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As the tragedy in Ukraine deepens, it's clear that the world should end its dependency on Russian oil. It will be ironic, however, if nations disentangling themselves from this compromised energy source instead turn to another energy source with destructive impacts: harvesting and burning forest wood for fuel, which increases carbon emissions compared to fossil fuels, and degrades forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent media ecologies are often characterized by their apparent excess and availability of information, in which elites have lost power to a multitude of citizen users. The 2010s, however, are marked by a new information battlespace, as governments, militaries and news organizations have arrested the initial chaotic free-for-all of the Internet. It was into this environment that the ‘Panama Papers’ were leaked in April 2016. We employ this story to illuminate some of the workings of information warfare in the contemporary Russian media ecology. We reveal the sophisticated gatekeeping work undertaken by a range of actors (state, journalists, news publics) in this ecology and their treatment of information across its historically established (television) and emergent (social) media forms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the beginning of Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine, numerous articles have been written about the reasons why the Moscow Patriarchate supports it and how the church is legitimising the aggression. The usual ideational suspects were named, i.e. russkiy mir, 'Holy Rus' and 'Moscow, the Third Rome'. In this paper I draw attention to an important yet overlooked concept which allows the church's leadership to present their support for the war as a noble act. I analyse how the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church understands justice in relation to politics, especially the international order and foreign relations. The goal of the paper is to reconstruct the justice narrative of the Moscow Patriarchate – its content, the context in which it appears and its role. The findings are based on interpretative discourse analysis of a sample of 403 documents retrieved from the official websites of the Moscow Patriarchate (2000–2023). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper wasp Polistes riparius is distributed in cold regions of northern East Asia to Russia. P. riparius are characterized by having longer cells than those of the closely related P. chinensis, which has a similar life history, as an adaptation to cold regions. The phylogenetic relationships of paper wasps have recently been studied; however, the genetic diversity and population structure of P. riparius has not been determined. The present study is the first to analyze the complete mitochondrial genome using next generation sequencing of P. riparius collected from Sapporo, Hokkaido Prefecture, Japan. The genome consisted of a closed loop that was 16,383 bp-long and included 13 protein coding genes (PCGs), 22 tRNA genes, two rRNA genes, and one AT-rich control region. The average AT content was 84.54%. The heavy (H)-strand was predicted to have 12 PCGs and 14 tRNA genes, while the light (L)-strand was predicted to contain one PCGs, eight tRNA genes, and two rRNA genes. All PCGs started with ATG. Stop codons were of two types: TAA for 11 genes (ND1, ND2, ND3, ND4L, ND5, ND6, COXI, COXII, COXIII, COB, ATP6 and ATP8) and TAG for two genes (ND3 and ND4). The molecular phylogenetic relationship based on the maximum likelihood method using 13 PCGs was consistent with some previous studies in which a closely relationship between P. riparius and P. jokahamae. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does power shape foreign policy attitudes? Drawing on advances in psychological research on power, I argue that the sense of relative state power explains foreign policy hawkishness. The intuitive sense that "our state" is stronger than "your state" activates militant internationalism, an orientation centered on the efficacy of force and deterrence to achieve state aims. Beyond general orientation towards the world, this sense of power explains discrete attitudes towards pressing security issues, from threat perception in the South China Sea to nuclear weapons use against Iran. Five original surveys across the US, China, and Russia, as well as an experiment fielded on the US public, lend support to these claims. The psychological effects of state power overshadow dispositional traits common in behavioral IR, like individuals' personalities and moral proclivities. More surprisingly, power changes individuals, making hawks of even the most dovish. Taken together, the paper presents a "first image reversed" challenge to standard bottom-up accounts of foreign policy opinion and offers unique explanatory leverage in a potential era of US decline, China's rise, and Russian belligerence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to reveal the influence and implications of information warfare during the current armed conflicts on the digital information landscape. Disinformation campaigns are not a new weapon on the battlefield, but the rapid development of technology, like artificial intelligence (AI), in recent history has contributed to the rapid transformation of the digital information landscape. This poses a threat to the future of digital information, blurring the lines between reality and fantasy, ultimately revealing the depth of disinformation as a contributor to psychological operations during these times. This paper will explore the history of disinformation during armed conflicts, review current literature on disinformation and the implications, analyze the disinformation campaigns utilized during current Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas conflicts, and highlight the humanitarian direness of the transforming digital information landscape. It has been revealed that this issue is multifaceted-undetectably embedding itself within societies across the globe, influencing not only decisive military actions locally, but the minds of millions. Left unaddressed on a global scale, disinformation campaigns may leave the digital information landscape unrecognizable in the future while harming consumers everywhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the analysis