Search

Objectives: The paper offers an expanded framework for conducting empirical research on resilient aging. Methods: We review the conceptual frameworks for resilient aging and incorporate the role of economic factors as resources that contribute to resilience, in addition to social and psychological factors emphasized in the existing literature. Moreover, the idea of reinforcing cycles of resilience is incorporated in the framework. Existing empirical evidence that supports the conceptual arguments is presented. Results: Examples from Mexico and other low-middle-income countries are included, as well as from high-income countries. Data requirements for applying the conceptual framework in empirical analysis and the state of data availability are examined. We illustrate the measures that are available for this purpose using the Mexican Health and Aging Study. Discussion: We discuss and conclude that the state of the field is rich in data to conduct empirical work on resilience in old age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the written reflections of 30 Canadian undergraduate students who participated in an international field course focusing on migration and human rights in Mexico. It endeavors to understand how the students reconciled their thoughts and feelings about trauma and oppression in an intercultural setting. Borrowing Foucault's 'ethic of discomfort', which emphasizes the proactive and transformative potential of discomfort in education, the paper extends existing scholarship in teaching and learning around study abroad and social justice by focusing on ethically complex situations in the field. The findings reveal that while preparation for unprecedented and unforeseeable scenarios during an international field course was challenging for faculty, exposing students to the realities of migration ultimately facilitated learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Isthmus of Tehuantepec in Oaxaca is the first region in Mexico with a large-scale wind energy development. The region holds 60% of the country's installed capacity, but the new infrastructure has faced opposition from sectors of the local population concerned about wind farms' social and environmental impacts. The opposition and ensuing conflicts have been widely studied; some of these studies have framed wind energy as part of the recent cycle of land grabbing. Nevertheless, this literature has overlooked landholders' acceptance of wind energy. This paper aims to address this gap and argues that the main driver of the land grabbing process is land rent. The paper draws on recent insights from political ecology that highlight that the commodification of nature is predicated on rent. The paper uses the notion of value grabbing to look at the social struggles over property rights in the Isthmus and the conflicts for the increase and distribution of rents from wind energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ways in which contemporary mobility dynamics in Mexico have changed over the last decade, leading to protracted displacement. It focuses on three populations: (1) the internally displaced due to violence; (2) Mexican nationals returning from the United States, both voluntarily and due to deportation; and (3) populations seeking asylum in Mexico and the United States. These three populations are not usually analyzed together and do not squarely fall under the traditional legal definitions. The paper outlines ways that situations of protracted displacement and insecurity present challenges in four interconnected arenas of life: housing, legal status, employment, and emotional well-being. For governments and local communities, protracted displacement requires immediate humanitarian responses and the development and implementation of public policies focused on integration. The paper concludes with a set of policy recommendations based on its findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does organized crime affect foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries? Some research examines the effects of crime, such as homicide rates, on FDI. However, we know little about how organized crime in particular might affect such investment. This paper examines organized crime and FDI in Mexican states between 2000 and 2018. This case is important because Mexico is one of the top global recipients of FDI. At the same time, criminal violence has killed hundreds of thousands of people in Mexico in recent years, and scholars seek to understand the violence's wider effects. We explain how organized crime competition, as opposed to crime generally, should shape investors' decisions. Analyses using original data on criminal organization territory find that higher numbers of criminal groups are associated with lower levels of new FDI. Other measures of crime, such as homicide rates or crime rates, are not associated with foreign investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of traditional knowledge has been widely used in ethnobotanical studies from the 1970s onward. The aftermath of world-scale Green Revolution projects led to the realization that disparities were not bridged between small- and large-scale agricultural producers and between developed and developing countries. It is within this context that from the 1970s, Mexican ethnobotanical researchers began to integrate ecological, social, and political perspectives to promote alternative modalities of agricultural production. Here, ethnobotanists pushed for the revalorization of traditional agricultural knowledge as the main avenue for a more just and responsible agricultural system. However, in implementing this ideological counterrevolution, ethnobotanists constructed their own signification of the traditional, which shaped how it would be accounted for in the following decades. This paper explores the ways in which early ethnobotanical research in Mexico through the 1970s and 1980s imagined, celebrated, and constructed traditional techniques in agriculture as a counter-response to modern agriculture, and with this, how women were framed as secondary actors in a male-dominated narrative. The argument then proposes that these early works were hierarchical and gendered, which complicates celebratory accounts of the countermovement in Mexican ethnobotany and other fields of knowledge. Therefore, this analysis reflects on how the traditional within ethnobotanical research has been constructed under specific contexts, on how this directly shaped gender constructions, and on the latter's implications to the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The booming business of global surrogacy has come to a halt: one surrogacy hub after the other has started to regulate the incremental flow of intended parents to the Global South hoping to fulfill their desire for a baby with the help of a foreign surrogate laborer. Thailand and Nepal have banned surrogacy altogether; India and Mexico insist on the altruistic nature of their surrogacy arrangements. As the drive for altruistic surrogacy suggests, the baby holds an exceptional position in many societies: ideas about the ‘unique’ maternal bond create public unease about the commercialization of babies in surrogacy markets. Drawing on economic sociology and theories of affect, this paper argues that multiple processes of affective attachment, detachment and reattachment shape transnational surrogacy journeys. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Mexico’s surrogacy industry, the paper studies processes of commodification and decommodification in three instances of market-making: (1) the assignment of value and a price to reproductive laborers’ bodies on the basis of affective postcolonial geographies of beauty; (2) the affective/effective organization of the market encounter through contracts and communication rules and (3) the detachment of the final ‘good’ of the baby from the surrogate laborer. Transnational surrogacy arrangements, the paper concludes, are always forms of partial commodification – no matter whether they are framed as altruistic or commercial – because processes of affective/effective attachment and detachment are fundamental for delineating the intimate boundaries of families that come into life with the assistance of the globally operating surrogacy industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the conceptions of specialized physicians regarding intersex child surgery, and contrasts them with the experiences of intersex adults. The gap between the views of health personnel—who affirm that they are "doing their best"—and those of intersex persons—who report the adverse consequences of surgery—highlights the need to stop unnecessary normalization surgeries in children. The findings of this study suggest that bridging the gap between the medical perspective and the experience of intersex people requires opening direct channels of communication among all those involved in the clinical process, incorporating intersex individuals into bioethics committees, encouraging contact with the parents of intersex children, implementing regulations that unambiguously delay or prohibit unnecessary interventions, promoting a debate on relevant ethical principles and human rights to protect the interests of all intersex people, and disseminating the contents of such a debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contrary to the triumphalist rhetoric that describes the automotive industry as a lever for both regional development in North America and industrial upgrading in Mexico, this article argues that the formation of the Mexico–U.S. automotive complex has instead been consolidated on the basis of longstanding processes of uneven regional development. To make this argument, the paper examines how global economic restructuring, trade policies, domestic economic development processes, transnational firm decision making and the maintenance of the geopolitical border have reproduced extreme wage differences between the United States and Mexico, resulting in the creation of a regional automotive sector that is both highly integrated and highly unequal. In this scenario, both nations are home to profoundly different industrial landscapes: the U.S. hosts the highest value-added links of the production chain, monopolizing processes of innovation and scientific and technological knowledge production, while in contrast, Mexico manufactures the most labour intense and lowest value-added links of the automotive production chain. From this perspective, the Mexican economy can be essentially understood as an export manufacturing platform which derives its 'competitiveness' from the aggressive industry maintenance of low wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Countries in the Global South are particularly vulnerable to social and political violence. This paper suggests that such violence makes certain recalcitrant economic interests more open to taxes and spending on social welfare. Using results from a survey experiment of business owners and operators in Mexico, we show that relative to more innocuous institutional weaknesses, concerns over violence generally increase support for anti-poverty spending and decrease support for tax cuts. To build a theory, we explore heterogeneous effects and textual data. The findings suggest that business interests see anti-poverty spending as a tool for shoring up costs of violence in consumer markets, with some leaders even extending support to welfare-enhancing taxes. However, violence can create challenges in labor markets that increase operational costs, leading some business interests to resist tax policies that ask them to help fund social programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the concept of a "complex humanitarian crisis," this paper describes how outflows of migrants from Central America were transformed into such a crisis by intransigent immigration and border policies enacted in both Mexico and the United States. We describe the origins of the migration in U.S. Cold War interventions that created many thousands of displaced people fleeing violence and economic degradation in the region, leading to a sustained process of undocumented migration to the United States. Owing to rising levels of gang violence and weather events associated with climate change, the number of people seeking to escape threats in Central America has multiplied and unauthorized migration through Mexico toward the United States has increased. However, the securitization of migration in both Mexico and the United States has blocked these migrants from exercising their right to petition for asylum, creating a growing backlog of migrants who are subject to human rights violations and predations both by criminals and government authorities, leading migrants to label Mexican routes northward as a "corridor of death." We draw on data from annual reports of Mexico's Red de Documentación de las Organizaciones Defensoras de Migrantes (Network for the Documentation of Migrant Defense Organizations) to construct a statistical profile of transit migrants and the threats they face as reported by humanitarian actors in Mexico. These reports allow us to better understand the practical realities of the "complex humanitarian crisis" facing undocumented