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The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's aggressive military doctrine exploits the questionable space for a limited war under a nuclear overhang. This doctrine is designed to dilute, if not fully compromise, the notion of nuclear deterrence. Indian military high command has often boasted about waging a conventional war against Pakistan. India's unilateral decision to repeal Kashmir's special constitutional status has further exacerbated the volatility of the hitherto conflict-prone environment in South Asia. India's doctrine manifests in the offensive deployment of S-400 missile systems along Pakistan's border, further supplemented by the positioning of Dassault Rafale fighter jets. While it might temporarily alter the region's strategic stability equation, Pakistan must rebalance this shift in its strategic stability. There is a need to review the notion of strategic stability as it applies to the region's nuclear balance of power. This paper analyses India's aggressive military doctrine fuelling its desire to wage a limited conventional war against Pakistan, examines the effects of growing military asymmetry, evaluates the impact of the short but swift military action in February 2019, and finally endeavours to determine the stabilizing impact of the nuclear deterrent on South Asia's strategic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Diabetes control is poor globally and leads to burdensome microvascular and macrovascular complications. We aimed to assess post hoc between-group differences in sustained risk factor control and macrovascular and microvascular endpoints at 6.5 years in the Center for cArdiovascular Risk Reduction in South Asia (CARRS) randomized trial. Methods and findings: This parallel group individual randomized clinical trial was performed at 10 outpatient diabetes clinics in India and Pakistan from January 2011 through September 2019. A total of 1,146 patients with poorly controlled type 2 diabetes (HbA1c ≥8% and systolic BP ≥140 mm Hg and/or LDL-cholesterol ≥130 mg/dl) were randomized to a multicomponent quality improvement (QI) strategy (trained nonphysician care coordinator to facilitate care for patients and clinical decision support system for physicians) or usual care. At 2.5 years, compared to usual care, those receiving the QI strategy were significantly more likely to achieve multiple risk factor control. Six clinics continued, while 4 clinics discontinued implementing the QI strategy for an additional 4-year follow-up (overall median 6.5 years follow-up). In this post hoc analysis, using intention-to-treat, we examined between-group differences in multiple risk factor control (HbA1c <7% plus systolic BP <130 mm Hg and/or LDL-cholesterol <100 mg/dl) and first macrovascular endpoints (nonfatal myocardial infarction, nonfatal stroke, death, revascularization [angioplasty or coronary artery bypass graft]), which were coprimary outcomes. We also examined secondary outcomes, namely, single risk factor control, first microvascular endpoints (retinopathy, nephropathy, neuropathy), and composite first macrovascular plus microvascular events (which also included amputation and all-cause mortality) by treatment group and whether QI strategy implementation was continued over 6.5 years. At 6.5 years, assessment data were available for 854 participants (74.5%; n = 417 [intervention]; n = 437 [usual care]). In terms of sociodemographic and clinical characteristics, participants in the intervention and usual care groups were similar and participants at sites that continued were no different to participants at sites that discontinued intervention implementation. Patients in the intervention arm were more likely to exhibit sustained multiple risk factor control than usual care (relative risk: 1.79; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.45, 2.20), p < 0.001. Cumulatively, there were 233 (40.5%) first microvascular and macrovascular events in intervention and 274 (48.0%) in usual care patients (absolute risk reduction: 7.5% [95% CI: −13.2, −1.7], p = 0.01; hazard ratio [HR] = 0.72 [95% CI: 0.61, 0.86]), p < 0.001. Patients in the intervention arm experienced lower incidence of first microvascular endpoints (HR = 0.68 [95% CI: 0.56, 0.83), p < 0.001, but there was no evidence of between-group differences in first macrovascular events. Beneficial effects on microvascular and composite vascular outcomes were observed in sites that continued, but not sites that discontinued the intervention. Conclusions: In urban South Asian clinics, a multicomponent QI strategy led to sustained multiple risk factor control and between-group differences in microvascular, but not macrovascular, endpoints. Between-group reductions in vascular outcomes at 6.5 years were observed only at sites that continued the QI intervention, suggesting that practice change needs to be maintained for better population health of people with diabetes. Trial registration: ClinicalTrials.govNCT01212328. Nikhil Tandon and colleagues explore the impact of a quality improvement strategy for patients with type 2 diabetes 6.5 years after its implementation for the CARRS randomised trial. Author summary: Why was this study done?: Data on whether improvements in diabetes care goal achievement can be sustained (>5 years) with quality improvement (QI) strategies are lacking from low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Prior studies of QI strategies to improve care goal achievement among people with diabetes from high-income countries reported modest benefits in blood glucose, blood pressure, and lipids, but the effects of these improvements on reducing vascular complications and deaths related to diabetes are unknown. What did the researchers do and find?: In the Center for cArdiovascular Risk Reduction in South Asia (CARRS) randomised trial of 1,146 patients with type 2 diabetes attending 10 diverse diabetes clinics in India and Pakistan, the QI strategy was associated with benefits on diabetes care goals (HbA1c <7% plus systolic BP <130 mm Hg and/or LDL-cholesterol <100 mg/dl) at 2.5 years after randomization. Four clinics discontinued implementation, while 6 clinics continued to implement the QI strategy for an additional 4 years. This report assesses whether benefits were sustained and reduced vascular complications and deaths associated with diabetes at 6.5 years. Patients receiving the QI strategy, compared to those receiving usual care, experienced sustained benefits on diabetes care goals and less microvascular endpoints (eye, kidney, and nerve diseases) at 6.5 years after randomization. Total macrovascular and microvascular events were also lower in those receiving the QI strategy, and this was only observed at sites that continued implementation of the QI strategy for 6.5 years. What do these findings mean?: These findings add to our knowledge of the long-term effects of multicomponent QI strategies in sustaining multiple risk factor control and reducing combined vascular events compared to usual care in resource-limited settings. In view of these findings, clinical decision support and trained nonphysician health workers may be important QI strategies to consider integrating into India's healthcare system to improve diabetes care quality and reduce morbidity and mortality. One limitation of the study is that the tertiary care facilities included in the CARRS trial may not be generalizable across LMICs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indus River is one of the largest river basins in the world and is a lifeline for regional economies. Owing to its essential economic value and potential, the sharing of Indus river water remained a chronic source of disputes between its users for decade. In 1947 after the partition of British India was the prelude for the water dispute between newly created India and Pakistan. It was finally mediated by the World Bank through the instrument of Indus Water Treaty in 1960. The enactment of the Indus Water Treaty brought peace and benefited two countries to expand their agriculture around areas of Indus River system. The paper analyzes the key issues and conciliation process, which led to the successful Treaty, its understanding, development in economies and political atmosphere the two countries. The paper also attempts to highlight the new issues and claims put forward by the shareholders of Indus Rivers system, which is the cause of new areas of concern. Lastly, the paper suggests ideas for resolving the dispute and relations viz-a-viz water in the light of past experience, knowledge and successful history of Indus Water Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-9/11 dynamic global political developments and the growing Indo-US strategic partnership has compelled Pakistan to seek strategic partnership with China and geared at maintaining the balance of power in South Asia. India is maximising its resources under the umbrella of Indo-US strategic partnership and working with the US on various sectors such as security, defence and energy to pursue its aspirations to be a regionally dominant power and to possess a blue water navy. Pakistan unaided and alone cannot counterbalance India's regional ambitions. Thus, Pakistan with China established a strategic partnership to counter India's hegemonic ambitions in the South Asian region. This paper will raise some questions about the latest contours of this partnership. Prime amongst them is: what kind of role is this partnership playing in South Asia? The paper argues that a China-Pakistan strategic partnership built around the development of Gwadar Port and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor is playing the role of a balancer against India's regional ambitions in South Asia. India has some serious security concerns about these mega development projects apprehending their geostrategic importance not only for both countries but also for the entire region. A neo-realist theoretical approach is used to describe both countries 'strategic partnership' in this paper. The paper further argues that India's claim that the corridor route passes through the disputed territory of Northern Pakistan will not stop China and Pakistan from continuing the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION People with severe mental illness (SMI) tend to die early due to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, which may be linked to tobacco use. There is limited information on tobacco use in people with SMI in low- and middle-income countries where most tobacco users reside. We present novel data on tobacco use in people with SMI and their access to tobacco cessation advice in South Asia. METHODS We conducted