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Scholars and critics have praised the video game, Papers, Please (PP), for raising critical awareness of sociopolitical issues, including immigration. To begin to determine whether PP stimulated public discussions of pertinent social issues, I adopt insights and techniques from cultural sociology to study how posters in an online forum engage with PP. I use computational topic modeling to reveal the topics forum members discuss and qualitative content analysis to gain a deeper sense of how posters explore these issues. I find the forum does discuss social issues, including immigration. Sociopolitical topics, however, are far from the forum's primary focus. Moreover, posts primarily rely on the same limited set of immigration frames that major U.S. media outlets use. These findings demonstrate how a game's social meanings will be shaped not only by the game's design but also by social factors internal to the public under analysis and broader social dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU Settlement Scheme (EUSS) is a transitory immigration regime rolled out by the Home Office as part of the measures for the UK withdrawing from the EU. More can be said about whether the EUSS can truly be hailed an overall "success", as per official Government messaging, several years after its initial introduction. This paper evaluates this by considering two case studies of vulnerable immigrant women required to apply to the Scheme to successfully remain in the UK after the transition period: those at risk of or facing violence against women and girls (VAWG), and non-EU family members (NEFMs) of EU citizens. Using the theories of intersectionality and vulnerability, the paper outlines how gender and immigration status intersect to make women more vulnerable by virtue of the legal framework of the EUSS and its criteria, arguing that it entrenches intersectional oppression faced uniquely by these women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This paper examines the staffing needs of the US Department of Justice's Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), as it seeks to eliminate an immigration court backlog, which approached 2.5 million pending cases at the end of fiscal year (FY) 2023. A previous study by the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) attributed the backlog to systemic, long-neglected problems in the broader US immigration system. This paper provides updated estimates of the number of immigration judges (IJs) and "judge teams" (IJ teams) needed to eliminate the backlog over ten and five years based on different case receipt and completion scenarios. It also introduces a data tool that will permit policymakers, administrators and researchers to make their own estimates of IJ team hiring needs based on changing case receipt and completion data. Finally, the paper outlines the pressing need for reform of the US immigration system, including a well-resourced, robust, and independent court system, particularly in light of record "encounters" of migrants at US borders in FY 2022 and 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration became an especially thorny and publicly discussed issue with the so-called Refugee Crisis beginning in 2015. The stance of the Czech and Polish governments was dominated by strong anti-Muslim and anti-immigration rhetoric. Still, both countries have witnessed a steady increase in mainly short-term immigration from various Asian countries such as Bangladesh or Pakistan ever since. This paper analyses Czech and Polish migration policies against the backdrop of a historically constructed notion of anti-illegal immigration policy, and category of temporary migration, coupled with the problematic nature of debt-financed migration in Asia. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Czechia and Poland (2018-2021), in-depth and semi-structured interviews with migration experts, academic and grey literature, official documents, and the method of Accidental ethnography, this paper argues that silencing of actual labor immigration in political communication while employing anti-migration rhetoric represents a discursive gap typical for liberal democracies. It further concludes that rendering migrant labor as a temporary commodity and turning a blind eye on recruitment of international migrants represents a continuity practice of migrant labor subordination within the nation-state, originating during colonialism and the advent of capitalism in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

He spoke about the causes of the growing immigration court backlog, particularly the "imbalance in resources" between the court system and the immigration enforcement agencies that feed cases into the courts. Immigration court reform through the creation of an Article 1 immigration court or, in the alternative, legislation to allow USCIS to review (first) all applications for immigration status. Keywords: rule of law; due process; asylum; access to justice; immigration courts EN rule of law due process asylum access to justice immigration courts 228 237 10 07/25/23 20230601 NES 230601 This paper introduces a special collection of papers on access to justice, the rule of law, and due process in the US immigration system. US Immigration Courts, despite their challenges, represent a locus of due process in the US immigration system and "the first exposure of many immigrants to due process and the rule of law in the United States.". [Extracted from the article]

