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The deliberate efforts of Nigerian World War II veterans to advance their material interests amid the wave of radical anticolonial nationalism helped them to mediate colonial rule in Nigeria. Most literature on World War II and nationalism in Nigeria portrays veterans as objects of nationalist mobilization. Drawing on colonial records and newspapers from archives in Nigeria and the United States, this paper argues that Nigerian veterans were far more interested in their social and material interests than being objects of radical anticolonial nationalist mobilization in postwar Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gobustan, a prehistoric site 60 km south of Baku, has an impressive collection of rock carvings from different prehistoric eras. Near the site, a national museum presents the prehistoric findings in a narrative that connects them with modern-day Azerbaijan, calling the hunter–gatherer tribes that lived in Gobustan 'our ancient Azerbaijani ancestors'. While many nation-building projects dig deep into the past, reconstruct it, claim ancient civilizations as their own and sometimes even invent historical narratives that never happened, the Gobustan Museum and the narrative it implies (that prehistoric people living in 15,000 BCE were Azerbaijanis) seems like 'overkill', an exaggerated effort to connect the past and the present. The data from the museum points to a larger story: the construction of national identity and collective memory in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. This paper presents some of the author's anthropological field research findings in the museum and explains why the narrative of 'ancientness' is so essential in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on sub-state diplomacy has revealed that identity entrepreneurs representing minority nations like Quebec engage in foreign affairs, normally defined as identity paradiplomacy. This article argues that the concepts of the identity entrepreneur and of identity paradiplomacy should be broadened to refer to any sub-state decision-maker, not only those representing minority nations, that disseminates identity or nationalist ideas in engagements with foreign actors. The reconceptualization advances scholarship by incorporating a more diverse array of types of identity paradiplomacy and refines our understanding of both the causes and the consequences of nationalist-driven paradiplomacy. As an empirical illustration of this proposition, the article offers a case study of the diplomatic affairs of Romania's sub-state governments toward the Republic of Moldova, which were dominated by nationalist narratives shared by central authorities and included no references to regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nationalist rhetoric of Biden and Trump in the 2020 presidential election, focusing on how the candidates represented, and contested, the meaning of American national identity. To do so, we construct a novel analytical framework to undertake a contextual content analysis of Biden and Trump's campaign tweets (n = 4,321). We demonstrate that the meaning of national identity was a key source of contestation in the election, and that the parameters of this contestation closely tracked a longstanding cleavage in American political culture between civic and ethnic nationalist traditions. Biden largely drew upon the civic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in liberal myths and symbols. By contrast, Trump largely drew upon the ethnic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in white American myths and symbols. Critically, both candidates used these opposing nationalist traditions to frame each other as a grave threat to the nation's "true" identity and, ultimately, as un-American. This "nationalist polarization" of presidential politics is a troubling development for the future of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to better understand Christian nationalism by investigating the cases of Uchimura Kanzō and Nitobe Inazō, two well-known Christians of Meiji Japan. In Meiji Japan, Christianity was a recently re-introduced and foreign faith which was not aligned with the Japanese way of life. However, both Uchimura and Nitobe converted to Christianity in their youth and dedicated their life to the development of Japan. The article investigates what made this possible. It pays particular attention to the relationship between politics and religion and the Meiji government's attempts to adopt the western view of the relationship to the nascent Japanese state. It argues that the invention of state Shintō as a non-religion but an indispensable part of the Japanese polity by the Meiji government created space where Christian faith and Japanese nationalism could co-exist, the space which was increasingly squeezed as Meiji turned to Taishō and then to Shōwa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay will analyse the ways in which definitions of race in nineteenth-century Ireland were not only, nor simply set by British colonizers, but rather were produced and determined by Irish people themselves. This long history of Irish engagement with concepts of race shaped how the Young Ireland movement understood how the Irish nation was (racially) constituted. Additionally, the multi-racial history of the Irish nation inflected Young Ireland's understanding of how history structured the construction of an Irish nationality. This paper then will show how the Young Irelanders understood race and, more particularly, how they recognized themselves as racialized subjects. Their own adoption of a racialized Irishness was important to their vision for Ireland's revolutionary future. Placing race centrally within the writings of Young Ireland, highlighting its essential role in a historical account of Irish nationality, this essay will thereby cast new light on the difficulties inherent in Young Ireland's nationalist project. In particular, it will underscore the anxieties experienced by Young Ireland about the potential impossibility of the nationalist project with reference to its production and experience of racialized but ambiguous subject positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study