of discursive shifts in the constructions of teachers' roles during the twentieth century in the Russian Federation, this paper argues that pedagogy becomes redefined based on the political elites' vision for the society's future. During the Soviet era, teachers were expected to play a key role in social transformation. In order to transform the world, they were expected to deploy humanistic pedagogy to help all students realise their potential. During the post-Soviet era, this vision was abandoned. As teachers were expected to fulfil the function of social control, they were called to adopt technocratic pedagogy that comprised principles of psychologisation, individualisation, pathologisation, and depoliticisation. Psychologisation of teachers' roles and pathologisation of diversity became deployed to "adapt students to the world" by addressing problems within students rather than in the society. The significance of this paper lies in demonstrating connections between shifting discourses of teachers' roles, pedagogy, and pursuit of social transformation or conservative social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes conflict resolution strategies in public procurement in two transition economies, Russia and Kazakhstan, based on a supplier survey. The results show that 25% of suppliers in Kazakhstan and 32% of suppliers in Russia said preferred to resolve all public procurement conflicts through negotiations with the procurer without involving a third party represented by the regulator and/or the judicial system. The findings also revealed that Russian suppliers, potentially affiliated with procurers, are less likely to encounter conflict situations. The attitude to the practice of "predetermined choice," when the procurer selects a supplier before the formal procurement procedure, was used as an indirect indicator of such affiliation. In addition, the empirical analysis shows that, in both countries, suppliers who are not inclined to trust the court and indicate high costs of participation in litigation are more likely to use the strategy of direct negotiations to resolve procurement conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the post-Cold War era, China has been committed to intensifying its strategic partnership with Russia in an attempt to usher into the world a new order. To achieve this goal, these two states have since the end of the Cold War expanded their cooperation, including the oil and gas cooperation. The research objectives of the paper are to explore the latest development in the China–Russia oil and gas cooperation and the motivations and outcomes from a Chinese perspective. It contributes to the scholarly discussion by analyzing China's intensified energy cooperation with Russia in the greater picture of China's rise and examining it in a political economy way. This paper finds that the rapidly enhanced energy cooperation is a visible manifestation of China's quest for energy security and a greater say in the world energy market. This paper concludes that China wishes to achieve three objectives by intensifying its oil and gas cooperation with Russia: this first is related to China's sustained economic growth; the second to China's aggravated security environment since the US 'pivot to Asia'; the third to China's dream of restoring its past status as a great power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teacher education in Russia has become the subject of considerable reform over the past 50 years. It is today a complex system of continuous training which gives students a chance to enter the profession in a number of different ways, as well as maintain their professional skill set throughout the course of their careers. This paper offers a comprehensive overview of the history and the state of art initial teacher education in Russia during the last 50 years. It aims to draw on scholarly expertise in Russia and will locate the policies and practices that are discussed within the context of teacher education reform. The main themes of the paper are the history and current practice of Russian initial teacher education. The paper will consider the relationship between policy and practice and examine the respective influences of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), and processes of wider reform in the Russian Federation since the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This symposium is the result of a call for papers organised to answer a core question: How do state-owned multinational enterprises (SOMNEs) behave once they internationalise, that is, go "abroad"? To organise the research, papers used the FESPET framework to analyse SOMNE behaviour abroad from the Financial, Environmental, Social, Political Economy and Technology perspectives. The contributions to this project fill an important gap in the literature with the aim of improving our understanding on the consequences of the internationalisation of State-Owned Enterprises from key, selected countries that are important but currently under-researched: Brazil, India and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's current war against Ukraine takes place in the wider context of geopolitical competition in the region. The EU and Russia promoted integration projects that have, in fact, become conflicting for the "in-between" countries. Existing scholarship put forward power-based explanations for these countries' behaviour that ignored their agency. This paper brings agency back in by developing a conceptual framework that highlights the relational nature of hegemony and that includes the perceptions of the small state in the analysis of power. To illustrate the applicability of this framework, two neighbourhood countries' (Moldova and Armenia) power relations with the EU and Russia are analysed. The focus is on how the structural aspects were acted out and shaped by the two aspiring regional hegemons to understand how small state actors perceived EU and Russian hegemonic power. The findings show the different expressions the phenomenon of hegemonic power can take in practice and how these were perceived in Moldova and Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The WHO emphasises that rehabilitation services must be integrated into primary healthcare as an inherent part of universal health coverage. However, there is limited research on the integration