migrants, both as unauthorized border crossers and as transit migrants moving between the southern frontiers of Mexico and the United States. Policy Recommendations Policy makers need to address: Governments must recognize that the humanitarian crisis facing migrants is not confined to border regions but unfolds at places of both origin and destination as well as within extended geographies of transit in-between. The current refugee protection regime and asylum system are ill-matched to the needs and vulnerabilities of today's migrants. In an era of rapid climate change, rising state failures, and escalating violence, people are not moving so much to advance economically as to escape a growing array of threats not covered by the 1951 Refugee Convention, which needs to be updated. Developed nations must honor rather than elide their obligations under international law to accept asylum applicants and fairly adjudicate their cases, Since a large fraction of the Central Americans arriving at the southern US border have relatives in the United States, creating a pathway to legal status for unauthorized US residents would relieve a lot of the pressure on the asylum system by enabling authorities to release applicants to the support and care of legally resident relatives rather than placing them in an overburdened detention system. Governments need to scale back the securitization and criminalization of migration, which have made human mobility an increasingly precarious and risk-filled activity that contributes to rather than forestalls the proliferation of crime and violence. Human rights and humanitarian agencies need to revisit their missions to derive new ways of working conjointly and in parallel with each other and with governments to better understand and meet the needs of migrants in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research applies an interdisciplinary approach to the bidirectional relationship between illicit drug trafficking activities (specifically, cocaine and opioid trafficking in Colombia and Mexico) and the architectures, spaces, and territories in which they are located. Certain spaces that determine or are determined by the actions of drug trafficking organizations are described, analyzed, and classified based on various methodologies and the use of academic, official, and press information. In addition, case studies are reconstructed using architectural and geographic representation mechanisms to exemplify and illustrate the main arguments. The paper examines the three stages of activity that constitute the illegal drug economy: production (involving the placement of crop fields and laboratories), distribution (which entails exploitation of mobility infrastructure), and cross-cutting activities in relation to drug trafficking support spaces. The research provides an articulated interpretation of the various drug trafficking activities from a spatial perspective, the characterization of spaces that are important to criminal organizations and to the performance of their activities, and insights into the spatial thinking strategies and tactics associated with drug trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While protests occurring in nationally democratic contexts rarely represent fundamental threats to the central state, they still need management when and where they occur. Thus, this paper suggests that, especially in federal countries, to explain the repression of protest, we must examine subnational politics. Subnational political elites, often tasked with protest management, can engage protesters and call for police restraint, but their capacity and authority affect their ability to carry out these tasks. The paper tests the theory using original event-level data on Mexican protests and responses and leverages within-country variations in democracy and state capacity. The paper shows that where subnational governments have bureaucratic capacity and where citizen linkages to the state cause them to see state agents as relevant, problem-solving authorities, protest events are less likely to be managed using a repressive response. In addition, the paper highlights a key difference between explanations of overall human rights violations and repressive responses to protest, namely, that electoral competition is not a significant factor reducing the likelihood of repressive responses to protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on 'chronic kidney disease of unknown origin' (CKDu), this paper revisits ethnographic preoccupations with 'thin' and 'thick' descriptions in the context of the unexplained emergence of this unruly disease. CKDu has recently emerged in impoverished sites across the Global South as a 'medical enigma' that defies easy description. Despite growing research efforts from various quarters, however, the search for specific causes using conventional forms of analysis has made little progress. Taking CKDu as a residual category and a contemporary case of society–environment–body entanglements (Latimer and Gomez, 2019; Latour, 2018), we engage Heather Love's descriptive turn as a provocation to examine what it is that is encountered in encounters with 'the enigma of CKDu'. In doing so, we highlight the role of thick and thin descriptions (cf. Love, 2013) in terms of the political relations they make differently visible. We argue both are critical to the 'art of noticing' (Tsing, 2015). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The change from a subsidized zonal pricing system to a full nodal pricing regime in the new Mexican electricity market could improve the efficiency of electricity system operation. However, resulting price modifications might also swing surplus across producers and consumers. In this paper, we calculate nodal prices for the Mexican power system and further analyze how allocations of financial transmission rights (FTRs) can be used to mitigate resulting distributional effects. The share of FTRs to be allocated to different generation plants and loads is studied as a second step of an electricity tariff subsidy reform agenda that includes, as a first step, the change to nodal pricing and, as a third step, the reformulation of actual regressive subsidies in a progressive way. We test our model in a realistic nodal price setting, based on an hourly modeling of the Mexican power system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper evaluates correlates of trichomoniasis among female sex workers who inject drugs (FSWIDs) in two Mexico-US border cities. HIV-negative FSWIDs aged 18 years or older were enrolled in a study between 2008 and 2010 in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez (Cd.), Mexico. All participants underwent a baseline interviewer-administered survey and did a rapid test for trichomoniasis. Using regression to estimate prevalence ratios, we examined sociodemographics, sex work characteristics, sexual health and behavior, substance use, and police and violence exposures as potential correlates of trichomoniasis. Of 584 women (284 in Tijuana, 300 in Cd. Juarez), prevalence of trichomoniasis was 33.6%. Factors associated with trichomoniasis in multivariable analysis were having money stolen by police in the past six months (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] =1.448, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.152-1.821), recent methamphetamine use (aPR = 1.432, CI = 1.055-1.944), lifetime syphilis infection (aPR = 1.360, CI = 1.061-1.743), ever use of a home remedy to treat vaginal symptoms (aPR = 1.301, CI = 1.027-1.649), and number of regular clients in the past month (aPR = 1.006 per client, CI = 1.004-1.009), while controlling for age and city of interview. Alongside the need for trichomoniasis surveillance and treatment programs, findings indicate that both structural and behavioral factors serve as primary correlates of trichomoniasis among FSWIDs in these cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do foreign investors have subnational political preferences? The political economy of foreign direct investment (FDI) involves not only choosing among host countries, but also the subnational location of the assets. However, factors affecting investors' decisions about subnational location likely differ from the ones affecting international investment. This paper studies the effect of state-level partisanship on new FDI inflows to Mexican states. I argue that investors prefer states ruled by left-wing governors because they are more likely to invest in human capital. Statistical analyses using new data on subnational allocation of FDI in Mexican states between 1999 and 2017 support the main hypothesis. Given the persistence of authoritarian enclaves in Mexico, I also disentangle the effects of partisanship from subnational democratization. The partisan effect is independent from party turnover and political competition at the subnational level, and it is robust to different model specifications and estimation strategies. Additional evidence supports the plausibility of the argued mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration from Mexico to the United States results in numerical imbalances between men and women in the communities left behind, but little is known about how these imbalanced sex ratios in Mexican communities affect family formation behavior. Using two waves of data from the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) and 2000 Mexican census data, we examine how the sex composition of the municipality population is associated with the likelihood that Mexican women and men marry. Consistent with demographic-opportunity theory, but not sociocultural theory, results from logistic regression analyses show that men's probability of marrying is positively associated with the numerical availability of eligible women in the municipality population. Consistent with the argument that many Mexican migrant men, but not migrant women, remain eligible partners for those who remain in Mexico, the sex composition of the municipal population is significantly associated with men's but not women's likelihood of marrying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether corruption leads to the election of women and whether increased women's representation leads to lower levels of corruption are two questions with answers that remain uncertain and context-dependent. We explore the case of Mexico and theorize that three factors--gender stereotypes, demands for the inclusion of women, and expectations of accountability--condition the relationship between women's representation and corruption. We hypothesize that given the features of the Mexican system, revelations of corruption should lead to the election of women and women should not be less corrupt than men in office. Leveraging an original dataset of close to 20 years of municipal audits to mayors, we find supporting evidence. The occurrence of audits and recent revelations of corruption increase the likelihood of women being elected and municipalities led by women report no fewer irregularities as compared to those led by men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the dynamics of racialized securitization for transnational migrants across multiple borders—from Central America toward Mexico and the United States. Rather than a singular process where US policies, funding, and attitudes toward border security direct Mexican immigration enforcement, I argue that Mexican state collaboration redirects US xenophobia away from Mexican migrants and toward Central American migrants. Migrants' testimonies point to the ways that US and Mexican discourses are mobilized in different—but complementary—ways that shape them as racialized subjects with differential life chances. This is clearest through a crude mapping of people onto nationalities for deportation based on hair, language, and tattoos. Beyond legal violence, deported migrants describe their vulnerability as constructed within tacit networks of collaboration between actors in the US and Mexico, both licit and illicit, in an effort to extort migrants and their families. While race is a key signifier in border securitization, the differences between these racial states have material consequences in the differential state violence in immigration enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Embodied, embedded, extended and enactive (4EC) perspectives on cognition have gained epistemic legitimacy during the last 25 years in the international arena. They have encouraged new ways to understand the mind. Mexico has not been an exception; rather, it has the potential to provide a fertile ground for the development of 4EC perspectives, as shown by the variety of contributions in this special issue. In this editorial introduction, we discuss recent concerns about a lack of coherence in the inter-relations between these perspectives, and we propose that it is more appropriate to view 4EC as an emerging pluralistic research tradition that shares crucial commitments. Furthermore, we show that this pluralistic tradition has been gaining ground in the specific research context of Mexico, because of the country’s distinctive historical, scientific and philosophical development. We finish by describing the promising research potential of the current