systematically examines, deconstructs, and maps the quotidian nationalist discourse among Chinese netizens and analyzes their 'liking' behavior on the social media platform, Zhihu, in order to investigate what and how they talk about nationalism. The analysis of the quotidian expression of nationalism marks a shift from the previous practice of relying on high-profile nationalist movements as evidence which may create an incomplete or inaccurate impression that much of Chinese nationalism is virulent and over-zealous. This study finds that Zhihu users are critical nationalists who are competitive but judicious. The existence of levelheaded nationalists in China's online space suggests the limits of strident nationalist contagion and nationalist mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular nationalism increasingly dominates public debate in mainland China. This article examines the impact of this trend on Chinese policymaking by looking at the public consultation procedure for new regulations on foreigners' permanent residency in February 2020. Following an unexpectedly large online outcry of anti-immigrant sentiment in response to the draft regulations, government actors shelved the proposal, which constituted a long-delayed step towards a more comprehensive immigration framework. Drawing on textual analysis, expert interviews, and survey data, the article analyzes elite-public interactions before, during, and after the controversy, asking what factors contributed to this miscalculation of public sentiment, and what the P.R. debate can tell us about the role of public opinion in Chinese policymaking today. It argues that popular nationalists can play a bottom-up politicizing role on previously marginal policy issues such as immigration, surprising and constraining the state. Such politicisation further limits both public and elite policy debate, impairing state information gathering and exacerbating the tension between Chinese policy actors' desire to both control and understand public sentiment. In addition, the permanent residency debate demonstrates the relevance of public opinion to China's non-democratic immigration policymaking, which displays a trajectory of gradual politicisation similar to other early-stage immigrant-reception contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will study a recent protest in Indian football against the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law championed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party that threatens to render millions of Indian citizens stateless. Recent scholarship on supporter activism in football tends to focus on the local conditions that drive fan-led actions. Yet, as witnessed at the Kolkata demonstration against the amendment in early 2020, the horizon of politics as imagined by fans remains much wider in its scope. Through this study, we can discern a mode of political articulation by football supporters that combines the local and the national. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse the mobilisation of a collective memory for political purposes by the Law and Justice party in Poland. PiS is often presented as a populist party, which came to power thanks to an anti-elite rhetoric and social programme. The party portrayed itself as a representative of socially excluded groups as well as a defender of 'normal' people against corrupted elites. At the same time, PiS mobilised its supporters by referring to a certain construction of the national past. We analyse the tension between populist rhetoric accompanying social reforms aimed at social inclusion and the practice of mobilising exclusive historical memory and strengthening exclusionary Polish national identity. In the selected examples of education reform, museum policy and the cult of the Cursed Soldiers, we demonstrate the traditional and nationalist approach of the party to history, which is reduced to heroic struggles for national freedom. In the image of the past evoked by PiS, the sharp division between 'we, the simple people' and 'elites' weakens; instead, the dichotomy between 'us' and 'them' is constructed in the national terms 'Poles' vs. 'Others'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish press reported on Conchita Montenegro, a Spanish actress who moved to Hollywood in the early 1930s, with ambiguous and contradictory messages. On the one hand, her stint in Tinseltown was celebrated as a national triumph: a young Spanish woman had managed to seduce and conquer the Hollywood film industry. On the other hand, the fact that in Hollywood she played female archetypes at odds with the conservative morality of Catholic Spain was silenced. Decades later, after her death, the Spanish press has restored Conchita Montenegro's fame, this time through a sensationalist, melodramatic story similar to the way Hollywood stars are promoted. Based on a comparative study between journalistic sources from both periods, this article demonstrates that the way Montenegro was treated as a film star in the press reflects the same nationalist fervour, even though the focus of her patriotic exemplariness in the 1930s gave way to a melodramatic vision of her Hollywood career more recently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the emergence and destruction of the Zimbabwe Times, a weekly, later daily newspaper in Rhodesia. Covertly aligned to the Patriotic Front, an uneasy coalition of Zimbabwe's two leading liberation movements, it primarily backed Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU. Financed by Lonrho, a London-based conglomerate, this nationalist friendly title dramatically altered Rhodesia's media landscape. The paper first appeared in 1977 during the waning days of white settler rule. After 18 months of publication, it was banned amidst an abortive transition to a racially integrated interim government that incorporated more pliable black leaders. Despite its brief existence, the Zimbabwe Times' reception and interaction with a range of political groups illuminates both political strategies and tensions that underpinned the fragile relations between a host of political actors during a dynamic era. This account is principally informed by the newspaper's own