of rehabilitation services in primary healthcare in low- and middle-income countries. The purpose of this paper is to identify and describe the literature on service guidelines, models, and protocols that support the integration of rehabilitation services in primary healthcare in the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). Methods: A scoping review guided by Arksey and O'Malley's framework was conducted. Structured database and website searches identified published and unpublished records from 2010, which were subjected to eligibility criteria. Mendeley, JBI SUMARI, and Microsoft Excel were used to extract and synthesise the data. Results: The search strategy identified 542 records. Thirty-two records met the inclusion criteria. Shared care and community-based rehabilitation were the most reported practice models, and the implementation of the models, guidelines, and protocols was mostly described in mental health services. Conclusion: This review discusses BRICS countries' rehabilitation service guidelines, models, and protocols for primary healthcare integration and implementation challenges. Rehabilitation professionals should rethink, realign, and apply existing models because of the lack of primary healthcare integration directives. IMPLICATIONS FOR REHABILITATION: The integration of rehabilitation services in low-resourced and remote settings can be improved by involving community health workers and community rehabilitation workers in transdisciplinary teams. Peer support workers and community health workers can improve rehabilitation outcomes, particularly through shared care models that emphasize peer-to-peer learning, mentoring, and coaching. Self-management interventions can have a positive impact on functional outcomes. Integrated rehabilitation services in primary healthcare can be supported through community-based rehabilitation, which emphasises community involvement and engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Currently, a broad set of bibliometric indices for evaluation of journal quality, the level of its internationalization, and interactions between serials are available. However, some cases require one to obtain more precise methods to assess journals, e.g., when estimating new journals, selecting them into international citation databases, increasing their rank, broadening their readership, or optimizing editorial policy. To cope with new challenges, new approaches have been introduced including altmetrics and various analyses of editorial board composition and impact. Analyzing altmetrics and studying geographic diversity on editorial boards, comparing these data with that of journal authors, and evaluating research efficiency of editorial board members enables one to use new approaches to assess the rank of serials. This paper considers current research reports on altmetrics, geographic diversity, and publication activity of editorial board members of top journals on Earth Sciences published in the Russian Federation and recognized as international serials. It was found that such altmetrics as abstract views, full text views, and a number of viewed papers are now available as additional metrics to evaluate journal quality. Furthermore, provided that the data on altmetrics are complete, they can be considered as a specific predictor for future citations and other citation-based indices. Editorial board analyses demonstrate a correlation of bibliometric indices of editorial board members with that of a journal. As for geographic diversity, only half of the analyzed journals demonstrate a strong correlation between the number of foreign members on editorial boards and geographic representativeness of a journal, mainly due to the local nature of geosciences and trade secret mode in much of mining research. Generally, the obtained findings highlighted the efficiency of new approaches to evaluate journal quality both in the case of the absence of citation-based journal metrics and as an additional tool to traditional indices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the state of academic dialogue between the Russian and Western scholarly communities studying the European Union (EU)–Russia relations in Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). By analyzing the citation patterns of the academic articles on the EU–Russia cooperation in this area, we arrive at the conclusion that the Russian scholarship mostly does not engage in a transnational academic dialogue with the Western counterparts. In other words, it has turned into a sealed 'indigenous' scholarly community. And what is more, it is also disintegrated within itself since the Russian scholars do not refer to the research produced by their compatriots either. To qualitatively substantiate our findings, in the last section of the paper, we review the universe of all articles written on the topic in Russian to distinguish five trends typical of the research published in Russian academic journals. We believe that these features are the result of the lack of engagement with the Western scholarship and simultaneously the cause which prevents the communication between the two scholarly communities. This, in turn, undermines the accumulation of the transnational multifaceted policy-relevant expertise essential for normalizing the relations between Brussels and Moscow in general and in JHA in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital divide gained new importance since the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemics. However, the phenomenon is far from being fully conceptualized or effectively measured. The key question, whether digital divide is a mere extension of other social inequalities, or it has significant new meaning, remains largely unanswered; a reason is the lack of effective instruments of quantitative study of the phenomenon that would capture its complex nature. The present paper addresses both conceptualizing and measurement issues, suggesting that separation of supply- and demand-side considerations is crucial in understanding the digital divide and introducing a composite Digital Life Index, measures separately the digital supply and demand across seven independent dimensions. The Index is based on Internet-borne data, a distinction from traditional research approaches that rely on official statistics or surveys. Though the empiric part of the paper