a multi-country survey of adults with SMI attending mental health facilities in Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan. Using data collected with a standardized WHO STEPS survey tool, we estimated the prevalence and distribution of tobacco use and assessed receipt of tobacco cessation advice. RESULTS We recruited 3874 participants with SMI; 46.8% and 15.0% of men and women consumed tobacco, respectively. Smoking prevalence in men varied by country (Bangladesh 42.8%, India 20.1% and Pakistan 31.7%); <4% of women reported smoking in each country. Smokeless tobacco use in men also varied by country (Bangladesh 16.2%, India 18.2% and Pakistan 40.8%); for women, it was higher in Bangladesh (19.1%), but similar in India (9.9%) and Pakistan (9.1%). Just over a third of tobacco users (38.4%) had received advice to quit tobacco. Among smokers, 29.1% (n=244) made at least one quit attempt in the past year. There was strong evidence for the association between tobacco use and the severity of depression (OR=1.29; 95% CI: 1.12-1.48) and anxiety (OR=1.29; 95% CI: 1.12-1.49). CONCLUSIONS As observed in high-income countries, we found higher tobacco use in people with SMI, particularly in men compared with rates reported for the general population in South Asia. Tobacco cessation support within mental health services offers an opportunity to close the gap in life expectancy between SMI and the general population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the intricate web of South Asia's security dynamics, India and Pakistan's relationship holds the key to equilibrium. Geographical proximity demands swift responses, prompting India's strategic shift towards Counterforce targeting. Official declarations and military posturing attest to India's resolute commitment to recalibrate its deterrence doctrine. This study critically examines the origins of India's Counterforce targeting strategy, drawing from existing literature and employing theoretical frameworks, including posture optimization, escalation ladder, superiority-brinkmanship, mathematical game theory, rational choice theory, and nuclear deterrence. These models collectively contribute to understanding the implications of India's pursuit of nuclear superiority for coercive diplomacy with Pakistan. Beyond enriching the understanding of South Asia's security, this research unravels the interplay between evolving nuclear strategies, the fluid dynamics of deterrence, and nuanced geopolitical ambitions. By deciphering India's counterforce targeting approach, this study fosters a nuanced discourse on South Asian strategic stability, offering insight into the pivotal role of nuclear deterrence in shaping the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies remain the main therapeutic strategies for Sickle cell disease. Preliminary data suggest substantial variation and inconsistencies in practice of these two therapeutic modalities in South Asia. In this systematic review we searched Medline, Cochrane library and Scopus for articles on usage of hydroxyurea and blood transfusion therapies for sickle cell disease in South Asia published in English between October 2005 and October 2020.Results: We selected 41 papers: 33 from India, 3 from Sri Lanka, 2 each from Pakistan and Bangladesh and one from Nepal. Only 14 prospective trials focused on hydroxyurea therapy from which majority (n = 10; 71.4%) adopted fixed low dose (10 mg/kg/day) regimen. With hydroxyurea therapy, 12 and 9 studies reported significant reductions in vaso-occlusive crises and transfusion requirement respectively. Severe anaemia (haemoglobin level < 6-7 g/dl) was the commonest indicator (n = 8) for transfusion therapy followed by vaso-occlusive crisis.Conclusions: Published data on the hydroxyurea and transfusion therapies in South Asia are limited and heterogeneous. A clear gap of knowledge exists about the nature of the sickle cell disease in the Indian subcontinent particularly from countries outside India necessitating further evidence-based assessments and interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Despite growing evidence of the impacts of exclusively breastfeeding infants during the first 6 months of life on preventing childhood infections and ensuring optimal health, only a small number of studies have quantified this association in South Asia. Methods: We analyzed data from the Demographic and Health Surveys in Afghanistan (2015; n = 3462), Bangladesh (2017–2018; n = 1084), India (2019–2021; n = 26,101), Nepal (2022; n = 581), and Pakistan (2017–2018; n = 1,306), including babies aged 0–6 months. Multivariate logistic regression models were used to determine the association between exclusive breastfeeding in the last 24 h and diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections, and fever in the two weeks before the survey. We also examined the association between other infant and young feeding indicators and these outcomes. Results: Infants who were exclusive breastfed had decreased odds of diarrhoea in Afghanistan (AOR: 0.49, 95% CI 0.35, 0.70), India (AOR: 0.80, 95% CI 0.70, 0.91), and Nepal (AOR: 0.42, 95% CI 0.20, 0.89). Compared with infants who were not exclusive breastfed, infants who were exclusively breastfed were less likely to have fever in Afghanistan (AOR: 0.36, 95% CI 0.26, 0.50) and India (AOR: 0.75, 95% CI 0.67, 0.84). Exclusive