coverage, external press accounts, and interviews with Zimbabwe Times staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hong Kong Palace Museum (HKPM) is the first museum dedicated to orthodox Chinese history in Hong Kong. Opened in July 2022, the HKPM emerged amid an accelerating integration of the city with mainland China and closely adheres to Chinese nationalist ideologies. However, among museums in Hong Kong and mainland China that foster nation-building, it features conventional yet distinctive presentation strategies. We critically analyse the objects displayed, the textual evidence from labels and panels, and the spatial arrangement of the opening thematic exhibitions to deconstruct the nationalistic agenda embedded in the narrative. On one hand, the HKPM guides local visitors to (re)imagine the Chinese nation based on a flourishing, continuing, Confucian-centric, and culturally diverse Chinese civilisation, following customary nationalistic narratives. On the other hand, the HKPM customises its narrative to legitimise Hong Kong's unification with China and affix Hong Kong's past, present, and future to the development of the Chinese nation. Together, the exhibitions attempt to bolster visitors' sense of belonging to the nation through cognitive and affective means, while invoking a sense of obligation to contribute to the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Struggles over the degree of the scientific autonomy of statistics led to the demise of one of the first international scientific congresses in European history. But in the 1880s, only a decade after the collapse of that congress, the International Statistical Institute (ISI) was founded as its immediate successor to overcome the nationalist disputes that hindered the idealistic visions of a universal science breakthrough. The connection between universal scientific concepts and state reform processes is examined by the case study of the implementation of national income statistics according to internationally comparable standards in the German Reich. Thereby, the organizational history of the ISI, the role models of the participants and national realities are set in relation. The article argues that the semi-official character of international statistics implies a tension between scientific autonomy and dependence on national administrations. Equally, it offers the possibility of promoting national reform processes with reference to international integration, as the institutional responsibility for the German national income calculation in the 1930s demonstrates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the territorial conflict between the governments of Catalonia and Spain escalate to the point of extreme institutional disruption in October 2017? The present article explains this crisis – a declaration of independence followed by the imposition of direct rule – as the outcome of an Escalation of Commitment behaviour. By examining the iterative relationship between both governments, the article shows that they were trapped in a failing course of action, unable to withdraw from their early political decisions. Despite facing increasingly negative outcomes from their choices, both sides had already invested too much political capital to quit. Expectations and self-justification attitudes account for the escalation behaviour, together with a radicalized decision environment. The findings have broader implications for the study of nationalist politics: they show that the commitment to early decisions mediated by the existence of strong political incentives against compromise may lead to the escalation of territorial conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines state building in Dersim with reference to local demands and the state capacity. It first analyzes how the Turkish nationalists aimed to transform the Dersim region. The focus then shifts to the local responses towards the state policies following the military operations of 1937 and 1938. I posit that the Kurds' relation with the state relied on pragmatism and negotiation rather than outright hostility. Moreover, I demonstrate that the locals' expectations from the state overlapped with the Turkish state's pre-operation agenda for the most part. Despite the local endorsement, the limited state capacity constituted a major obstacle in implementing land redistribution policy and expanding road networks with limited progress. The opening of schools, however, produced somewhat mixed results in the sense that the enrollment rates did not correspond to the increase in the number of schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the existing gap in the literature by proposing a new measure of nationalism across multiple states in ECE. Using ISSP data from 1995 to 2013 and Mokken scale analysis, I create a set of nationalism indices that account for the intensity of nationalist sentiments based on the measures of national identity, national consciousness, patriotism, national pride, national superiority, and xenophobic nationalism. The research contributes to our understanding of the dynamic nature of nationalist sentiments across different ECE countries over time. The findings indicate that weak, moderate, and strong manifestations of nationalism are both time-dependent and context-dependent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1984, the Hong Kong teleplay Legendary Huo Yuanjia was officially released on national television stations in Mainland China. The teleplay, shot against the background of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century China, tells the story of Huo Yuanjia, a nationalist kung fu hero who carries forward the national spirit and constructs a national identity through practicing martial arts. Upon its release, the teleplay was well-received across Mainland China; much better received than it was in Hong Kong. It was released when the reform and opening up of Mainland China was at its initial stage and when China and Britain had just reached substantive conclusions on the issue of Hong Kong's return to China. There are two main reasons for the play's popularity. First, the historical and cultural information associated with the image of Huo Yuanjia, together with its rhetorical expression