heterogeneous explanations as evidenced by the papers in this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tells the story of how a group of fishermen became resilient to face a community crisis in their village caused by the depletion of shrimp stocks, and how they are building transnational social resilience through the creation and operation of an Ecotourist resort to improve their lives, and insure their future well- being. Social change is taking place in some communities in the La Costa region of Chiapas, one of the most impoverished states in Mexico, where people opted to emigrate to the US and came back charged with individual and collective social remittances, new personal narratives which have helped them and their community adapt and change while constructing transnational lives. The development of El Centro Turístico El Madresal in Ponte Duro, Chiapas, provides an interesting case study in how to use the tools of social resilience conceptualization within a transnational context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we conduct a detailed examination of the effects of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and the technology gap on local technology dissemination and spillovers. Using unique firm level data from surveys among FDI firms and domestic producer firms and a random sample of their suppliers in the North East of Mexico, we present new evidence showing that the effects of FDI and the technology gap are multi-faceted. FDI firms are significantly more involved in technology transfers. Their suppliers are more likely to experience positive spillovers, even when we control for the support that they receive. A large technology gap has a negative effect on technology diffusion. However, suppliers of FDI firms are more likely to receive several types of technology transfer when the technology gap with their client firms is large. As for local spillovers, we find that a large technology gap fosters positive spillovers, especially among suppliers of FDI firms and among those suppliers that are best suited to absorb new technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the current trends in conducting ethnographies, with time and funding limitations and the need to reflect on the researcher's positionality, this article explores the implications of conducting ethnographic fieldwork in a mixed team (in terms of gender, race and nationality) with highly vulnerable populations in a context of crisis. To that end, the article analyses the experience of conducting a team ethnography with African migrants in Tijuana, Mexico. While the study did not start with a self-awareness of what a team ethnography implied, as fieldwork developed the gender, race and nationality of both interviewees and researchers became crucial elements to produce a meaningful multi-layered, multiply-positioned ethnography. This article argues that methodological flexibility and the researchers' relationship with themselves and the respondents are vital elements that require further experimentation in ethnographic research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines manufacturing export determinants across Mexican states and regions from 2007 to 2015. Paying particular attention to the role of FDI, the analysis considers internal and external determinants of manufacturing exports under static and dynamic panel data methods. Several interesting results were obtained. First, the ratio of manufacturing to total GDP is the most consistent determinant of exports performance, regardless of the estimation method or specification employed. Second, static panel data estimations under GMM techniques suggest different sensitivity to FDI across regions, with the Mexico-U.S. border region observing the most substantial short-term effect of FDI on manufacturing exports. Finally, using dynamic panel data methods, we found significant persistence and similar long-term effects of FDI across most of the regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico has a long history of tensions between the government and student activists. This history dates back to student protests that ended with the State's violent repression of students in 1968. These tensions were reignited with the student occupation of Mexico's National Autonomous University from 1999 to 2000, which ended through intervention by the national federal police. In the 21st century, student expression and activism occurs in the physical world as well as on social media sites. For example, the hashtag #YoSoy132 was created by a student movement begun at the Jesuit Universidad Iberoamericana in opposition to the then candidate and now President of the country, Enrique Peña Nieto. In this paper, we conceptualize social media sites as virtual public spaces, and we employ cultural critical visual discourse analysis to examine the case of student ''hashtivism,'' online activism through hashtags, in response to the forced disappearance of 43 students from the Raú l Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College of Ayotzinapa in September 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explore how the reception of remittances affects perceptions of the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the United States. Scholars have claimed that the economic benefits of the relationship with the US prevail over imperialistic concerns as a result of the asymmetry of power between the two countries. Empirical research shows that Latin American public opinion is indeed more supportive of the US than theory indicates. However, we identify two gaps in this literature. First, scholars have explored the determinants of generic expressions of sentiment toward the US, overlooking more concrete instances of cooperation between the two countries. Second, scholars have focused on trade and investment and have ignored how the material gains of emigration shape attitudes toward the US. The present paper fills these two gaps by using novel survey data on the bilateral relationship between Mexico and the US. On one hand, we find that while the reception of remittances correlates positively with good sentiments toward the US, the recipients of remittances are consistently more opposed to cooperation with the US in the fight against drug trafficking. We argue that this finding can be explained by the different nature of the migratory phenomenon, and the connection between anti-drug trafficking policies and the close scrutiny of illegal flows of money and people. En este artículo estudiamos cómo la recepción de remesas afecta las percepciones de la relación bilateral entre México y los Estados Unidos. Diversos