breastfeeding was associated with lower odds of acute respiratory infections in Afghanistan (AOR: 0.57, 95% CI 0.39, 0.83). Early initiation of breastfeeding was protective against diarrhoea in India. Bottle feeding was a risk factor for diarrhoea in India and for fever in Afghanistan and India. Bottle feeding was also a risk factor for acute respiratory infection in Afghanistan and India. Conclusions: Not exclusive breastfeeding is a risk factor for diarrhoea, acute respiratory infections, and fever in some South Asian countries. These findings could have substantial implications for global and national efforts to increase exclusive breastfeeding rates. More support, advocacy, and action are required to boost breastfeeding rates as a crucial public health measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the nuclear arms race in South Asia. The security competition between India and Pakistan has been characterised by an action-reaction spiral. The paper traces the nuclear arms competition between the two South Asian rivals and argues that this relationship is a classic case of a security dilemma whereby one state's actions cause insecurity to the other, and the other state's efforts to augment its security make the first one insecure. The paper, thus, develops a theoretical explanation for the incessant arms race between India and Pakistan. India decided to take the nuclear weapons route, Pakistan followed; India developed sophisticated ballistic and cruise missiles, Pakistan followed; India adopted an aggressive doctrine, the Cold Start, Pakistan responded by developing tactical nuclear weapons; India is developing ballistic missile defence and Pakistan is sure to respond by adjusting its nuclear force posture. It is thus not the individual weapons systems but the security dilema that is the cause of instability in highly volatile South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dynamics of strategic stability in South Asia are facing tremendous challenges. The troubled bilateral relations of India and Pakistan and external influence of the US are undermining the prospects of strategic stability in South Asia. The growing Indo-US nexus is making India an arrogant regional player, who wants to dominate the region at its own terms. Pakistan, in order to maintain a stable deterrent relationship, has been following unilateral strategic restrains and wanted to pursue bilateral strategic restraints to improve wide-ranging confidence building measures with India. A discriminatory and biased approach by the US is making Pakistan vulnerable against Indian hegemonic ambitions. Based on this assumption, the paper argues that the US policies of engagement in South Asia did not help promote strategic stability. However, the US can play a positive role in strengthening strategic stability in South Asia by following an unbiased and balanced approach. This paper is aimed at finding answers to questions related to the nature and impact of the US engagement on South Asian strategic stability, and prospects of the US role to stabilise strategic relationship between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the Researcher has endeavored to test the hypothesis that the Indian ballistic missile defense system (BMDS) erodes the sense of mutual vulnerability. It seems that the BMDS provides a false sense of security to India. For this reason it is felt that the Cold Start Doctrine (CSD) can therefore be launched against Pakistan in an attempt to actualize a disarming strike. Consequentially, the BMDS disturbs the India-Pakistan crisis and deterrence stability. Indian policymakers should realize that firstly, the operationalization of the CSD crosses Pakistan's nuclear threshold and it requires Islamabad to unleash strategic and tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs); secondly, the Pak-India crisis and deterrence stability is functional due to the sense of mutual vulnerability; thirdly, the credibility of nuclear deterrence has not been tested and fourthly, the deterrence stability solidified the crisis and strategic stability. The BMDS deployment in South Asia will certainly result first in quantitative and qualitative nuclear proliferation; second, it weakens the NPT and; third, it may break the nuclear taboo based on non-use of nuclear weapons. India needs to understand that Pak-India can survive the long persisting threat of conventional and nuclear war because of the mutual vulnerability of counter value and counterforce targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Malnutrition among children is pervasive in South Asia and there are also reports of overnutrition. To better understand this phenomenon, we need a composite measure. However, the existing measures such as CIAF (Composite Index of Anthropometric Failure) and its revised version have ignored the overnutrition aspect of the phenomenon. This study proposes an extended version of CIAF which also considers overnutrition. This new measure was compared with the existing measures by using data from 1990 to 2018 for three selected South Asian countries including Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. We also examined the effects of socioeconomic and environmental variables on the outcome variable. The results reveal that the new measure (ECIAF) is better at measuring the phenomena. The burden of overall