in the teleplay, brought "Old China" back to life, helping to relieve the identity crisis the Chinese people were experiencing during the process of modernization. Second, the teleplay provided mass media (as well as the Chinese government) the logic to mobilize national support for its "qu bingfu" efforts, enabling the media to integrate individual resources during the process of modernization. Therefore, Legendary Huo Yuanjia set a good example for Mainland media to follow regarding how to communicate nationalist ideology through commercial narrative. The rhetorical method it adopted became the basic method of nationalist heroic narrative in the Mainland for the following three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent nationalist sentiments affect economic behavior is still an open question. In this paper a study of emerging and competing lottery markets in the same jurisdiction (Catalonia, a Spanish region) is conducted to explore the impact of such nationalistic feelings in the demand for gambling. The use of panel data allows controlling for changing economic and demographic conditions at the province level and their potential effect on the analyzed lottery markets. The results from a difference-in-difference regression analysis indicate that a statistically significant but limited impact of the introduction of the new lottery exists, suggesting that the observed shift in the existing market demand may respond, beyond mere economic determinants, to behavioral biases (e.g. identification feeling with the new lottery). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians have dismantled the myth of the Wars of Liberation as a general, nationalist uprising of the German people against French invaders. Nevertheless, analyses still focus on a connection between a bellicose nationalism and the 'positive' emotions of military victory. This article shifts the focus toward the preceding military defeat, occupation, and catastrophe in Prussia. The theory of cultural trauma provides a means of uncovering the very real emotion of fear that drove debate within the public, military, and political spheres. Examining two main groups, nationalists and conservatives, this article argues that each group experienced defeat and occupation as a cultural trauma, but drew different lessons from the past and contrasting visions of the future to overcome trauma — though unexpectedly, military victory did not erase the trauma. This analysis has wider significance for the history of emotions and specifically for the study of the intersection of nationalism and emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s and '80s, several East German folk revival artists started playing Irish traditional music, long before reconnecting with German folk-song material that had been put into the service of extreme nationalist and racist propaganda during the Nazi era (1933–45). Drawing upon ethnographic research among former GDR folk musicians, this article proposes that many of these post-war artists aligned with the anti-colonial messages of Irish rebel songs, performing a veritable sense of 'Irish' Republicanism, a form of national pride that was considered more socially acceptable than indigenous patriotic German leanings. Adapting Boym's (2001) concept of 'sideways nostalgia', and illustrating crucial distinctions between historical registers of German and Irish musical exceptionalism, the article purports to unravel trajectories through which this narrative of political alignment is fashioned and sustained, ultimately illustrating music's capacity to sound nationalism's polyphonic trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY: The Sacred Heart of Jesus was the protagonist of a devotion that became very popular in Spain during the second half of the 1800s and the former decades of the 20th century. In the Iberian Peninsula the heart of Christ became a symbol of an identity discourse that combined a fundamentalist conception of religion, a definition of the Spanish nation as intrinsically Catholic, and counter-revolutionary ideas. The aim of this article is to analyse why, during the years between 1899 and 1939, the Sacred Heart became a reference with a growing presence in the public space. Secondly, it explores why this presence caused a fierce dispute between those who considered that the Spanish Volksgeist was inherently Catholic, and those who believed otherwise. The existence of a war for the occupation and demarcation of public space stimulated the reproduction of the heart of Christ in scapulars, plaques or monuments, but also explains that the political groups who defended the secularization of society and a Spanish nationalism opposed to National-Catholic approaches reacted with anger to the spread of the Sacred Heart in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the phenomenon of nationalist rap in Poland. According to the authors, the seemingly independent rap uses a more radical version of the discourse of the right-wing establishment that refers to nationalism, Islamophobia, and opposition to migrants. As there is no left-wing cultural narrative in the public space, nationalist rap has become a voice of those who have not benefited from the process of neoliberal transformation in Eastern Europe and a musical setting for the far right. From this perspective, nationalist rap is an identity response to class marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To consolidate a predominant party system, an incumbent party will attempt to anchor voting behavior to social cleavages, a strategy called cleavage enclosure. However, does this strategy actually work? In Turkey, the incumbent AKP government has focused its campaigning on conservatives and nationalists. The analysis of the 2018 post-election survey reveals that the cleavage enclosure worked for conservatives but not for nationalists. Of the incumbent supporters in the previous election, conservatives replicated their support, whereas nationalists were less likely to support the incumbent than other identity holders. Nationalists tend to punish but not reward the incumbent party for its economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is arguably the single most important political issue in