A number of studies acknowledge the role of a liminal legal status as well as geopolitical factors in constituting a demand for an alternative citizenship. Less is known about the effects of war or political turmoil in countries of nationality for populations who live outside those countries in places with little or no permanent settlement paths. This paper takes the case of Syrian nationals born and raised in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to explore the impact of war in Syria on their considerations about, and for some, experiences of, migration, including through asylum-seeking in Europe. It argues that this migration is less about relocation to the "West" and more about a solution to restrictions tied to their liminality in the UAE, as well as their citizenship by birth. By pursuing "stronger" passports from elsewhere, they seek an ability to choose where they live — including the option to stay "home" in the UAE or maintain links there. This paper introduces the notion of circumstantial citizenship to better understand how, when, and for whom citizenship matters in restrictive migration contexts. By engaging with key debates in migration studies, such as volition, alternatives, and options, circumstantial citizenship conceptualizes people's complex journeys as they navigate liminality, changing conditions, international borders, and limited resources to access the long-term security of a better passport. Findings provide significant insights into the role of restrictive migration policies in shaping the value and meaning of citizenship and driving onward migration in complex ways today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intricate relationship between border control and migrations is the core puzzle of this paper, which takes voluntary returns from Morocco as a case study and autonomy of migration (AoM) as a theoretical framework. More precisely, the paper examines voluntary returns from the perspective of migrants themselves to grasp border control through the lens of its disputed, distorted and sometimes subverted implementation. The paper draws on data collected during fieldwork conducted between 2016 and 2018 in Morocco, including ethnographic observations and interviews with staff from the International Organisation for Migration (IOM), migrants and local intermediaries. It focuses on the case of sub-Saharan migrants leaving Morocco through "Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration" programmes led by IOM and confronts empirical data with the AoM theoretical framework. The paper demonstrates that migrants' entangled appropriations of return are defined in close relationship with a wide range of actors intervening during the process of return. Ultimately, migrants reformulate the meaning of their involvement in voluntary return into strategic, moral, relative, and symbolic terms. However, these entangled appropriations of a deportation device simultaneously reinforce social norms and institutional regulations underlying migration dynamics and border control. Eventually, the paper draws conclusions on the political effects of migrants' entangled appropriation of a deportation device on the production of intertwined im/mobility regimes between the Mediterranean and sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalisation processes have long permeated Western societies, including a common direction towards neoliberal migration regimes. This paper combines the perspective of variegated neoliberalisation with the recent literature on migration industries, to investigate the neoliberalisation of the Swedish labour migration regime and how it affected and interacted with the wild berry migration industry. It shows how neoliberalisation as a historical and spatially contingent process resulted in the distinct phases of intertwined policymaking and enactment of the industry. The 'roll back' phase included mutual interests and 'intimate relations' between state and industry, which both empowered and increased the number of private actors, creating structures that remained during the regular restructuring phase of 'roll out' neoliberalisation. While adding the perspective of variegated neoliberalisation, the paper deepens the analysis of migration industries by pointing at neoliberalisation as a spatial and temporal process, where the interplay between state and industry, an enlarged number of intermediaries and the increased responsibility of private actors are central cornerstones. The Swedish case shows how the role of intermediaries in the wild berry migration industry was reconstructed in order for the neoliberal migration regime to regulate a previously irregular migration industry. It is concluded that strong but spatially contingent links exist between neoliberal political economies, migration regimes and migration industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During migration, whether due to war, political conflict, or poverty, immigrants of turmoil carry their limited personal belongings, family items, and supportive objects in their luggage, bags, and, in some cases, chests to their new homes. Throughout this displacement, chests of migration are necessary and valuable witnesses via their materiality and they wait in their specific corners of houses dare to be contemplated. After the demanding journey, some immigrants continue to use both the chest itself and its contents at their new house in the target locations. In addition, used chests and their contents link immigrants to the journey and to the former location. The immigrants often choose to organize, decorate, and arrange their homes and rooms according to these chests and the items within. This rich mutual relationship between chest, immigrant, and house allows for multidimensional readings considering the spatial trajectories and narratives of migration. Moreover, the trialectic relationships of chest, immigrant, and their space within generate the arguments on the production of space in particular. In this paper, decoding of recent in-depth interviews, documentation of chest locations on each space, and revealing archival material of immigrant families in Ankara, Turkey, are systematized to illustrate the journey of emigration together with the particularities of chest keepers' attitudes and feelings. Additionally, inscriptions, contents, types, and paths of chest are unlocked on private and communal spaces of the Tatar community. This paper aims to uncover those implanted, profound, and engrained interactions on space of immigrant during expedition of chest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws from research conducted in Gurgaon, a city which has been transformed from agricultural hinterland to a bustling metropolis over the course of the past 30 years. The aim of this paper is to expand debates on the uneven geographies of urbanisation in India by reconsidering marginalised urban neighbourhoods as infrastructural nodes, wherein the complex and contested work of reproducing urban life is carried