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One of the main discussions about the interaction between morphology and syntax revolves around the richness or poverty of features and wherever this richness/poverty is found either in the syntactic structure or the lexical items. A phenomenon subject to this debate has been syncretism, especially in theories that assume late insertion such as Distributed Morphology. This paper delves into the syncretism observed between the first person plural and the third person in the clitic domain in some Spanish dialects. Our analysis will lead to a revision of the distribution of person features and their relationship with plural number, while at the same time it will shed light on other morphological alternations displayed in Spanish dialects; that is, subject-verb unagreement and mesoclisis in imperatives. In order to explain the behavior of the data under discussion, I propose that lexical items are specified for all the relevant features at the moment of insertion, although the values of these features can be neutralized. I argue that the distribution proposed allows for some fundamental generalizations about the vocabulary inventories in Spanish varieties, and shows that the variation pattern exhibits an *ABA effect, i.e., only contiguous cells in a paradigm are syncretic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To analyze crossdialectal variation between the use of a Present Perfect form (Pretérito Perfecto Compuesto) and a Perfective Past form (Pretérito Indefinido) in Spanish, we make use of two converging methodologies: (i) parallel corpus research, where we compare different translations of the same text (Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone) into specific standardized written varieties of Spanish (Peninsular, Mexican, Argentinian), and (ii) an elicitation forced-choice task, where native speakers of each of the cities in which these standardized written norms are produced (Madrid, Mexico City, Buenos Aires) have to choose between the Pretérito Perfecto Compuesto and the Pretérito Indefinido as the most natural filler for a blank in contexts extracted from the novel. Results from these two tasks do not align completely. While the data from our parallel corpus work indicate a wider distribution of Perfect use in the Mexican translation than in the Peninsular and the Argentinian ones, the elicitation task shows that only the choices of the speakers of Madrid (Castilian Spanish) and Buenos Aires (Rioplatense Spanish) converge with their respective translations patterns. Since the distribution observed in the Mexican translation not only goes against the elicitation data, but also contradicts previous findings in the literature, we abandon it in further analyses. In the second part of the paper, through a detailed annotation of the Peninsular and Argentinian corpora, we show that the constraints allowing Perfect use in each of these standardized varieties respond only to some features previously advanced in the literature. While both dialects allow for experiential and resultative readings of the Pretérito Perfecto Compuesto, Castilian Spanish also prefers the use of this marker to locate an event in the hodiernal past. On the other hand, Rioplatense Spanish systematically defaults to the Pretérito Indefinido in these cases, displaying a more restricted distribution for the Perfect form. Both dialects also seem to exhibit a preference for the Pretérito Perfecto Compuesto in continuative contexts. Our work thus provides two crucial take-home messages: (i) understanding crossdialectal variation in written language is crucial for advancing crosslinguistic generalizations about tense-aspect phenomena; and (ii) combining parallel corpus and experimental methodologies can help us understand in a more thorough way the distribution of Perfect and (Perfective) Past forms across dialects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the correlation between clitics, DOM and ellipsis in Spanish. As observed by Cyrino & Ordóñez (2018), strict and sloppy readings can be obtained in both TP ellipsis and argument ellipsis with clitics. However, DOM animate antecedents severely limit the availability of sloppy readings in argument ellipsis with clitics. This is a new observation, and judgments about the lack of sloppy readings is often delicate. We carried out an experimental study in order to confirm the data reported in Cyrino & Ordóñez (2018). We also wanted to test whether this distinction applied to speakers of three different dialects of Spanish where distribution of clitics and doubling differs. The results show a significant statistical anti animacy effect for obtaining sloppy readings with clitics. This effect is not found with TP ellipsis. In this paper we propose a syntactic approach to account for such effect with clitics. We propose that clitics contain an empty doubled (see also Bošković 2018). We propose an analysis based on the idea that DOM objects are moved out of the vP and that the doubled DOM KP undergoes vehicle change to become a pronoun in the case of argument ellipsis.