the world today. As yet, however, there has been little research on the relationship between climate change and nationalism. In this contribution we investigate the possible existence of a 'green nationalism' among progressive and social democratic sub-state nationalist parties in minority nations. We identify an uncharted rhetorical and ideological continuity between how climate issues are perceived and championed among minority nations across time. This is a clear instance of 'frame bridging', where seemingly disparate policy elements are combined and reinforce one another. We show how sub-state political actors actively seek to use this link with climate-related environmental issues to bridge policy issues. We conclude by cautioning that it is unclear whether this sub-state 'green nationalism' might survive an ascent to statehood, in which state-building and other forms of realpolitik might trump and eclipse environmental concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with the contested nature of nationalism expressed through sport. The 2018 Winter Olympic Games in PyeongChang offers some useful episodes where I can investigate a different type of Korean nationalism represented through sport. At this Winter Olympics, I observed four distinctive discourses on Korean identity being displayed via the winter sporting competition: 1) unified Korean ethnic nationalism, 2) South Korean state patriotic nationalism, 3) postcolonial anti-imperialist nationalism, and 4) cosmopolitan Korean identity. The four variants of nationalism were vying for the dominant position in the hierarchy of South Korean politics, and the Winter Olympics presented a platform on which each nationalist group asserts the legitimacy of their sense of nationhood. Therefore, I conclude that the 2018 Winter Olympics in PyeongChang was not simply a physical contest between athletes but more importantly, was a field of the hegemonic struggle between adherents of different nationalistic views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1931, Bernarr MacFadden, America's self-proclaimed prophet of physical culture joined forces with Italian dictator Bennito Mussolini in an attempt to train a new generation of Italian soldiers. Done as part of MacFadden's own attempts to secure a position within President's Roosevelt's cabinet, MacFadden's trip has typically been depicted as an odd quirk of Italian-American relations during this period. Italian historians have viewed the collaboration as an indication of Mussolini's commitment to strength and gymnastics for nationalist ends. For MacFadden's biographers the trip is depicted as a new turn in MacFadden's business enterprise which sought to heighten MacFadden's socio-political importance. Building on previous studies, the proposed article depicts MacFadden's fascist flirtation as a new turn in American nationalism which both admired, and sought to emulate, European fascism. Touching on issues of gender, race, and transnationalism, MacFadden's trip exemplifies the well-established relationship between sport and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been written to explain the mutation of Islamic-oriented parties in Turkey from pursuing an Islamic ideological cause to embracing vote-seeking behavior and democratic processes, little effort has been made to explain why the far-right establishment – represented by the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) – still resists ideological change. This article argues that fortification of nationalism with Islam in the party, the party's identification with Turkey's national security issues, and the construction of personality cult around party founder Alparslan Türkeş restrict its ideological moderation. Nevertheless, the party benefits from this ideological immoderation to be a key player in Turkish politics. In other words, while ideological immoderation prevents the MHP from embracing a pluralistic political stance, it has also been functional to exert its nationalist ideology on the state without sharing governmental power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection focuses on right-wing nationalism, populism, and religion, both theoretically and empirically, with an emphasis on the following countries: Australia, India, Italy, Turkey, and the USA. Although not the same thing, nationalism and populism are said to be closely linked. Nationalists, like populists, may claim that there is but one 'true religion' – that is, their own and their followers' – which helps focus their nationalist vision. They bring religion and culture into their arguments to encourage political changes in their favour. Nationalists may identify and target those they see as 'enemies of the people', said to be a serious threat to fulfilment of a nationalist future free from culturally 'alien' influences. While linking nationalism with religion is not new, what is more novel is the connecting of religion, nationalism, and populism. The contributions to this collection explore these issues theoretically, conceptually, and empirically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After devastatingly defeating Prussian forces in 1806, Emperor Napoleon's forces occupied Berlin, reduced Prussia's territories, and forced King Friedrich Wilhelm III into exile. When the king returned to Berlin in 1809, the Nationaltheater staged Christoph Willibald von Gluck's Iphigénie en Aulide (1774) in German translation as part of a larger dynastic celebration. On the one hand, these festivities attempted to restore a monarchical power structure. On the other hand, the staging of Gluck's French opera represented a desire to appropriate Gluck's works within a changing Prussian-German nationalist discourse. In particular, the writings of E. T. A. Hoffmann, J. D. Sander, and others sought to capture the Teutonic nature of Gluck's 'reform operas'. Drawing upon primary sources and recent research, this article demonstrates the manner in which this performance of Iphigénie en Aulide represents a confluence of political, cultural, and nationalist ideologies in the midst of a German national identity crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the bloodshed of the nineties, Serbia has all but ceased to exist in the