educational cinema in Europe gives us a perception of how similarly and differently the British and Italians used their educational films to convey imperial sentiments and rhetoric into civilian life during fifteen years of colonial rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on the US carceral state has moved toward more expansive conceptualizations beyond the prison industrial complex. In that vein, this article develops the concept of debilitating taxation to theorize how contemporary policing and incarceration regimes integrate counterinsurgency doctrine. I explore three tactics of debilitating taxation meant to preempt resistance and finance state violence: implementing profound surveillance, stretching human geographies, and exploiting relationships of dependency. I conclude with an exploration of how the US carceral state sanitizes these violent tactics to preserve a facade of legitimacy., Exhausted is a whole lot more than tired. --Gilles Deleuze (1995, 3) The United States professionalized its police departments and prisons in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries amid growing resistance [...]

In the exoticising Victorian British imagination, Japan was constructed as beautifully atemporal, at once modern and medieval, sophisticated and infantile, unintelligible and universal, outlandish and safely familiar, both asserting and challenging Western supremacy - not unlike the neo-Victorian gaze on the Victorian era. Responding to Antonija Primorac and Monika Pietrzak-Franger's call for global neo-Victorian studies, which considers the nineteenth century across temporal as well as global and transnational axes, this article examines how two British authors attempt to challenge and re-imagine Meiji Japan (1868-1912), by considering Natasha Pulley's The Watchmaker of Filigree Street (2015) and The Lost Future of Pepperharrow (2020) and Lian Hearn's The Storyteller and His Three Daughters (2013). In confronting a Victorian Orientalist imaginary which instrumentalised aesthetics of quaintness, cuteness, and eccentricity, these works discuss Britain's relationship with and problematic implication in Japan as a rising Other Empire from a neo-Victorian perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L'ere des dernieres explorations polaires furent des aventures hyper-masculines, fortement liees a l'expansion imperialiste. Les Occidentales furent exclues des poles qui etaient devenues des spheres exclusivement masculines. Cecily Shackleton , [...]

From the second half of the 19th century, China began to be incorporated into a multi-state informal imperialist system, in the form of a network of territorial concessions: specifically port, railway and mining ones. Meanwhile, Chinese legal institutions underwent a profound transformation toward Western legal principles, thanks to both the internal pressure of reformist officials and the external pressure of foreign powers, whose goal was to make Chinese market malleable and widely accessible. The first half of this essay consists in a general introduction to the system of the mining concessions in China and to the Chinese mining code's reform. The second half - through a case study, the Zhejiang concession - aims to show how the reform of Chinese mining law has been exploited to make Chinese mines less accessible and to put them under the sovereign protection of the state.

The Iraqi poet Saadi Youssef urgently asks, 'Why are the poets silent?/Where have they gone?' These questions underscore the compelling need for the guiding voices of Arab intellectuals at this deeply divided present moment in the Arab world that has effectively seen the destruction of seemingly stable nations and identities. It is important to understand why and how easily 'things fell apart' for Arab nations and peoples under the destructive influence and direct intervention of imperialist and Zionist agendas and forces. What does it mean to speak truth to power in the current Arab and global context where the destruction of Arab nations, such as Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Yemen has become the all too familiar, convenient, and accepted status quo, which is marked by destructive and exclusionary discourses? It has become incumbent upon the Arab intellectual/writer/poet to lead the self-examination process in order to provide an understanding of the current Arab situation within its greater global context and construct a revolutionary and insurrectionary oppositional discourse that would expose and dismantle the current defeatist and divisionary discourses. Antonio Gramsci's concepts of hegemony and consent, Louis Althusser's ideological state apparatuses, and Edward Said's important ideas on the intellectual's critical consciousness, secular criticism, and beginnings are the theoretical lenses used to help decipher the catastrophic happenings in the Arab world. This study also examines excerpts of literary works by important Arab poets/intellectuals, such as Mahmoud Darwish, Mourid Barghouti, Bader Shaker Al-Sayyab, Saadi Youssef, and Yusuf Al-Ani. Keywords: Arab intellectual, present moment, beginnings, secular criticism, consent, ideological state apparatuses, defeatism, defiance, Introduction: Knowing Thyself Edward Said began his 1979 essay entitled 'Zionism from the Standpoint of its Victims' with what he thought to be a pivotal quotation from the Italian Marxist [...]