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In several studies on sound change, it has been suggested that change is not possible without allophonic variation; indeed, it appears to be the triggering factor in phonetic evolution. This paper examines the process of yeísmo in Spanish, which is presented in recent research as a change in progress (see Moreno Fernández 2005). Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the lateral palatal /ʎ/ has been gradually merging with the non-lateral palatal approximant /j/, traditionally considered a fricative consonant in spite of its formantic structure. Nevertheless, in this process there is not a real dichotomy between a lateral and an approximant consonant. Instead, there is an array of coexisting allophones of /ʎ/([ʎ], [j], [ʒ]or […] are a few examples). The paper will thus focus on the wide variation in the phonetic representation of /ʎ/ and how it is affecting the Spanish sound system. This will be investigated through experimental means (analyzing speech acoustically) and through the collection of data for different dialects, which will give us information about (i) the existence of intra and inter-speaker variation and (ii) the way this variation functions. The results point to a restructuring of the palatal system of Spanish, at least in some parts of its linguistic territory, which seems to prove that the merger process is still progressing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper is about a clitic-like form lo that appears in two under-studied dialects of Mexico in the context of transitive clauses. The distribution of this clitic-like form in these dialects is at odds with Standard Mexican Spanish which does not allow it in the same context. This clitic-like form resembles the singular, masculine, accusative object clitic of Standard Spanish, but it differs in that it does not show the agreement pattern expected for object clitics. In this paper we argue that this clitic-like form is better understood as an object marker that is triggered by the lack of a positive [Participant] feature in the direct object as part of the extended projection of the Object-DP. We also propose that this marking strategy is not the result of linguistic transfer or interaction with a different language, but rather a possible development within the grammar of Spanish. This marking strategy is, in fact, an inherent strategy of Spanish, but it gets blocked by normative pressure. The fact that this strategy flourishes in dialects apart from normative/academic contexts could be an indicator that the explanation we offer is on the right track.

The goal of this paper is to describe the alternation between the presence and absence of third person singular subject in the Spanish dialect of Montevideo, so that new data can be provided about this morphosyntactic variation. This phenomenon consists in that the grammatical subject can be expressed by means of an explicit or implicit form in a personal clause with conjugated verb. In order to carry out this research, a sample of twelve semidirected interviews, belonging to the sociolinguistic corpus of Montevideo, attached to PRESEEA, was analyzed. The alternation was correlated with linguistic variables—verbal typology, ambiguity, turn of conversation, speech connectivity and distance clause—and social variables—sex, age and degree of instruction—. The results show that the use of explicit pronominal forms of subject of a third singular person is due to discursive reasons linked to textual cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current paper describes Spanish acquisition of rhotic onset clusters. Data are also provided on related singleton taps/trills and /l/ as a singleton and in clusters. Participants included 9 typically developing (TD) toddlers and 30 TD preschoolers in Chile, and 30 TD preschoolers and 29 with protracted phonological development (PPD) in Granada, Spain. Results showed age and developmental group effects. Preservation of cluster timing units preceded segmental accuracy, especially in stressed syllables. Tap clusters versus singleton trills were variable in order of mastery, some children mastering clusters first, and others, the trill. Rhotics were acquired later than /l/. In early development, mismatches (errors) involved primarily deletion of taps; where substitutions occurred, [j] frequently replaced tap. In later development, [l] more frequently replaced tap; where taps did occur, vowel epenthesis sometimes occurred. The data serve as a criterion reference database for onset cluster acquisition in Chilean and Granada Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (1475-3839) is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this research, we analyze some Spanish grammatical phenomena which, according to the Nueva Gramática de la Lengua Española of Real Academia Española (2009), are characteristic of some of its dialects. For instance, the adjectivation of adverbs such as medio and bastante, the combination of un otro, the sí propio 'sí mismo' construction, the placement of unstressed personal pronouns, the pronominal use of recordar, and the expression cada que 'siempre que'. Taking their presence in two corpus (CORDE and CORPES XXI) and the fact that dialectology studies, grammars or linguistic atlas barely pay attention to morphosyntactic variation, this study demonstrates that such grammatical structures are to be considered the result of linguistic change as they do appear in earlier stages of Spanish, with more or less vitality according to period and text typology. Thus, this paper shows that diachronic analyses can provide valuable information on the issue of Spanish dialectal morphosyntactic variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present a study about the process of convergency and divergency in the dialect contact. The pluralization of haber is very widespread in the Spanish of the Dominican Republic, but it is almost non-existent in Madrid. The analysis of these varieties is useful in order to observe and explain the process of international dialect contact. The importance of the study of non-variation within the linguistic of migration is point out. The results of the research highlight two main features: a) Madrilenian variety prestige does not influence some linguistic variables among Dominicans in Madrid; b) the perception and frequency of the variable impacts the process of convergence and divergence of the speakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spanish, contrary to Catalan, French and Italian, allows causees to appear in pre-infinitival position. This paper takes as initial point of departure the asymmetries between the pre-infinitival position vs. the post-infinitival discussed in Ordóñez and Saab (2017). I provide a cartographic account in which more than one site for causees must be posited. This proposal follows the same reasoning that posits more than one subject position in the clausal spine (see for instance Cardinaletti 2004). I characterize the higher pre-infinitival position as a criterial position in the sense of Rizzi (2006, 2007). Following that proposal, I address the question of the interaction of case in this higher causee projection. I adopt Baker and Vinokurova’s (2010) proposal that UG must allow two ways for case resolution: case via agreement and dependent case. I will show that Spanish spoken in Catalonia is uniform in its case assignment solution of dative case for causees. I propose that the higher causee projection is an applicative head which assigns dative uniformly. However, for Catalan, Italian and French and many other dialects of Spanish, case assignment depends on the transitivity of the infinitival verb. In these varieties I invoke dependent case.