spotlight of the international community, as well as within scholarly production. Yet virulent nationalism and Orthodoxy-based national identities have never left, and are now found in online spaces as well. This article concentrates on the contemporary portal The Nationalist, founded and led by a nefarious nationalist, Miroljub Petrović, who has recently gotten into the center of attention both in Serbian online spaces, as well as in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I first set out my general perspective on nationalism as, above all, a form of politics related to modern statehood. This feeds into the response to each reviewer. First responding to Sandelind, I dispute the contention that I overstate nationalism's political dimension. The dominance of nationalism as a political ideology in the contemporary world is, I argue, much more important than Sandelind suggests, in terms of framing both statehood and the politics of immigration. Turning to Antonsich's review, I query the extent to which the mundane social practices analysed through the 'everyday nationhood' agenda are fruitful for analysing nationalism without also clearly taking into account the relatively unmoving and enduring modern state. This endurance, related to prevalent and seemingly secure frameworks of public power and authority, shapes my response to Valluvan's optimism for an anti-racist, post-national politics, and my more pessimistic conclusion that nationalism retains a seemingly inescapable grip over present and potential collective political identifications and agency in Britain and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the First World War, statelessness erupted suddenly – an anomaly at a time when nations were fighting each other at gunpoint. The stateless of German origin in Belgium discovered their legal status to be a resource to oppose claims on them by the German (and Belgian) state. After the First World War, the Belgian state took revenge on the Germans in their midst by confiscating their private property. This article discusses whether the property of the stateless of German origin was considered as enemy property. Although international law opposed such a position, Belgian nationalists insisted on punishing all Germans, regardless of their legal status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that viewing the hajj through the lens of decolonisation allows us to see the complexity and conflicts that went into transforming the global pilgrimage to Mecca from a set of rules and processes governed by empires to one governed by independent nation-states. It examines the effects of nationalism and decolonisation on the hajj through three case studies involving different parts of the British Empire at different times between 1937 and 1963. The examination of the sacking of the Indian Vice Consul as a result of Saudi intrigues in 1937 demonstrates nationalist efforts by the Saudis to contest British imperial control of hajj affairs. The efforts of Malaya's Pilgrimage Advisory Committee in the 1950s illustrates nationalist efforts to integrate the pilgrimage with national development goals in ways that presaged the later development of Tabung Haji. Finally, nationalist politics and decolonisation processes in Nigeria and Sudan resulted in the effective closure of the overland route across the savannahs to the Red Sea by which most West African pilgrims had travelled to Mecca since medieval times. Taken together, these cases demonstrate a diversity of ways that nationalist politics and decolonisation processes had transformative impacts on hajj administration, reflecting shifting global power dynamics and significantly altering the pilgrimage experience for millions of hajis up to the present day. The analysis invites greater historicization of the ways that nationalisms and decolonisation have simultaneously reshaped and reinforced transnational and global phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares different strategies of legitimation deployed by the nationalist movements in the Balkans and Ireland in the 19th and early twentieth century. In contrast to the traditional accounts that posit nations and empires as mutually exclusive projects, I show how imperial and nationalist discourses can reinforce one another. The paper zooms in on the changing dynamics of imperial and national legacies by exploring how specific social movements strategically deploy concepts such as the 'small' or 'greater' nation to facilitate different nationalist projects. By contrasting the historical experiences of the Balkan states and Ireland I show how geopolitical and historical contexts shape the complex and contradictory relationships between imperial and the national projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shifting relationship between physical monuments and the public memory that they seek to construct is explored through a photographic and textual examination of the social and political forces behind the construction and subsequent relocation of the Irish Brigade Monument in South Africa. Unveiled in 1975 in Johannesburg, the monument celebrated the memory of the Irish Brigade: "physical force" Irish nationalists who fought on the side of the Boers against the British in the South African War (1899–1902) in what has been celebrated as an early act of anti-imperialist solidarity. The design of the monument and its location on the west of Johannesburg represents a crisis in both the strategy of memorialization and a particular moment within Afrikaner nationalism. In 2001 part of the monument was unilaterally relocated to the white-separatist settlement of Orania by a grouping of white right-wingers in order to save it from demolition. Against the background of the 2015 #RhodesMustFall protests by black students in South Africa directed against the public symbols of previous regimes, this essay argues the Irish Brigade Memorial was the product of a strategic alignment between Irish settler nationalism and Afrikaner nationalism in response to the success of the international campaign to isolate the apartheid regime in the 1970s. The subsequent history of the monument, and its relocation to Orania in 2001, reflects the changing balance of forces within Afrikaner