out. Extending scholarship on urban infrastructure, social reproduction and heterodox Marxist political economy, this paper highlights the subaltern processes decay and repair which underpin Gurgaon's rapid urbanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At times when migration and diversity are politically salient and controversially discussed, the rhetoric of staying 'as we are' is widespread. But how do 'we' actually change and how would 'we' know when it happens? Based on the premise that political communities are the products of narratives of peoplehood, this paper explores how such narratives evolve over time. It conceptualizes different modes of balancing narrative continuity and change. These modes – repetition, adaptation, and institutionalization – are illustrated with reference to evolving German narratives of peoplehood centring around (not) being a country of immigration. The paper argues that all modes lead to some degree of change in narratives of peoplehood. Against the backdrop of different understandings of the core of a narrative, it further discusses when such changes fundamentally affect who 'we' are. Overall, the paper invites scholars, policymakers, and citizens to think critically about the essential aspects of their political communities' narratives and to be aware of the stories that 'we' are told and that 'we' tell ourselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is reputed to have development prospects for the sending and host countries as well as migrants. Therefore, an effective migration governance system must be put in place to achieve this triple-win developmental aspiration. This paper, however, argues that when they migrate, migrants have their own subjective well-being in mind, and not some common national development objectives. The other developmental outcomes depend on this self-interestedness of migrants. As such, the institutional provisions for migration governance must be put in place to achieve migrant well-being, as a precondition for positive macro-developmental prospects for both the receiving and sending countries. The paper explored this objective in South Africa. The Migration Governance Framework (MiGoF) and the subjective well-being framework proposed by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) were used to assess the assumptions of this objective. Reviewing literature of surveys conducted with immigrants in three cities (Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg), it was found that while South Africa has one of the most mature and developed migration governance infrastructure, it has not been sufficiently translated into realising migrant well-being. Despite all the attractive pull factors and opportunities, most immigrants in South Africa live in socio-economic misery and political uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between manufacturing industry transfer and land use efficiency in china. Our study found that industrial transfer does not have a significant impact on land use efficiency in the full sample. However, when differentiating between the direction of manufacturing transfer, we found that in areas where manufacturing moves out, it inhibits land use efficiency significantly. Whereas in areas where manufacturing moves in, it has no significant impact on land use efficiency. We further analyzed the impact of manufacturing adjustment range and adjustment quality on land use efficiency. The results show that manufacturing structure adjustment has a positive impact on land use efficiency in the full sample and manufacturing immigration areas. In manufacturing emigration areas, manufacturing adjustment quality inhibits land use efficiency significantly, while manufacturing adjustment range improves land use efficiency significantly. Based on these findings, we suggest some policy recommendations to improve land use efficiency through manufacturing transfer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in international migration and the global number of students learning mathematics through a language other than their home language makes migrants' educational pathways a particularly urgent issue. The current paper focuses on the German context as Germany is currently one of the major immigration countries in the Western context. Because German is widely perceived as the language of opportunity for migrants in the German school system, it is overwhelmingly the selected language of learning and teaching in the broader school system and within migrant classes. The article is based on qualitative interviews with mathematics teachers teaching migrant classes; and the data analysis followed the Grounded theory tradition. The central phenomenon that seemed to preoccupy all teachers was how to adapt mathematics teaching to the language- and mathematics-related diversity of their students while simultaneously helping them to transfer smoothly to the mainstream classes or pass the final examinations successfully. Due to the lack of institutional support for teaching in migrant classes and problems in dealing with multilingualism and mathematics-related diversity in mathematics lessons, they were generally frustrated with the situation despite being strongly motivated at first. Using three examples from the data, we illustrate teachers' strategies in relation to multilingualism and mathematics-related diversity. Overall, the study points to the necessity of supporting teachers in their mathematical practices in migrant classes to contribute to more inclusive mathematics education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A closed reading of the mobility of tribal life in West Bengal can take us to the Sundarbans in the southern fringes of Bengal; where the Santhals can be traced, who migrated from their homelands in the Chota Nagpur, to the tide country (Sundarbans) only a few centuries ago, to clear forested lands and to start cultivating the virgin land. Colonization here plays a very important role, since this migration was a direct result of the colonial barbarity on the tribal populations in the Chota Nagpur Plateau during the 18th century. Migrant labour, though is mostly understood in terms of seasonal migration, in this case, the opposite is noticed. Here, whole tribes migrated, who can also be