This paper is part of a more general research. Its main goal is describing the present state of the language and the changes suffered by 5 forms in Chilean Spanish. They are: dostor, úrtimo, güena, juerte y humirde. The description of these cases is relevant for the study of the etymological doublets formation because there are important similarities among these examples and some historical doublets. Cifuentes (2015a, 2015b), on the one hand, focuses on the awareness of distinctive value of consonantic phonemes in neutralization position in Chilean Spanish and the place of this phenomenon in lexical innovation. On the other hand, it focuses on the results of a survey applied to 200 Spanish speakers on protodoublet meanings. In this particular article, we focus on two other aspects that are evidences of lexical bifurcation in those cases. They are: the morphosyntactic distribution and the reaction of a focus group in relation to the mentioned doublets forms. We concluded that, in general, the protrodoublet forms have a different morphosyntactic distribution and also that the speakers make consistent semantic differences among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a contrastive analysis about the semantic field of housing in three peninsular áreas: Madrid, Sevilla and Mérida, with the results obtained applying the Cuestionario para el estudio de la norma culta de España e Hispanoamérica. Our objective is to determine the similarities and differences of the active lexicon of the speakers in this cities from a geolinguistic and diachronical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of the non-deictic second person singular uses in Chilean Spanish is presented in this paper. The dataset is made of semi-spontaneous speech, specifically, sociolinguistic inter-views, from which an exploratory corpus was extracted. In this context, the main goal of the research is to analyse the non-deictic 2nd person singular uses according to stylistic aspects through a new proposal of discourse-pragmatic categories which are related with linguistic and extralinguistic variables. Specifically, four categories are distinguished: a) generalization, b) focused generalization, c) inclusive defocalization and d) self-disguising. This classification is then correlated with the factors of forms of address and sex. Results regarding the sociolinguistic and morphosyntactic variables demonstrate that men present higher frequencies of use of the non-deictic strategies, specifically with voseo verb forms, while women tend to employ this device with tuteo. As for the categories, non-deictic usage is especially high through generalization and focused generalization, as strategies associated with a potential effect of empathy towards the interlocutor, especially in those cases where voseo is employed. In this sense, each of the categories proposed represents a specific discourse-pragmatic strategy at a stylistic variation level, which is regarded not only by the degree of formality, but also as a linguistic choice within the speakers' repertoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper presents initial findings regarding the analysis of rising intonation contours in final, broad focus declarative utterances recorded in Chiloé (Chile). These utterances-- unlike the great majority that have been reported in different varieties of Spanish and characterized by a falling nuclear configuration--exhibit a rising terminal pitch. The first acoustic data of conversational speech are analysed and preliminary phonological observations are made. Acoustic evidence of the rise is included, together with tentative phonological labelling and, finally, questions are raised and possibilities for further investigation are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, results of a study on the geographic variation of the phoneme /r/ in the speech of Chilean professionals of eight different cities (Iquique, La Serena, Valparaíso, Santiago, Concepción, Temuco, Coyhaique y PuntaArenas) perfonning a reading-aloud task are presented. The results show that most of the realizations for the phoneme /r/ correspond to the approximant, apicoalveolar consonant [ɹ], regardless of the participant's geographical origin and the gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within a sociolinguistic framework, in this paper, we describe the use of dequeísmo (use of 'de que' instead of 'que') in the utterances of Spanish speakers living in Santiago de Chile. A stratified sample of 120 interviews with people residing in Santiago was utilized for the analysis. The study intended to 1) identify the internal variables that prompted the use of dequeísmo and 2) correlate those variables with sociodemographic of the speakers (gender age and socioeconomic status). The results suggest that the contexts that foster the use of dequeísmo frequently allowed for the replacement of other de prepositions and appositive structures, although most cases occurred in clauses with functions of direct object and subject. Additionally, in the sample, the use of dequeísmo was frequently coincided in the speeches of male and older speakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diachronica is the property of John Benjamins Publishing Co. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaderns: Revista de Traducció is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phenomena of yeísmo, rehilamiento and devoicing are certainly constitutive of Uruguayan Spanish. In the past, many studies have analyzed these phenomena focusing on both the synchronic and the diachronic perspectives of language analysis. However -and as indicated by the specialized literature - there still have not been systematic attempts to evaluate - globally and critically - previous studies and their findings. This paper provides a critical review of studies addressing yeísmo, rehilamiento and devoicing in Uruguayan Spanish. Our focus is on the historical description of these processes, their current status in the phonological system of Uruguayan Spanish and the social attitudes attached to them. This allows us to contribute to the history of the Spanish language in Uruguay, but also to provide a local view of a phonological and phonetic process that is by definition complex and that has for a long time accompanied the phonological evolution of Spanish. On the other hand, providing a critical review of the literature also allows us to identify and evaluate previous contributions, theoretical and methodological limitations and future research areas. In turn, this will help us achieve a better understanding of these phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the dialectic vocabulary common to Andalusia and the Canary Islands (Spain) reveals the regional concurrences of Atlantic Spanish. Previous studies have defined these concurrences generally but have not established quantitative connections between the Peninsular and American regional variations. This paper reviews these possible lexical connections using recently published synchronic regional dictionaries. A quantitative and qualitative approach is employed to analyse a collection of Canary-Andalusian words, with the objective of recognising the level of concurrence in the dialectic group. The results reveal three distinct representative networks: a) Canary-Andalusian and American; b) Canary-Andalusian and concurrences with the Western and Eastern Iberian Peninsula; and c) Canary- Andalusian and Northern peninsular and Castilian words. These results clearly demonstrate the process of basic interference and the behaviour of the diffusion of the dialectic lexicon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately over the past ten years, the RAE and its associated Academies have published several works committed explicitly to a pluricentric vision of Hispanic language culture. This paper aims at examining the impact of pluricentrism -- a key concept in terms of current language policy -- on the conceptualization of linguistic variation and, consequently, the treatment of empirical data. In doing so, the focus will be on the Nueva gramática de la lengua española (from here "NGLE"), where this problematic interrelation is reflected in an especially complex way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper constitutes an extension of the research presented in Stolarski (2013), where the articulation of the Polish /r/ was tested in the intervocalic position. It investigates the postconsonantal articulation of the rhotic, the second context in which, according to Biedrzycki (1978: 83-84), the segment may be articulated as a tap instead of the trill. In order to accomplish this task, 10 respondents from different parts of Poland were instructed to read into a microphone 26 natural Polish words in which /r/ was located after consonants. All these articulations were analysed acoustically in terms of the number of constricted intervals in the pronunciation of the consonant under discussion and the data obtained were assessed statistically. In addition, some other measurements, such as the length and relative strength of the intervals, were taken. They provide further information on the nature of the articulation of /r/ in Polish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (1475-3839) is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (1475-3839) is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although some researchers report the normative production of the rhotics in Traditional New Mexico Spanish, others have reported, including the presence of an English-like vocalized rhotic. In the present study, 29 speakers of Spanish from Taos, a city in northern New Mexico, were interviewed and the rhotics of their speech were categorized, quantified and analyzed using speech analysis and multivariate statistical analysis software. The results show variation and change when compared to previous reports (both recent and of over a century ago). In spontaneous and elicited speech, ten distinct rhotic variants, subsequently recoded into five categories, were observed and quantified. Moreover, approximant and assibilated variants have notable frequencies and conditioning factors. VARBRUL analyses reveal phonological context, stress, word position, age, and sex as significant conditioning factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociolinguistics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study we analyze ego-documents and metalinguistic texts from nineteenth century and early twentieth century Chilean Spanish showing a number of cases of phonetic-phonological hypercorrections. Our focus is the interaction between language-normative discourses and language use. We work with the assumption that hypercorrections are a symptom of the speakers’ linguistic consciousness regarding the norm and the (overt) prestige associated with certain variants, and thus they reveal the influence that normative ideas exert over language use. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Chilean Spanish underwent a process of linguistic standardization, which manifested itself through a number of ‘disciplinary texts’ (grammars, dictionaries) that offered an exoglossic normative model. Chilean Spanish differed from this normative model in a number of features which were subject to overt condemnation and also were precisely those affected by hypercorrection in our data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relative meaning frequency is a critical factor to consider in studies of semantic ambiguity. In this work, we examined how this measure may change across the European and Rioplatense dialects of Spanish, as well as how the overall distributional properties differ between Spanish and English, using a computer-assisted norming approach based on dictionary definitions (Armstrong, Tokowicz, & Plaut, 2012). The results showed that the two dialects differ considerably in terms of the relative meaning frequencies of their constituent homonyms, and that the overall distributions of relative frequencies vary considerably across languages, as well. These results highlight the need for localized norms to design powerful studies of semantic ambiguity and suggest that dialectal differences may be responsible for some discrepant effects related to homonymy. In quantifying the reliability of the norms, we also established that as few as seven ratings are needed to converge on a highly stable set of ratings. This approach is therefore a very practical means of acquiring essential data in studies of semantic ambiguity, relative to past approaches, such as those based on the classification of free associates. The norms also present new possibilities for studying semantic ambiguity effects within and between populations who speak one or more languages. The norms and associated software are available for download at or . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overt pronoun constraint (OPC) states that, in null subject languages, overt pronoun subjects of embedded clauses cannot be bound by wh- or quantifier antecedents. Through the administration of two written questionnaires, we examined the OPC in 246 monolingual native speakers of three dialects of Spanish, spoken in Barranquilla (Colombia), Santiago (Chile), and Buenos Aires (Argentina). We tested separately the predictions that overt pronouns cannot be bound by wh- antecedents (Experiment 1) and that they cannot be bound by quantifier antecedents (Experiment 2). We found that the OPC was not operative in any of these dialects. In Experiment 1, the percentage of bound answers was approximately the same as the percentage of anaphoric answers. In Experiment 2, the percentage of bound answers was significantly higher than the percentage of anaphoric answers. Implications both for theories of pronoun resolution in null subject languages and for theories of first and second language acquisition are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on Cognitive Construction Grammar (CCxG), I present an analysis of the pluralization of haber in Dominican Spanish (e.g. Habían fiestas 'There were parties') as an ongoing language change from below during which the singular argument-structure construction (< AdvP haber Obj>) is being replaced by a pluralized schema (< AdvP haber Subj>). Using a mixed-effects regression analysis, in which the individual speakers and the NPs' head nouns were included as random intercepts, I show that speakers pluralize presentational haber in 47% of the cases and that the variation is conditioned by three general cognitive constraints (markedness of coding, structural priming, and statistical pre-emption). Using a conditional inference tree, I show that the former two cognitive constraints work in tandem to promote the pluralized construction for the encoding of conceptualizations that statistical preemption tends to reserve to the singular construction. The results also unveil that the variation is associated with social class membership. These data confirm the main hypothesis, while at the same time corroborating and strengthening the conclusions of an earlier investigation of haber pluralization in Puerto Rican Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative sociolinguistic research study examines Latino/a students’ use of language in a science classroom and laboratory. This study was conducted in a school in the southwestern United States that serves an economically depressed, predominantly Latino population. The object of study was a 5th-grade bilingual (Spanish/English) class. The findings demonstrate the students’ awareness of their own bilingualism, their preference for speaking Spanish, and their conceptualization of English as the language of academic success. Most significantly, this study reveals how the institutional context impacts both the teacher’s and the students’ behaviors, resulting in an implicit institutionalized bias against Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]