politics and the emergence of a modernist separatist tendency within that politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of Europeanisation initiated in Turkey following the 1999 Helsinki summit witnessed a loosening of state control over the Patriarchate of Constantinople under the government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In parallel with the AKP's reforms geared towards EU membership, the Patriarchate's activities became more transnational in their character, especially with regards to its organisation and influence over religious affairs within the Christian world. This contribution traces change and continuity in Turkish policy towards the Patriarchate under the AKP government. Key differences between the AKP government's stance on the Patriarchate and those of its predecessors are noted, with specific reference to prospects of EU membership and the strategy that has been devised by the AKP to that end. Specifically, the contribution shows that Turkey's bid to join the EU initially presented important leverage over Turkey, allowing the Patriarchate to reassert its transnational character. However, diminished prospects of EU membership together with a gradual return of nationalist sentiment now present an important challenge for the Patriarchate in its efforts to maintain transnational character and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of Tamil ethnic nationalism in Sri Lanka in the 1980s has brought about significant geopolitical and social changes in the island nation. The ethno-nationalist mobilizations by the Sinhalese and Tamils censored the caste system and considered it as a divisive force. Caste ceased to be a marker of identity in official documents. Nevertheless, Tamil society continued to be pivoted on caste norms and conventions. As a paradox, caste was removed from the public realm, but continued to dominate the lives of the people at the local and personal level. The caste ideologies of purity and pollution dominated the social fabric, resulting in the exploitation and discrimination of Panchamars, a community which occupied the lowest rungs of the caste order. Between the 1950s and 1980s there were significant voices of dissent against caste oppression suffered by the Panchamars. The advent of the Tamil ethnic nationalist movement muted the voices protesting against caste hierarchy. Nevertheless, there were several novels, short stories and poems written in Tamil by Panchamars, during the 1970s and 1980s, which contradicts the notion of equality and solidarity among Sri Lankan Tamils. This essay draws on Homi Bhabha's theory of "Third space" and "unhomely" and analyses Panchamar literatures as "enunciations" of caste discrimination prevalent in Sri Lankan society. While Panchamar literatures function as a counter-discourse to the unified Tamil identity espoused by Tamil nationalists, it has not brought any major social transformation within the caste society of the Sri Lankan Tamils. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's conceptualizations of habitus and field, this essay argues a compatible social field is necessary for the transformation of the third space to an emancipatory site, without which it will remain a mere reactionary space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evdirrehîm Hekarî is mostly known for his Kurdish nationalist writings and activism at the end of the Ottoman Empire. He continued to be a voice for the Kurdish nation during the Republican period in his private writings, while he identified as a Muslim Turk in his publications. Hekarî's complete rejection of secular Turkishness existed alongside his submission to Turkish Islamic discourse. His split identity and paradoxes are analyzed using Frantz Fanon's study of the colonized man and his inconsistencies in his fight with the colonizer. In examining Hekarî's inner inconsistencies, the article also benefits from Partha Chatterjee's study of the contradictions of nationalist thought in its battle with colonialist power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces nationalist polarization and divergence within the Ukrainian new left in response to the Maidan and Anti-Maidan protests in 2013–2014, and the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine. The ideological left-wing groups in the protests were too weak to push forward any independent progressive agenda. Instead of moving the respective campaigns to the left, they were increasingly converging with the right themselves and degraded into marginal supporters of either pro-Ukrainian or pro-Russian camps in the conflict. The liberal and libertarian left supported the Maidan movement on the basis of abstract self-organization, liberal values and anti-authoritarianism. In contrast, the Marxist-Leninists attempted to seize political opportunities from supporting more plebeian and decentralized Anti-Maidan protests and reacting to the far-right threat after the Maidan victory. They deluded themselves that Russian nationalists were not as reactionary as their Ukrainian counterparts and that the world-system crisis allowed them to exploit Russian anti-American politics for progressive purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catalonia has, from the nineteenth century to the present day, promoted a distinct culinary tourism. Travel and tourism practices have, as early as the eighteenth century, worked as powerful agents of Spanish nation-building and self-identification. In the case of Catalonia, and Barcelona in particular, gastronomic promotion via touristic forums became a key outlet for the expression of such nationalist sentiment. Tracing the process from the earliest mass-tourism guide-books to Barcelona, passing through the regressive understanding of culinary and broader cultural difference during the Franco dictatorship, this essay recognizes the firm linking of food and Catalan identity. By the 1960s we can identify the reassertion of a Catalan gastronomic identity in the proliferation of gastronomic guides to the region and culinary tourism enterprises such as the recent 'Ruta 1714' campaign. Along the way, this essay examines the role of the Generalitat, the Catalan language, the mining of local history and various touristic