credited as one of the first settlers in a land which was otherwise the realm of the deadly Royal Bengal Tigers (where no humans lived). In this context, the paper will seek to outline the tribal roots of the Santhals, Mundas and Oraons, who migrated from other parts of the country to the Sundarbans. The similarities in their folk traditions and religion though can be a mere coincidence, believing in which can restrict one from engaging in the fantastic possibility of rich research in the field. This paper will also address the functioning of the tribal labour at that point of time, and how it changed the whole paradigm of migration, especially the notion of mobility. The paper will employ information from several government accounts and journals, which recorded data about the migration of the Santhals to the Sundarbans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US immigration court system seeks to "fairly, expeditiously, and uniformly administer and interpret US immigration laws" (DOJ 2022a). It represents the first exposure of many immigrants to due process and the rule of law in the United States, and occupies an integral role in the larger US immigration system. Yet it labors under a massive backlog of pending cases that undermines its core goals and objectives. The backlog reached 1.87 million cases in the first quarter of FY 2023 (Straut-Eppsteiner 2023, 6). This paper attributes the backlog to systemic failures in the broader immigration system that negatively affect the immigration courts, such as: Visa backlogs, United States Citizen and Immigration Services (USCIS) application processing delays, and other bottlenecks in legal immigration processes. The immense disparity in funding between the court system and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) agencies that feed cases into the courts. The failure of Congress to pass broad immigration reform legislation that could ease pressure on the enforcement and court systems. The lack of standard judicial authorities vested in Immigration Judges (IJs), limiting their ability to close cases; pressure parties to "settle" cases; and manage their dockets. The absence of a statute of limitations for civil immigration offenses. Past DHS failures to establish and adhere to enforcement priorities and to exercise prosecutorial discretion (PD) throughout the removal adjudication process, including in initial decisions to prosecute. The location of the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), which oversees US immigration courts, within the nation's preeminent law enforcement agency, the Department of Justice (DOJ). The misconception of many policymakers that the court system should primarily serve as an adjunct to DHS. A past record of temporary judge reassignments and government shutdowns. The paper supports a well-resourced and independent immigration court system devoted to producing the right decisions under the law. Following a short introduction, a long section on "Causes and Solutions to the Backlog" examines the multi-faceted causes of the backlog, and offers an integrated, wide-ranging set of recommendations to reverse and ultimately eliminate the backlog. The "Conclusion" summarizes the paper's topline findings and policy proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout parts of the Western world, populist nationalism has gained increasing momentum. Despite cross-national differences in populist leaders and parties, one common feature stands out: xenophobic prejudice. This paper examines in the U.S. context, first, a common assumption linking outgroup threat perception with support for restrictive immigration. Second, more importantly, this paper tests how and the extent to which collective (state-level) social capital independently influences the American citizens' anti-immigrant attitudes, as well as whether it moderates the association between outgroup threat and preference for restricting immigration. Multilevel models based on a nationally representative sample show that people who hold higher perceptions of outgroup threat are indeed more likely to oppose immigration. By contrast, living in a state endowed with more social capital is associated with pro-immigration attitudes. Last, the association between security threat and anti-immigrant preference is weaker (stronger) in states with higher (lower) measures of social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers a messaging strategy to shift immigration preferences, arguing that if citizen attitudes in this issue-area build from several dimensions, then a positive message related to each dimension should move attitudes in a more favorable direction. It tests the first part using original survey data with directly comparable questions about whether immigration hurts/helps American culture/the economy/national security, providing evidence that all three dimensions currently support the preferences of voting-age citizens. It tests the second part by randomly presenting another sample with different messages about how labor immigration strengthens national security, creates new jobs, or enhances culture, finding that all three reduce anti-immigration attitudes with significant effects even within groups that are more opposed to immigration (namely, white Americans, those with less education, and partisan Republicans). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes that the United States treat naturalization not as the culmination of a long and uncertain individual process, but as an organizing principle of the US immigration system and its expectation for new Americans. It comes at a historic inflection point, following the chaotic departure of one of the most nativist administrations in US history and in the early months of a new administration whose executive orders, administrative actions, and legislative proposals augur a different view of immigrants and immigration. The paper examines two main ways that the Biden--Harris administration can realize its immigration, naturalization and integration goals: i.e., by expanding access to permanent residence and by increasing naturalization numbers and rates. First, it proposes administrative and, to a lesser degree, legislative measures that would expand the pool of eligible-to-naturalize immigrants. Second, it