is focused on the sub-national digital divide in Russia we argue that its methodology can be applied on many other levels and its conceptual findings are relevant to understanding the phenomenon globally. The hierarchical regression analysis is used to determine the relative importance of factors like income, human capital, and policy in shaping the digital divide. The result of the analysis suggests that the digital divide is driven more by the differences in demand than in supply; the role of income is insignificant, and the quality of policy and human capital is the key determinant of the divide. The paper advances the existing conceptual and methodological literature on the issue and can also inform practical decision-making regarding the strategies of national and regional digital development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For two centuries, the image of the Crown Prince ʽAbbas Mirza (1789–1833) has remained unblemished in Iranian history. He has been portrayed as perfect in character, progressive in advancing the cause of reform in Iran and bold in fighting the superpower of Russia. This paper offers a revisionist account by questioning this image and aims to portray ʽAbbas Mirza as someone who, operating during one of the most critical periods in Iranian history, was burdened by a long war, internal rivalries and the competition of foreign powers. The account written by a long-serving French officer, Louis Gaspard Barrachin, at the court of ʽAbbas Mirza during the interim years between the two wars with Russia, rejects the simplistic conventional narrative and presents a lonely figure with weaknesses and a complex real character. The paper also reveals the French officer's main objective of attempting to find a firm foothold in Iran for France so as to advance French interests in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the evidence of Russia's activity in Latin America and Africa, the paper explores the country's lending policies as part of the country's economic statecraft. Russia joined the group of countries that provide loans to other governments only quite recently, using the flow of resources from oil sales. As a latecomer, Russia and its companies target states with markets unoccupied by Western competitors. Russia even supports regimes with low credibility and provides them with political and economic support. Because of this high-yield but also high-risk strategy, it faces problems and losses in countries such as Venezuela or Libya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) has become a popular, positivist approach to studying how narratives affect the policy process over the past 10 years. In this paper, we critically evaluate its applicability in an authoritarian context. We employ a mixed-method approach to, first, present some of the narrative elements employed by principal actors in the policy debate according to the NPF, derived through quantitative content analysis, and second, to critically contrast these findings by drawing on qualitative data. The policy we examine is Moscow's contentious Renovation program, which aims to demolish many of the city's Soviet-era five story 'Kruschovsky' apartment blocks and resettle residents in new apartments. The quantitative content analysis is derived from several online government sources and that of the principal opponent of the Renovation program, an online group called 'Moscovites Against Demolition'. The qualitative data are derived from a district in Southwest Moscow, where the first Kruschovsky apartments were developed and has locally seen vocal opposition to the Renovation program and other redevelopment projects. This study highlights the limitations of the NPF and argues that by examining the performative nature of policy narratives, we can gain greater insight into the political strategies and context that underwrite these narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with ongoing large-scale cyber espionage and the rising prominence of information operations targeting social media, the cyber conflict scholarship has entered into a renewed debate over how to characterise the role and place of cyberspace conflict in broader patterns of international security. In response to these empirical challenges, this paper argues that the current scholarship is limited because it uses the 'cyberspace domain' – a doctrinal concept originating in the U.S. military – as a conceptual foundation. This paper argues that the cyberspace domain should be replaced with a holistic conception of "information competition" of which there are three paradigms: cyberspace domain, mixed, and information. All states seek to intervene in the flow and storage of information across domestic and international contexts; information competition is better able to capture information-related interactions between states and observed empirical variation in how states approach information technology and conflict. For example, China and Russia centre 'information' as the core organising framework for their approach to information technology and conflict. This paper also demonstrates how an information competition framework better clarifies the role that the U.S. has played in shaping Russian and Chinese approaches to information competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian Expeditionary Force (REF) was a small military force of roughly 50,000 men who fought in France and Salonika under French command. After 1917 the majority of the soldiers repatriated to Soviet Russia, but some chose to stay in France. By looking closely at the fate of the former soldiers of the Russian Expeditionary Force in those countries this paper examines two contrasting methods of interaction between Russian veterans and the state. The veterans that chose to remain in France had to fight for their recognition by the French state and in 1924 they created the ‘Association of the Russian Officers, who fought on the French front’ which advocated for their rights. Those who opted to return home discovered that the new Soviet state had no means to support them, but was ready to use them as a propaganda instrument. Portraying REF veterans as victims of the ‘imperialist war’, in the 1920s the Soviet government promoted the ‘Society of Former Russian Soldiers in France and the Balkans’, helping its members with housing and pensions. Despite