entities and gastronomic figures in cementing the identification between Catalonia and gastronomy that has ultimately helped strengthen the region's broader political and cultural recognition abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the era of westward expansion, Americanism became tied to visions of conquering the West with American customs and values. Public schools especially served the interests of promoting nationalism and inducing assimilation. Implicitly Protestant Christian school curricula, however, repelled many Catholics and immigrants from the very institution designed to induce their assimilation. The mid-nineteenth-century school controversy directly motivated America's first political nativist movement, which associated Protestant Christianity with American greatness and promoted the mandatory use of the King James Bible in schools as the primary way to convert Catholics, Germans, and Irish to American national values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2012, Buddhist nationalist movements – especially the 969 movement and Ma Ba Tha – have emerged in Burma/Myanmar seeking to defend Buddhism against mainly the Muslim minority, with monks delivering nationalist anti-Muslim sermons to huge audiences. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how a discriminatory nationalist agenda can – by appealing to the common trope of Buddhism-in-danger – appear to be justified to Buddhists. Based mainly on nationalist sermons, as well as on fieldwork and nationalist publications, this article examines discourse on the Buddha as a nationalist. First, it argues that Burmese Buddhist nationalism, analytically, should be understood as a ressentiment ideological discourse that also informs a Buddhist-nationalist discipline claimed to bring karmic merit. Second, it traces the roots of this ideology to the colonial period. Third, the article outlines and seeks to define how 'Buddhist nationalism' should be understood in an emic sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article develops a theory of "nationalist populism" by examining the relationship between populism and the hegemonic configuration of nation-states. Following recent contributions by the "Essex School," populism is understood as a process whereby diverse political demands and identities come to be aggregated via signifiers, typically that of "the people," that incarnate an antagonistic populist body. I argue that the rhetorical construction of "the people," to the extent that it is executed in the context of national hegemonic blocs, will often (inadvertently) come to be overdetermined by uncontested nationalist narratives and life modalities that are symbolically associated with the hegemonic signifier "the nation." Nationalist populism can therefore best be understood as a chimeric political logic, whereby a populist totality is parasitically signified vis-à-vis the hegemonic signifier "the nation" and its associated family resemblances. This logic can assume a variety of forms, its content being dependent upon contextual political and ideological considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the Balkans, the history museum remains a crucial site where memories of an imperial past are molded, rationalized, and integrated into the wider arc of nationalist narratives about a country and its people. The legacy of the Ottoman Empire is particularly fraught in Greece, where this period is almost always classified as 'post-Byzantine' within the context of government institutions. In this paper, I set out to trace the legacy of the Ottoman Empire as it has been mediated in multiple museum sites throughout the country. I will primarily focus on two case studies: The National Historical Museum in Athens and the Museum of Ali Pasha and the Period of Revolution in Ioannina. Comparing these two sites and their practices of display bring into sharper focus the dynamics of how historical memory plays out in a central versus regional sphere of belonging and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adopting a discourse-theoretical perspective on contentious politics in Egypt, this article investigates how in early 2016 the transfer of the archipelago of Tiran and Sanafir to Saudi Arabia became a catalyst for oppositional subject formation and the emergence of an unlikely protest coalition. Drawing on a combination of protest event analysis and discourse analysis, it explores how the land swap provided the opposition with an opportunity to challenge the state's nationalist prestige, and produced relations that favoured cross-movement mobilisation. The so-called 'Popular Campaign to Protect the Land' brought together leftists, liberals and nationalists, and thus enabled the articulation of broader socio-political demands in an otherwise closed context. The case study illustrates how dissonance between the discourse and practices of nationalist regimes can trigger cross-ideological collaboration. It furthermore shows how the emergence, as well as the trajectory and goals of such alliances, are shaped by interaction with the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Now contained under the rubric 'classical', several dance practices in India underwent significant 'reconstruction' in the heyday of twentieth-century anti-colonial politics reliant upon the nationalist claim of a cohesive cultural identity. Such restoration of prestige to a supposedly denigrated cultural practice offered a positive 'artistic' counterpoint to alleviate nationalist anxieties regarding the purity of the nation and the uniqueness of its identity. Within a few decades of this nationalist reconstruction, Indian classical dance forms were regarded as emblematic of Indian culture and tradition. This article builds on important critiques of the nationalist reconstruction of Indian classical dance in India to examine how this project is enacted in the transnational present. It argues that both diasporic and non-diasporic (British) dancers uphold the foundational assumptions of the reconstructive Indian nationalist movement even as they are located within, and identify with, a very different national and political context, namely multicultural Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]