autores afirman que los beneficios económicos de la relación con los Estados Unidos prevalecen sobre preocupaciones imperialistas, que resultan de la asimetría de poder entre los dos países. La investigación empírica muestra que la opinión pública latinoamericana valora con más entusiasmo a los Estados Unidos de lo que muchas teorías predicen. Identificamos dos temas poco explorados en esta literatura. Primero, los estudiosos del anti-americanismo se han centrado en entender sentimientos genéricos hacia los Estados Unidos, pasando por alto ejemplos más concretos de cooperación entre los dos países. Segundo, la mayoría de los autores se han focalizado en el comercio y en las inversiones ignorando de forma sistemática cómo los beneficios asociados a la emigración pueden moldear las actitudes hacia los Estados Unidos. Nuestro trabajo llena estos dos vacíos usando nuevos datos de opinión pública. Por un lado, encontramos que la recepción de remesas se correlaciona positivamente con sentimientos positivos hacia los Estados Unidos. Por otro lado, encontramos que los receptores de remesas se oponen a una mayor cooperación con los Estados Unidos en la lucha contra el tráfico de drogas. Nuestro argumento es que este resultado contradictorio tiene que ver con la naturaleza específica del fenómeno migratorio y con la conexión entre las políticas antidrogas y el escrutinio de los flujos ilegales de personas y de dinero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the demand-and-supply dynamic of security policies. We argue there are two informational shortcuts through which voters process policy alternatives and choose among them: (1) their own personal experiences with violence and (2) candidates’ profiles. We test our argument through an original survey experiment conducted in Mexico. We model voters’ decisions to support candidates campaigning over a variety of security proposals. Our survey design takes advantage of recent developments in network models to better measure the effects of crime exposure on voters’ preferences. We find that higher exposure to crime victimization is associated with increased support for only some iron-fist policies, therefore highlighting the importance of unpacking security policies instead of generalizing the results of crime exposure. We show null effects of partisan advantages and reveal the role of non-partisan heuristics, such as the candidate’s professional experience, in preferences for security policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a long-term historical periodization of federal police agencies under Mexico's single-party regime (1930s–2000). Based on archival findings in Mexico and the United States, as well as interviews with former law-enforcement officials, the article documents and reflects, in particular, on the entanglements between federal policing agencies and organized crime (police protection rackets). Drawing from bandit studies and critical perspectives on policing, the article argues police protection rackets to be an integral but overlooked mechanism in Mexico's modern state-formation process. The article also hints at the important but largely overlooked role of police protection rackets in the making of capitalist modernity more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the consequences of the militarization of public safety? Governments increasingly rely on militaries for policing, but the systematic study of this phenomenon's consequences for human rights has been neglected. NGO and journalistic accounts point to widespread violations by the military, but these snapshots do not necessarily present evidence of systematic abuse. Based on unique data on military deployments and human rights complaints in Mexico, we conduct a systematic, country-wide study of the consequences of constabularization for human rights. Following matching and difference-in-difference strategies, we find that it leads to a 150% increase in complaints against federal security forces. We also leverage deployments for disaster-relief operations and complaints against non-security institutions to show that the increase is not due to underlying conditions or higher reporting in the military's presence. The findings have important implications for our understanding of quality of democracy and the democratic ideals of civilian policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several nations, including Mexico, are encountering problems with accomplishing the targets of sustainable development goals (SDGs). This study addresses how to develop SDG agenda for Mexico, which may also be applied to other emerging markets with comparable profiles. Therefore, this study utilizes a newly developed load capacity factor (LCF, a detailed environmental evaluation tool) that combines biocapacity (supply side) and ecological foot (demand side) to examine the effect of renewable energy consumption and trade openness on LCF while controlling for nonrenewable energy consumption and economic growth in the case of Mexico during 1970–2017. Using the dual adjustment approach, we find evidence of long-run cointegration nexus among the series. In addition, trade openness affects LCF positively, whereas renewable energy consumption, economic growth, and nonrenewable energy consumption impact LCF negatively. Furthermore, results of the frequency domain causality show that all the variables can predict LCF in the long-term. Based on these results, Mexico should focus on promoting public understanding of green energy and environmental preservation measures and participate in the production of nonenergy-consuming and ecologically friendly products while compelling polluting enterprises to migrate to countries with less stringent environmental restrictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: Mexico is increasingly important as a country of transit migration between the Global South and the Global North. Migration dynamics from Central America to and through Mexico are mainly considered as economic or mixed migration of people looking for work and a better life in the USA. Nevertheless, since the 2010s the number of asylum applications in Mexico has sky rocketed. Based on a survey of Central American migrants in Mexico we demonstrate that some kind of (organized) violence was a crucial driver for leaving and a constant companion during their journey. After contextualizing the migration route from the Northern Triangle (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras) toward Mexico, we present the design of the study, describe sociodemographic and general contexts of the 350 interviewees, and present the migration trajectories