the apparent differences in those examples, this paper argues that there is one key and significant resemblance between them. At the heart of interaction between the veterans and the state always laid veteran societies powered by the social bonds and sense of entitlement built during the war. That makes Russian veterans in many respects similar to their European counterparts and allows for a better understanding of the nature of Russian veteran experiences after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes the concept of 'imperism' as an analytical tool apt to describe political processes in Putin's Russia and beyond. Imperism denotes an ontological orientation, or nomos (the term derives from theories of religion and politics by Berger and Schmitt), that undergirds a plurality of civic positions, informs policy, and fundamentally casts imperialness as a political entity's normal, desirable state. Russia's imperist nomos shall be explored in its key dimensions, including cosmology, authority, sociology, and aesthetics. However, imperism's analytical purchase is not limited to the Russian case. In particular, this paper considers the merits of this category vis-à-vis an array of related but distinct concepts: imperialism, authoritarianism, fascism, nationalism, and irredentism. On those grounds, it will be argued that Putinist Russia's military adventurism manifests a peculiar, imperist form of imperialism; that the Putin regime, albeit hard to categorise, appears to share an imperist nomos with historical fascisms; and that imperism's ultimate scope exceeds that of nationalist irredentism. The paper ends with a reflection on the advantageous epistemological potentialities of imperism as a category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of Russia's full scale invasion of Ukraine, numerous articles have been written about the reasons why the Moscow Patriarchate supports it and how the church is legitimising the aggression. The usual ideational suspects were named, i.e. russkiy mir, 'Holy Rus' and 'Moscow, the Third Rome'. In this paper I draw attention to an important yet overlooked concept which allows the church's leadership to present their support for the war as a noble act. I analyse how the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church understands justice in relation to politics, especially the international order and foreign relations. The goal of the paper is to reconstruct the justice narrative of the Moscow Patriarchate – its content, the context in which it appears and its role. The findings are based on interpretative discourse analysis of a sample of 403 documents retrieved from the official websites of the Moscow Patriarchate (2000–2023). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how war correspondents working for U.S.-based news organizations Tweeted about the early stages of the 2022 war in Ukraine, focusing particularly on instances when these war reporters contributed to a distinctly transnational version of what Matt Carlson has termed "metajournalistic discourse" (2016). Defining this concept as the "public expressions evaluating news texts, the practices that produce them, or the conditions of their reception" (Carlson [2016]. "Metajournalistic Discourse and the Meanings of Journalism: Definitional Control, Boundary Work, and Legitimation." Communication Theory 26 (4): 349–368 , 353), we argue that from February to May of 2022, U.S. war correspondents constructed a discourse that situated their own labor within the boundaries of what counts as the most acceptable form of war journalism, representing their reportage as the most independent and transparent form of war reporting. Conversely, they situated the work of Russian and Ukrainian journalists outside this boundary. The paper ultimately argues that journalism scholars should think more transnationally about the discourses that discuss journalistic labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the human rights and immigration lawyers in Russia inspired by the approach that embraces both human and non-human objects in shaping the everyday experiences of the law. Drawing on five months ethnographic fieldwork in Russian legal aid NGOs that represent asylum seekers and interviews with the immigration lawyers who worked there, this paper casts more light on the file-based model of delivering justice, whereby refugees and their stories cannot be constructed differently than through the materiality of the case file. This paper argues that the specific relationship between the immigration lawyers and their clients' case files has not developed in a vacuum, but can be traced back to the traditions of the legal profession in Russia. It is also illustrative of three specific traits of the broader Russian legal culture: legal formalism, the inconsistency of the legal process and the hyperbolic reality-mediating function attached to documentary evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an investigation of authoritarian encounters in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine, this paper takes seriously the challenges of making geopolitical sense of contextualised micro moments. Working in a minor key, the paper offers three contributions. First, it advances a minor theory, micropolitical sensibility that interrogates the co-constitution of intimate and geopolitical scales. Second, it proposes a loose ethnographic framework to guide the analysis of ordinary moments, link them outside of the immediate, and make fuller sense of the geopolitical: rupture, digestion, connection, and representation. Third, it aspires to destabilise regional container thinking and Orientalising tendencies through a focus on authoritarian practices rather than authoritarian states. Overall, the paper foregrounds a minoritarian reading of the micro-dynamics of authoritarian encounter in order to enrich the conversation on the constitution of the geopolitical, while also offering an intimate and interconnected methodology that encourages critical, safe, and ethical research under authoritarian conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores a unique phenomenon of systemic companies and their corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities in a weak institutional environment and extensive institutional voids that push them to take diverse obligations. The paper uses the