identifies three underlying factors--financial resources, English language proficiency, and education--that strongly influence naturalization rates. These factors must be addressed, in large part, outside of and prior to the naturalization process. In addition, it provides detailed estimates of populations with large eligibleto- naturalize numbers, populations that naturalize at low rates, and populations with increasing naturalization rates. It argues that the administration's immigration strategy should prioritize all three groups for naturalization. The paper endorses the provisions of the US Citizenship Act that would place undocumented and temporary residents on a path to permanent residence and citizenship, would reduce family- and employment-based visa backlogs, and would eliminate disincentives and barriers to permanent residence. It supports the Biden-Harris administration's early executive actions and proposes additional measures to increase access to permanent residence and naturalization. It also endorses and seeks to inform the administration's plan to improve and expedite the naturalization process and to promote naturalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant labor is widely used in agricultural production in many parts of Türkiye especially during the harvesting season. This article explores the precaritization process of seasonal agricultural labor markets in Türkiye by highlighting how three regimes—migration management, labor bonding and recruitment—work simultaneously to regulate migrant labor supply. By attracting vulnerable and cheap labor of Syrian, Azeri and Georgian workers, the Turkish agricultural sector has extended its reach to the most disadvantaged groups and intensified the precaritization of the labor force. Based on empirical findings from previous fieldworks conducted between 2015 and 2019 in various agricultural sites throughout Türkiye, this paper argues that precaritization is not only a result of working conditions and job characteristics in the agricultural sector but also a consequence of these three regimes working harmoniously as they generate competition among different worker groups for existing jobs. While migration regime and restrictions on migrant labor determine migrant and refugee labor's living and working conditions, intermediaries and ethnic ties also facilitate the integration of precarious labor into seasonal wage work. The paper provides valuable insights into the dynamics of labor exploitation in the agricultural sector in Türkiye and the need for regulatory mechanisms that protect the rights of seasonal agricultural workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political attributes of emigrants and how their departure affects the electoral outcomes in their home countries. I argue that emigrants are different from those who remain in their political preferences as well as economic attributes, such that large-scale emigration changes the distribution of voters in sending countries. Emigration can also directly affect the policy preferences of individuals who stay in their home countries. I test these arguments in seven Central and Eastern European countries, using individual-level surveys and region-level data on emigration and elections. To address potential endogeneity issues, I use instrumental variable analysis, leveraging the surge of Polish emigration to the United Kingdom after the EU enlargement. I find that emigrants from Central and Eastern Europe tend to be younger, highly educated, and politically more progressive and that the vote shares of far-right parties are larger in regions with higher emigration rates. Also, I find that exposure to large-scale emigration affects the vote choices of individuals who remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, Nigeria's regional hegemonic leadership in (West) Africa, especially within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region, has been debated within academic and foreign relations circles. A major component of this regional leadership aspiration was its quest for a 'borderless Africa'. As an important arrowhead of its pro-African foreign policy, the Nigerian government proactively crafted a benign national border policy to give practical expression to the free mobility of persons and goods within the West African subregion. Despite a demonstrable commitment to free mobility within Africa over the years, Abuja suddenly imposed a restrictive border policy shortly after it signed the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement and approved the contentious visa-on-arrival for African migrants. Considering this context, this study makes three arguments: First, it interrogates the rationale behind the liberal border diplomacy of the Nigerian government. Secondly, the paper contends that the inability to 'silence the guns' in Africa despite all efforts has seriously militated against the aspiration for intra-African mobility and borderless Community in West Africa. Lastly, the study examines the dire implications of Nigerian nationalistic border diplomacy and its declining soft power for the future of 'borderless West Africa'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration has continued to increase over the years. As people relocate to seek opportunities, their hopes and aspirations for a better life become a driving force. The extent to which their expectations are achieved is not documented in South Africa. This paper examines the expectations versus experiences of international immigrants in South Africa using Cameroonian and Democratic Republic of Congo immigrants residing in Cape Town. A qualitative approach with snowball sampling selected key informants from Cameroonian and Congolese nationalities in Cape Town. Results suggest that most immigrants did not meet their expectations for migrating, due to migration policy limitations of the host country exempting them from opportunities. The results align with both the Capability Approach theory and Lee's model of migration. Most of the immigrants showed despondency but do not prefer the option of returning to their home country. This is because they have not attained their goals for migration. The paper recommends that policy discussion between the South African government and