malnutrition has been decreased in the region. However, an increase in the concomitant prevalence of wasting and underweight is observed in both Pakistan and India and stunting and overweight is observed only in India. Besides, political stability, prevalence of undernourishment, anemia in children, mother's education, household size, dependency ratio, air pollution and unimproved sanitation are significantly correlated with childhood malnutrition. The findings also testified to long-run cointegrating relationship among the variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The prevalence of smoking is high among people living with severe mental illness (SMI). Evidence on feasibility, acceptability and effectiveness of smoking cessation interventions among smokers with SMI is lacking, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. We aim to test the feasibility and acceptability of delivering an evidence-based intervention,i.e., the IMPACT smoking cessation support for people with severe mental illness in South Asia (IMPACT 4S) intervention that is a combination of behavioural support and smoking cessation pharmacotherapies among adult smokers with SMI in India and Pakistan. We will also test the feasibility and acceptability of evaluating the intervention in a randomised controlled trial. Methods: We will conduct a parallel, open label, randomised controlled feasibility trial among 172 (86 in each country) adult smokers with SMI in India and Pakistan. Participants will be allocated 1:1 to either Brief Advice (BA) or the IMPACT 4S intervention. BA comprises a single five-minute BA session on stopping smoking. The IMPACT 4S intervention comprises behavioural support delivered in upto 15 one-to-one, face-to-face or audio/video, counselling sessions, with each session lasting between 15 and 40 minutes; nicotine gum and/or bupropion; and breath carbon monoxide monitoring and feedback. Outcomes are recruitment rates, reasons for ineligibility/non-participation/non-consent of participants, length of time required to achieve required sample size, retention in study and treatments, intervention fidelity during delivery, smoking cessation pharmacotherapy adherence and data completeness. We will also conduct a process evaluation. Results: Study will address- uncertainty about feasibility and acceptability of delivering smoking cessation interventions, and ability to conduct smoking cessation trials, among adult smokers with SMI in low- and middle-income countries. Conclusions: This is to inform further intervention adaptation, and the design and conduct of future randomised controlled trials on this topic. Results will be disseminated through peer-review articles, presentations at national, international conferences and policy-engagement forums. Trial registration: ISRCTN34399445 (Updated 22/03/2021), ISRCTN Registry https://www.isrctn.com/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the results of an investigation into the preferences of irrigation farmers for different payment apparatus for irrigation fees. We also report the results of a study that queried farmers' preferred model for water governance at a local level. The results and analysis thus make an important contribution to the debate about how participatory irrigation might operate more effectively, especially in India and Pakistan. The rationale for this study is that aligning the payment mechanisms and local water governance more closely with farmer preferences is likely to reduce the barriers to accepting participatory irrigation and the requirement to pay water charges. To the knowledge of the authors, no other study has specifically addressed this issue by seeking direct feedback from farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposefulness of the Indian foreign policy is already questionable due to its lack of clarity and direction, which afflicts the neighbouring countries through its affirmative and hegemonic regional policies. Smaller nations of the South Asia region feel threatened and bigger countries remain wary of India's dubious demeanour. Even with such designs, the Indian foreign policy goals remain unfulfilled. This is due to two important reasons. Firstly, the principles underlining the Indian foreign policy have been left ambiguous and idealistic ever since its inception. Secondly, the execution of the Indian foreign policy is most definitely not along the lines of its stated objectives. This disparate nature of policy execution has led to the perpetration of chaos in the region, which India has quite swiftly 'managed' through perception management. This is where the utilisation of Chaos Theory and perception management comes into play, which is analysed in this research paper. If India wishes to achieve its des red position in the region, as desired, then it is imperative that it revisits both the principles and implementation of its foreign policy to match the changing regional and global atmosphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia's political and socio-economic landscape has been greatly transformed in the seven decades since India and Pakistan achieved their independence. Nonetheless, many features are only explicable with reference to the legacies of the 1947 Partition. This essay traces these legacies with respect to ethnic and religious nationalism, state construction and the contrasting