data from 223 Russian public companies and employs conventional statistical methods to test hypotheses. Our results show that systemic companies are inclined to disclose information about their CSR activities, especially, in their social dimension due to their social obligations in the local markets and necessity to gain legitimacy in host markets. Moreover, Russian companies with international activities are more active in CSR disclosure than purely domestic ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The acquisition of clandestine human sources – or agents – inside Russia and China likely remains the key priority for Western HUMINT agencies, and yet their ability to do this safely is quickly waning. This paper considers the utility of cyberspace for espionage recruitment in these two hard target states, and assesses its value as a potential solution to emerging surveillance threats. With the aid of history, this paper proposes that hard target espionage is fundamentally afflicted by a tradecraft paradox, one that will severely curtail the utility of cyberspace to agent recruitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian private military company (PMC), the Wagner Group, went from being a public secret to openly fighting alongside Russian forces in Russia's war in Ukraine. By looking at Russian pro-government media discourses on PMCs, this paper argues that this development is largely made possible by a discursive shift, which happened before the war. Two basic discourses are found in the period leading up to the war – a discourse that denies the existence of Russian PMCs, and a discourse of normalization, which constructs PMCs as legitimate businesses and Russia as a great power. The two discourses previously kept the PMCs in a grey zone, allowing the Russian political elite deniability, while also taking credit for the foreign policy successes the PMCs achieved. However, this paper shows a discursive shift of recognizing PMCs as legitimate actors, which allowed for the Wagner Group to play a key role in Russia's war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political observers predicted the Ukraine invasion by Russia for many days, but they could not precisely anticipate the scheme and timing of the invasion. This paper investigates the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the global commodity and stock markets using an event study methodology. The empirical results of this study suggest that this invasion unevenly affected the financial markets. More precisely, our results suggest that the onset of war has put pressure on global gold and stock markets. Furthermore, it seems that the only asset that could be considered a safe haven for investors after the outbreak of the invasion was oil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various professional, economic, and personal reasons underpin current migration flows. This article integrated the concepts of lifestyle travelling and lifestyle migration by bringing the tourism-migration nexus to the fore to analyse lifestyle issues of individuals that impact their decisions to be mobile. Sixteen in-depth semi-structured interviews with young Russian migrants, a 'modern' population with different perspectives about opportunities to travel and migrate than their USSR predecessors, were conducted with a focus on their life experiences, mobility 'careers' and starting points of migration. Thematic analysis and iterative engagement with data led to the creation of the Movement Continuum. This Movement Continuum connects different stages of movement ranging from the first trip, long-term travelling, permanent migration, and the final decision to settle down. The paper suggests the continued need for a better understanding of the importance of lifestyle in mobility and migration journeys. It identifies those moments of crisis in the mobility and migration journey that affect an individual's intentions to stay on the move and/or to migrate. The findings complement discourses around the role of personal crisis in migration, mobilities, and tourism and highlight the necessity for further research regarding the better exploration of the relationship between lifestyle travel and lifestyle migration in tourism geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Russian industrial heritage and its interactions with society. It focuses on changing identities and the transformation of industrial enterprises from connecters to the future in Soviet times, to bridges to both the past and the future for different social groups in post-Soviet Russia. Based on regional examples from the Russian northwest, this article analyzes the trajectories of industrial enterprises from urban centers to peripheries, and the socio-cultural appropriation they experience. Based on newspaper articles, online comments of citizens, and materials from Internet communities, this analysis explores discussions about the reuse of abandoned industrial heritage in Russia. First, it shows how industrial enterprises have moved from centers of the future to peripheries of the past during the last century, and continue to do so at present. Second, it examines how citizens interact with them today, producing nostalgia for the "lost" Soviet past and using abandoned buildings for stalker adventures. The paper concludes that abandoned enterprises transform from industrial centers to cultural sites, binding past, present and future together in a temporal conjunction where three unique temporalities co-exist and overlap: the socialist past, the modern Russian present, and imagined futures. Abandoned heritage is a dynamic participant in cultural and social activities but simultaneously it signifies disappearing industrial socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian interference in American politics appears today in sophisticated forms thanks to technology, but disinformation is not a new phenomenon. The influence of foreign disinformation on domestic policy has antecedents in the First World War, when the American government distributed fabricated documents supplied by anti-Communist revolutionaries to make false claims about a German-Bolshevik conspiracy. The so-called Sisson Documents strengthened a narrative the Wilson administration created that the Bolsheviks were German stooges who, with German support and direction, took Russia out of the war