as long-lasting sequences of events and stays, where violence in quite different forms always is at play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, deep social inequalities coexist with persistent, high-level criminal violence. Facing competing needs and budget constraints, citizens in the region have to prioritize among different policy choices. We analyze how perceptions of insecurity and crime victimization shape attitudes toward budgetary priorities in social and security policies. Our analysis relies on original data from Mexico and Brazil, two countries exhibiting increased violence at the national level, albeit with important regional variation. We find that exposure to crime takes its toll on citizens' policy priorities. In both Mexico and Brazil, citizens who feel insecure seem to prioritize public expenditure on the police over social investment policies. Victims of criminal violence are, however, mostly indifferent as to budgetary allocations across the security and social policy fields, suggesting that their spending priorities might diverge from these two spheres of government action or give rise to policy indifference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of think tanks as members of civil society in Latin America. Our goal is to present an initial conceptualization and measurement of the role think tanks play in the foreign policy sub-subsystem. We focus on three of the most influential think tanks in the region: CARI (Argentina), CEBRI (Brazil), and COMEXI (Mexico). This paper suggests that the state’s characteristics and the character of its civil society determine the type and strength of its think tanks. This paper also considers the challenges that think tanks face in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico more generally by comparing each chosen think tank’s board, public activities, presence in local media and social media, and publications. We conclude that there have yet to be significant incentives and resources available for thinks tanks in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico to grow and, thus, Latin American think tanks’ activities typically follow their governments’ agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A chorus of activists and intellectuals claim that the Zapatista Army of National Liberation has either ceased to exist or become politically irrelevant for Mexico and the world. In this paper I put forward the rather different thesis that despite the enormity of their task, the Zapatista project continues apace and merits careful consideration. To this end, I first argue that much of the confusion regarding the ‘death’ of the Zapatistas arises from a change in Zapatista strategy in response to the decomposition of Mexican society resulting from the contemporary global crisis of capitalism. Next, I detail how, having foreseen this decomposition, the Zapatistas set out to both theorize the nature of contemporary capitalism and reconceptualize anticapitalist politics accordingly. Since the early 2000s this reconceptualization has led to a shift in Zapatista strategy that, although not easily intelligible to contemporary media or much academic discourse, centers on the construction of ‘other geographies’. Finally, I argue that judging from the events of the past few years, this strategy has allowed the Zapatistas not only to persevere but also to pose a concrete alternative to the dominant strains of left political and spatial strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article places Mexican migration in the context of the longue durée of Mexican–U.S. political and economic relations. We argue that 21st-century migration not only has its roots in the 19th century, but very much resembles its early predecessor. The latest wave of migration is just the most recent iteration of a process of hegemonic dominance over Mexico, a process that has been for the most part ongoing since the late 1800s. It continues to be rooted in labor migration caused by unequal economic policy between the two countries. The paper builds upon the empire theory of migration literature in lieu of the neutral-seeming “natural” “push–pull” of markets and living conditions or social capital theories, and provides a more power-driven analysis stressing hegemony and domination in which the United States exerts control over Mexico for the purposes of exploiting cheap labor and raw materials. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the responses to the 2008-09 global financial crisis in Mexico and Turkey as examples of variegated neoliberalism. The simultaneous interests of corporations and banks in the national fixing of capital and their mobility in the form of global investment heavily influenced these states' policy responses to the crisis at the expense of the interests of the poor, workers, and peasantry. Rather than pitching this as evidence of either persistent national differentiation or some Keynesian state resurgence, we argue from a historical materialist geographical framework that the responses of capital and state authorities in Mexico and Turkey actively constitute and reconstitute the global parameters of market regulatory design and neoliberal class rule through each state's distinct domestic policy formation and crisis management processes. The latter is influenced by capitalists' ties to the fixity and motion of capital. While differing in specific content, the form of Mexico's and Turkey's official responses to the crisis ensured continuity in their neoliberal strategies of development and capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: An enormous need for pediatric palliative care (PPC) has been reported, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). However, the access to PPC is limited. This study identifies the current challenges in the provision of PPC and their severity from the perspective of healthcare professionals. Method: We conducted a web-based descriptive cross-sectional survey among healthcare professionals treating children in need of palliative care in Mexico in 2019. We used convenience sampling and snowball sampling to acquire participants. Results: Seventy healthcare professionals from Mexico participated. Participants were 64.3% female, on average 45.8 (SD = 10.9) years old, had an average of 15.84 (SD = 10.4) years of work experience and worked in 15 states. The three most severe barriers reported were: (1) Few teams and/or networks of out-of-hospital/domestic support; (2) Absence of training centres and continuing medical/paramedical education in PPC; and (3) Lack of legal, labor, and economic protection for parents who