trajectories with respect to democratic consolidation. It argues that while the recent scholarship has acknowledged the enduring presence of the Partition on the lives of refugees and their descendants, accounts of its ongoing impact on statecraft are less developed. It is only when such legacies are analyzed that a fuller understanding is possible both of domestic developments and of the enduring rivalry between the two states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the nature of missile competition between India and Pakistan and how it impacts deterrence and strategic stability in South Asia. It also analyses how their respective ballistic and cruise missile programmes developed. Taking the action-reaction model of arms racing, it concludes that there is indeed such a dynamic at play between the two countries. The missiles competition is very much linked to the nuclear competition as well. India's Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) system also factors into the competitions, whereby Pakistan was forced to develop missiles that could saturate and defeat it. The missile and nuclear competition has an overall negative impact on deterrence and strategic stability in South Asia. Pakistan's biggest security challenge is to achieve security and deterrence against a hostile India without falling into the trap of an economically ruinous arms race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's membership of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) affects strategic balance in South Asia particularly, Pakistan. India's membership of the group would aid India's missile and space programmes, providing it access to technologies and missile systems hitherto unavailable to it. This may include Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) like Global Hawk and Predator, which the US has employed for reconnaissance and counter-terrorism along Pakistan Afghanistan border to strike targets within Pakistan's territory, violating its sovereignty. India's acquisition of these systems will pose a threat to Pakistan. The MTCR membership would accelerate India's missile programme, thereby, exacerbating an arms race in South Asia. It would also further tilt the regional balance of power in India's favour. However, the bigger threat is the quest to win India a place at the high tables in the world and to build it up as a regional and global power. After looking into the pros and cons of Pakistan joining the MTCR, this article concludes that presently it is not in Pakistan's favour to join the group since it may help the US and the West to hinder or curtail Pakistan's missile programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid expansion of nuclear weapons and related technology has posed serious threats to global peace. Ensuring the safety of nuclear assets has become a serious challenge for the global community. The increasing influence of non-state actors and terrorist groups worldwide has undermined the traditional security arrangements. Such is the case of Pakistan and India, two hostile neighbours with a history of conflicts and wars whose status as nuclear-weapons states (NWS) is the source of strategic stability in South Asia. This study focuses on the specific situation in Pakistan and India, examining their relationship, the terrorist threats they face, and their vulnerabilities to nuclear terrorism. According to many security analysts, it has been assumed that the Kargil War in 1999, the 2001-2002 military stand-off and the Mumbai attacks in 2008, have weakened the chances of strategic stability in South Asia. Both states face serious threats from terrorist groups which have been successful in creating mistrust between them. The increasing influence of terrorist organizations in the South Asian region can lead to a serious situation; in the case of Pakistan and India, it could provoke conflicts which could escalate into nuclear war. Mutual trust and regional cooperation could be in the interests of both states as well as for the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically analyses the paradoxical flux situation in South Asia in view of both countries' possession of tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs), strategic arsenals, substantial conventional potentials, and divergent war plans in a heightened state of stability-instability equation. Conceptually, this sets the stage for an interesting debate on whether or not the arrival of TNWs is a destabilising or stabilising factor in the existence of present-day volatile regional security environment. The risk of nuclear escalation is perennial and essentially at the core of the stability-instability paradox as well. It is observed that a possibility of a limited military acceleration to a nuclear level cannot be ruled out. Moreover, the arrival and integration of TNWs has too become a reality, which makes it imperative for them to do some diplomatic footwork to resolve their bilateral issues. Therefore, instead of pretending to negate the existence of TNWs in parallel with the asymmetric nature of their strategic relationship, the rational course of approach would be not to destabilise the structure of nuclear deterrence stability with the crafting of aggressive and faulty strategies under fanciful labels to coerce each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]