and promoted unrest in the United States. The Wilson administration sold the German-Bolshevik conspiracy through a pro-war, patriotic American press, whose pages were laced with talk of pervasive German conspiracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the response of the members of the European Council towards the EU's sanctions policy against Russia following the 2014 Russian occupation and annexation of Crimea and the continued Ukraine crisis. The case is analysed to answer the question on the traits of the politicisation of the EU's Russia sanctions policy. Concretely, the main research question is: what does the interplay of actor range, salience, and polarisation tell us about politicisation of CFSP in the case of sanctions policy? The secondary research question deals with how actors interact when contesting a sanctions policy to boost their success. Considering that the European Council, as the main actor in CFSP, is something of a "black box", the paper heuristically focuses on statements (N = 223) on the sanctions policy given by its members from March 2014 till the end of 2019. The analysis shows how the politicisation of the sanctions policy seemingly entrenched itself into EUFP politics after it skyrocketed and fell in the wake of Russia's annexation of Crimea. Finally, a latent class analysis indicates the existence of two latent coalitions with opposing views on the sanctions policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical positioning of Central Asia as the centre of the 'Eurasian Heartland' has been the subject of extensive debates in academic and policy circles over the last three decades. However, the mainstream geopolitical narratives on Central Asia tend to focus on grand-level geopolitical players and discourses, thereby reducing the region and its populations to passive entities without any agency. Not much has been said about how these grand-level narratives are reflected and operate within the micro-level, everyday spaces, relationships and experiences of ordinary people. This paper addresses this lacuna by examining the everyday, micro-level discourses and experiences of geopolitics amongst Uzbek migrant workers in Russia and their left-behind families in Uzbekistan – a form of 'everyday geopolitics'. The paper is based on a transnational ethnography of Uzbek migrant workers in Russia and in their home village in Uzbekistan, conducted between January 2014 and November 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Russia's massive Cyber-attacks on Ukraine's government and bank sectors in January–February 2022, many analysts alleged that Cyber-power would be a crucial component of Russia's military victory in Ukraine. Contrary to these expectations, however, Russian Cyber-intrusions yielded meagre strategic benefits, with Moscow seemingly prioritising conventional warfare and destruction of energy and civilian infrastructure instead. Using a theory of asymmetric conflict, this paper argues, somewhat counterintuitively, that the reason behind inhibited efficacy of Russian Cyber-operations post-2022 are Moscow's prior Cyber-attacks against Ukraine since 2013. While having helped the Kremlin weaken Ukraine's Cyber-networks and collect local intelligence, these antecedent Cyber-operations have provided a two-pronged learning loop: for Ukraine to cultivate habits of mitigating Russian Cyber-threats, and for Russia to acquire habits of relying on information operations more than on destructive Cyber-attacks. This "pedagogical" mechanism ultimately enabled Ukraine to redress its Cyber-asymmetry with Russia and deny Moscow success in its Cyber-intrusions post-2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research in security studies contends that information warfare (IW) is becoming a critical element in states' overall security strategies. Additionally, many researchers posit that artificial intelligence (AI) is quickly emerging as an important component of digital communications and states' military applications worldwide. However, less is known regarding how states are incorporating AI in their information warfare and influence operations (IWIO). Thus, given the growing importance of AI and IW in global security, this paper examines how the United States, China, and Russia are incorporating AI in their IWIO strategies and tactics. We find that the US, China, and Russia are utilizing AI in their IWIO approaches in significant ways depending on each state's overall IW strategy, with important implications for international security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Serbia not impose sanctions against Russia following its aggression on Ukraine in February 2022? As a state seeking membership of the European Union (EU), Serbia's reluctance to join the sanction regime is puzzling. This paper draws from the ontological security literature to show how Serbia, as a political community, is divided between East and West, that is, between a vicarious attachment to Moscow and a relationship with Brussels driven primarily by the prospect of joining the benefits of membership of the EU. The problem of sanctions brought to the fore the conflicted identity of Serbia, showing how Belgrade's hedging in foreign policy reflects not only an attempt to extract concessions and advantages from both partners – the EU and Russia – but more fundamentally its efforts to come to terms with its liminal, ontologically insecure position within the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a geopolitical lens to explain the evolving tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean. More specifically, it unpacks conceptually how sovereignty, balance of power and energy security concerns drive exploration schemes and forge pipeline politics. First, the discovery of new gas deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean have created significant Turkish challenges to Cypriot, Greek and Egyptian sovereignty. Second, Greece and Cyprus have allied with both Israel and Egypt to balance against Turkey. The designated pipeline infrastructure these countries promote serves to enhance their sovereignty and cement their alliance and joint posturing vis-à-vis Turkey. Third, Russia's geopolitical assertiveness has led the European Commission to vigorously back gas schemes in the Eastern Mediterranean to enhance energy security, promote diversification