Each country should look beyond the nationalistic stories and the everyday self-images popularly disseminated. UK students deserve an environment where school curricula, public debate, politics, media and memorials give balanced, factual and ethically informed narratives about Britain's past and current dealings with other races and nations. A mythical 'great' Britain underpins a 'racialized consciousness' shaping attitudes to race equality issues at home today and how of contemporary commercial colonialism is evaluated. 'White' is a socially constructed composite ethnicity with exclusionary and subjugating characteristics. With different national roots, and played out differently in different countries, the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests point to common, enduring global inequalities and injustices with 'white priority' at their root. This paper focuses principally on the school curriculum, its content and, how it is experienced and assessed. It examines understanding of, and attitudes towards, five interlocking themes: slavery; colonialism; 'righteous' wars; contemporary exploitative engagement with lesser developed nations; and racial and class inequalities in today's Britain. The limited current state of understanding of these issues poses challenges to the extension of multicultural education into meaningful antiracism and action for social justice. The school curriculum is only one part of wider action required to address (mis)understandings of Britain's past and present colonialism, to recognise current race related injustices at home and abroad and to resituate notions of 'belonging', ethnicity and equal worth. Even 'correcting' these perceptions, bolstered by the widespread 'Black Lives Matter' protests in many countries, will not lead to sustained improvements in racial justice without significant adjustments to legal, social and especially economic infrastructures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the institution of prison under the British administration in the Penang Prison in the 19th and the 20th century. Penang as an important port in the northern Malaya under the British administration has led to an increase number of people in the state who are immigrants besides the natives. Sudden boast in the population had led to an increase in criminal activities on the island that had disrupted the British administration. Penang which used the local customary law of Kedah Government had failed to control the criminal activities in Penang. Thus British introduced Western law in Penang to control the criminal activities on the island. The objective of this article is to analyze the factors for the establishment of the Penang Prison and its enforced regulations in the prison system of Penang to prisoners and prison officers. The methodology used to achieve this objective is through research on primary sources obtained from the national archive such as the Straits Settlements Departmental Annual Report, Rules And Regulations Under Ordinance No. XIV of 1872, Federated Secretariat 14250 / 49.1949, letters and files related to the prison rules. The study found that the enforcement of British system on the rules and regulations of Penang Prison has an important contribution because it has introduced a systematic prison system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article retraces the role of sub-imperialism in the formation of the Australian state as a subject of international law. The discourse of sub-imperialism developed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a means of characterising the British self-governing Dominions' uncertain status in the international order, and drew explicitly on the United States Monroe Doctrine. The article revisits the significance of sub-imperialist posturing at two critical junctures in the historical formation of the Commonwealth of Australia. The first is the formalisation in the early 1880s of the movement toward federation of the Australasian colonies as a response to perceived British acquiescence to German imperialism in the Western Pacific. The second is the Commonwealth government's attempt during the Versailles negotiations of 1919 to annex to its territory the occupied German Pacific territories of New Guinea and Nauru. The principal argument made in this article is that attempts to establish an Australian sub-empire in the Western Pacific were fundamental both to the federation movement and the recognition of Australian sovereignty in international law. The article concludes that Australian sub-imperialism warrants greater attention both in accounts of the history of Australia's transition from self-governing Dominion to sovereign status in international law, and in accounts of contemporary Australian foreign policy in the Pacific region., CONTENTS I Introduction 336 II Federation of the Australian Colonies and Imperial Competition in the Pacific 339 A The 'Monroe Doctrine for the Pacific' and the Australian Federation Movement 342 [...]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We analyze the last thirty years of Argentine foreign policy over the Malvinas Islands, from the restart of bilateral relations between Argentina and the United Kingdom in 1989. We look at the stages of foreign policy, starting from the voices of decision-makers of different governments, rereading the changes and continuities of the Malvinas Question in their different historical contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I posit that the intellectual and political history of the left in contemporary India must be understood in relation to the dialectical relationship developed between the ideals behind left -wing political thought and the nativist inclinations of the nationalist anticolonial project in British India. I aim to show that left -wing thought in India, in the years in which the shock-wave of the Soviet