must stop working to be with their children. The barriers related to a lack of awareness and commitment, a lack of support, legal factors, and working conditions were rated highest. Participants considered increased awareness and better knowledge of PPC for all as the top priority, and particularly emphasized the need for better education and training of health professionals. Conclusion: We have identified several barriers to successful palliative care (PC) provision for children. Primarily, these are lack of awareness and commitment, especially of the health authorities and the medical professions, lack of personal and financial support, legal factors, and working conditions. The need to change and improve care exists at the policy level, the health professional level, and the public societal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Planning Education & Research is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article introduces the special issue on Aging and Resilience in the Americas: Mexico and the United States. The article overviews the role that the annual International Conference on Aging in the Americas (ICAA) has played in the development of scholarship on aging of Latinos in the United States and older persons in Latin America and the Caribbean. A brief overview of the aging literature reveals a growing interest on the resiliency of older Latino and Latin American populations in the United States and more broadly the Americas. The article provides a short description of each of the five articles included in this special issue [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparison of the paths of two countries with developmental regimes led by left-of-center parties, Chile and Mexico, shows that the democratic regime, Chile's, had better social indicators than its authoritarian counterpart at the price of slower industrialization. Comparação das trajetórias de dois países com regimes desenvolvimentistas dirigidos por partidos do centro-esquerda no Chile e México demostra que o regime democrâtico chileno teve maiores indicadores sociais que sua contraparte autoritária às custas de uma industrialização mais lenta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the development of Mexican commercial aviation (and more specifically the trajectory of Compañía Mexicana de Aviación) against the background of Mexico's Second World War alliance with the USA and its post-war economic expansion. USA foreign aid allowed Mexican president Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–46) to further develop the country's aviation network and personnel. The Second World War's disruption of tourism allowed Mexico to reap the benefits of a rapidly growing vacation industry. The election of Miguel Aléman in 1946 reinforced commercial aviation and tourism as crucial, co-dependent elements in modernising the country and making Compañía Mexicana de Aviación a symbol of national progress. Although the Second World War emerges as a crucial point in the development of Mexican aviation, the same processes that buoyed commercial airlines also reinforced cultural stereotypes that were exploited for USA tourists and masked reckless financial decisions that nearly bankrupted Compañía Mexicana de Aviación's in late 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the methodological implications of employing intersectional principles in qualitative health research conducted in migration contexts, specifically focusing on a doctoral research project on return migration and reunited couples in Mexico. The article highlights the integration of social justice and community-based research perspectives within an intersectional lens. Five key areas are examined, including recognizing diversity and agency among women who stay behind, navigating intersectional identities, understanding positionality, and advocating for populations made vulnerable by inadequate policies, navigating power dynamics and multiple social locations, and empowering the community through intersectional research. The application of intersectionality challenges homogenizing narratives, emphasizing the agency and resilience of women who stay behind. Reflexivity is crucial in mitigating biases and deepening insights, while collaboration with a local researcher enhances understanding of power dynamics. By empowering the community through advisory committees and culturally relevant dissemination, I aimed to amplify community member voices and promote social justice. This article serves as a valuable resource for researchers conducting intersectional qualitative health research in rural settings, offering guidance on integrating a strength-based approach, fostering intersectional reciprocity, and navigating positionalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study assessed past-year dental visits among older Mexican adults from the Mexican Health and Aging Study (MHAS). MHAS is a nationally representative cohort study of adults 50 years and older from Mexico. Methods: Baseline data from 2001 were compared with 2012 data. Binary logistic regression identified significant predictors of past-year dental visits. Decomposition techniques examined factors that contributed to changes in dental visits between 2001 and 2012. Results: Education and insurance status were positively associated with past-year dental visits, while decomposition results showed that population composition (more adults receiving insurance and higher education over time) contributed to the increased prevalence of dental visits between 2001 and 2012. Discussion: Education and insurance are critical factors that govern access to oral healthcare. After the provision of universal dental coverage by Mexico's Seguro Popular in 2003, our results may reflect promising effects of such programs, which can inform future policies in Mexico and other settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text analyzes school practices based on territory, Indigenous knowledge and communal life carried out by teachers, students and elders in Indigenous schools in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. Based on ethnographic data from 2014 and 2022 in Indigenous middle schools at the North Sierra of Oaxaca is presented the centrality of territory, relationality, respect and reciprocity in school life; mainly through walks through the community, drawings and texts created by the students and interviews with elders. The intention is to discuss the possibilities of land-based education as a way of perpetuating communal knowledge of territory as a form of Indigenous peoples' resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]