and balance against the Russian threat. Together, these three prime objectives account for the evolving conundrum in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using microsimulations this paper analyzes the poverty and tax implications of replacing current transfers and subsidies by a budget-neutral (no change in the fiscal deficit) universal basic income program (UBI) in Brazil, Chile, India, Russia, and South Africa. We consider three UBI transfers with increasing levels of generosity and identify scenarios in which the poor are no worse off than in the baseline scenario of existing social transfers. We find that for poverty levels not to increase under a UBI reform, the level of spending must increase substantially with respect to the baseline. Accordingly, the required increase in tax burdens is high throughout. We find that the increase in the average tax rate that would be consistent with not hurting the poor is almost universally above 30%, limiting the feasibility of a UBI reform due to political resistance and efficiency costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the FIFA World Cup 2018 headlines generated by Russia are a means to utilize and apply soft power with the aim to restore Russia's role as one of the powerful and influential states in the global politics. Analysing the use of evaluative patterns in selected headlines, this paper scrutinizes the socio-historical influences that shape and reinforce nationalist and capitalist ideologies, and hence drive the discourse patterns within the headlines. Governed by the theories of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Appraisal Theory, the analysis revealed that the headlines were crafted to help Russia move out of global isolation. This symbolic domination was fulfilled by regaining global legitimacy while surging up nationalism and patriotism through the lexical choices applied in crafting the FIFA discourse. This study provides a model for future analyses of the socio-political and historical influences and contexts of the discourses surrounding global events like FIFA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the potential of the forest sector in China and Russia over the past decade to identify the main trends and prospects for developing international timber business between the countries. The research showed that further development of foreign economic cooperation between the countries requires reindustrialization of the Russian forest industry sector in processing and manufacturing wood products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the commonalities of populist mobilizations in the post-Soviet region. It identifies a salient populist cleavage between two political projects that differ fundamentally about their focal point of political action: externalist sovereigntism and internalist anti-corruption messianism. While sovereigntism takes a defensive stance repelling foreign forces hostile to "the people," anti-corruption messianism offensively tackles cronyism impeding developmental salvation for "the people." The paper reconstructs six sovereigntist and anti-corruption projects, which have unfolded across different non-democratic regimes in Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine throughout the past decade. It is argued that the conflict between sovereigntism and anti-corruption messianism relates to a twofold, distinctively post-Soviet constellation: uncertainty over conflictual geopolitical abeyance and the exasperation over social closure due to the prevalence of oligarchical patronalism. In this context, both populist projects constitute powerful strategies of solidarity-forging under conditions in which other channels of political articulation have been either blocked or exhausted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a critical analysis of the Russian National Atlas (2004–2008), the presentation of which is based on the tradition of the Soviet school of complex atlas production, and which is the first (and so far only) Soviet and post-Soviet Russian national atlas. Following the critical cartography approach, this paper deconstructs the atlas' structure and the range of presented maps to decode the construction of the national spatial identity and the imposed "cartographic silences". The paper shows how the presented maps and texts aligns with the overarching image of the Russian State as strong military state, and reveals the colonial narratives toward its Northern and Eastern peripheries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an analysis of the determinants of regional government debt in the Russian Federation using data from 2005–2017. We document that total indebtedness of Russian regions has grown substantially since 2010 and find significant changes in the structure of regional debt, primarily the increased use of budget credits offered by the federal government. Market debt instruments are determined by a different set of factors than non-market instruments. In fact, poorer and less fiscally independent regions have lower access to budget credits and are forced to rely on more expensive market debt instruments, particularly commercial loans. Budget credits and commercial loans are shown to be substitutes, although the nature of this substitution is contrary to declared redistributive goals of public policy. Finally, we find the presence of horizontal strategic interactions in debt issuance across Russian regions: regions react positively to increased debt issuance in the same federal district. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the volatility spillover between the soybean futures contracts traded in the US Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) and China Dalian Commodity Exchange (DCE) through a normalized Copula – GARCH(1,1) - t model with structural changes. The structural change points are identified through a combination of Bayesian diagnosis with Z-test. The study finds that the volatility spillover exists between the DCE and CBOT soybean futures and weakens through time. We further identify seven structural change points in the volatility spillover relationship, suggesting it is going through significant structural changes. The changes are related to major social-political events including the trade conflict between China and the US, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]