Revolution spread through the world, developed at a disadvantage in relationship to the symbolic and ideological project headed by Gandhi, which promoted a nativist approach to nationalism and anticolonial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the privatization of telegraphy in the British Empire from the perspective of Gibraltar, an overseas territory in the Mediterranean. While the history of international telegraphy is typically written from a world-systems perspective, this article presents a key methodological critique of the use of collections spread across many institutions and colonies: archival satellites are not simply reducible to parts of a scattered whole, as archival collections are themselves curations of socially-positioned understandings of Empire. This is especially true of the "girdle round the world" that was British telegraphy. At a meta-historical level, individual archival collections of the global British telegraphy system can be read as histories of colonial administrators' geographically- and socially- situated perspectives on Empire-namely through what archives have, and have not, preserved. I demonstrate how the documents about telegraphy collected and maintained in the Gibraltar National Archives reflect pre- and post-World War I English, anti-Liberal colonial administrators' and military officials' fear that privatization was an opening salvo against the democratic web that held the last vestiges of Empire together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Spanish Journal of Comparative Education / Revista Española de Educación Comparada is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It has been suggested that "for a few years at the end of the nineteenth century" Daily Mail correspondent George Warrington Steevens (1869-1900) was "probably the best known and most eulogized, and possibly the most in uential, British journalist."1 Descriptions of Steevens's writing read like definitions of a nascent literary journalism. A contemporary judged that "there were never newspaper articles which read more like short stories than his."2 Steevens's work was typical of the highly commercial, personal, and sensational British "new" journalism of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. This essay argues that it is high time that Steevens and his fellow "new" journalists are included in the history of literary journalism. However, that inclusion raises important issues about the relationship of literary journalism to power. British "new" journalism played an important role in securing public acquiescence in the aggressive imperial expansion of the last decades of the century. Historians variously refer to that phase of imperialism--in which major European powers seized territory at an unprecedented rate--as the "Scramble for Africa" or the "new imperialism." Arguably, it was the symbiotic closeness of the relationship between empire and "new" journalism that was the newest feature of the new imperialism. While modern literary journalism often challenges entrenched ideologies and deconstructs the discourses of the powerful, it is important to acknowledge that literary journalism has also played a part in the reification of those ideologies and the construction of those discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1898, the Philippines ceased to be a Spanish colony and were annexed by the United States, ignoring the Philippine expectation to gain national independence. Based on novel archival sources this article re-examines the experience of that imperial transition in the Philippines from British perspectives. As the British had strong interests in the Philippines, when the Spanish-American War broke out, the British government sent a naval squadron to Manila in order to protect the lives and properties of its subjects, but also to report on everything that was taking place in the islands. The officers in that squadron became privileged observers of the transfer of sovereignty from the Spanish to the Americans, a process that extended from 1898 to 1903, and which the British saw not as a war for the independence of the Philippines, but rather as the handoff between two colonial governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to rescue the historical moment in which hydrographic basins turn out to be considered as spatial units for planning and regionalization of the territory. Hydrographic basins have scientifically been chosen as structure of morphological differentiation of the Earth's crust since the seventeenth century pari passu the migration of the world-system of the Mediterranean up to Northern Europe in a time of effective imperialist struggle between France and Great Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the idea of new punitiveness with the connection of British imperialism. European penalty is the practice which is a part of their colonial strategy and has affected the humanity. The article also discusses various issues in connection like slavery, metropole, migration, liberalism and lastly how these things affected in the racist culture of the country.

In this short discussion, we use examples from the British Empire to introduce the concept of eco-cultural networks as a lens for examining interconnected, wide-ranging social and environmental processes. We present three conceptual advances that this framework offers to environmental historians: 1) a rethinking of the divisions between cultural and material approaches to environmental history; 2) an emphasis on relational connections in the making of networks; and, 3) a renewed focus on questions of agency. Each of these developments opens up new questions within environmental history and promotes engagement with work outside the field, especially with the ecological sciences and the environmental humanities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]