stakeholders has become imperative to obtain an informed perspective on the dynamics of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The potential effects of migration on the welfare of the left behind consist in an important part of the debate around migration. In this paper, we use household survey data from Nigeria to examine the impact of family migration on educational attainment. Because migration status of households is endogenous, we use proportion of migrants in a local district and historical exposure to foreigners as proxied by distance to foreign missionary station in 1921 as instruments for migration of household member. We find that being in a migrant household increases the probability of completing secondary school and attending some postsecondary education. We also find that belonging to a migrant household increases the probability of own future migration. We further explore channels through which migration of family member affects education. We provide tentative evidence suggesting that anticipation of future own migration may be behind increased educational attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The migration of women or female migration has emerged as an important field of research within the larger domain of migration studies and is being extensively explored under various disciplines. This growing trend can be attributed to some major developments in international migration such as rising numbers of women migrants, growth of women-centric occupations, migration of women in an independent capacity, women-related legislations and growth of gendered perspectives on various issues. These factors together increased the visibility of women in the migration process and have given rise to what has been termed the 'feminization of migration'. This paper explores the various nuances of the feminization of migration and aspects of female migration focusing on India. It begins with an overview of the growing numbers of women in the migratory flows and goes on to determine that despite the rising numbers and increased participation of women in the developmental dynamics of migration, they remain increasingly vulnerable and exposed to exploitation. The paper also highlights some of the critical policy decisions of the Government of India. The paper concludes that feminization of migration has undoubtedly increased the visibility of women in the migration discourse but much more needs to be done in terms of generating appropriate data, highlighting women's role in the developmental process, evolving policies for ensuring their protection and security and above all empowering them and increasing their participation in the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, governments have sought to deter migration by investing in the development of migrant-sending communities, despite macroeconomic data that shows that development can increase emigration. However, emerging research suggests that well-designed aid can promote rootedness in home communities. The US Agency for International Development (USAID) has increasingly attempted to use development to deter migration from the Northern Triangle states of Central America. Is this policy sound? This paper argues that development should not be instrumentalized to discourage people from migrating. It examines migration and development policies from the lens of Catholic social teaching, which recognizes the need for states to respect the agency of individuals. This is particularly important when it comes to complex and consequential decisions like whether to migrate. The Catholic Church recognizes both a right to migrate, when necessary, and the responsibility of states, particularly wealthy nations, to help people realize the right not to migrate; that is, to thrive in their home communities. The paper argues for US government assistance to alleviate poverty and invest in human capital in Central America, but independently of efforts to deter migration. Prioritizing aid to potential migrants risks reducing its effectiveness. The United States should instead pursue a whole-of-government strategy that emphasizes the right relationships with aid recipients, and that prioritizes and empowers the poor and marginalized. The paper is strongly influenced by the author's 15 years of work for Catholic agencies on migration and development, more than one-half of those with Catholic Relief Services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the legal capacity available to low-income immigrants on national, state and sub-state levels. Legal professionals working in charitable immigration service programs serve as the study's rough proxy for legal capacity, and undocumented immigrants its proxy for legal need. The Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) compiled data on charitable immigration programs and their legal professionals from the: US Department of Justice's (DOJ's) "Recognized Organizations and Accredited Representatives Roster by State and City," which is maintained by the Executive Office for Immigration Review's (EOIR's) Office of Legal Access Programs (OLAP). Directories of two leading, legal support agencies for charitable immigration legal programs, the Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC) and the Immigrant Advocates Network (IAN). CMS supplemented and updated these sources with information from the websites of charitable immigration programs. It also added legal programs to its dataset that did not appear in any of these lists. It counted as legal professionals, attorneys, federally accredited non-attorneys, paralegals and legal assistants. The paper finds that there are 1,413 undocumented persons in the United States for every charitable legal professional, and far less capacity than the national average in: States such as Alabama (6,656 undocumented per legal professional), Hawaii (4,506), Kansas (3,010), Georgia (2,853), New Jersey (2,687), Florida (2,681), North Carolina (2,671), Virginia (2,634) and Arizona (2,561). Metropolitan areas (MAs) such as Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario (5,307), Dallas-Fort Worth-Arlington (4,436), Phoenix-Mesa-Scottsdale (3,439) and Houston-The Woodlands-Sugar Land (3,099). San Bernardino County (6,178), Clark County (4,747), Riverside County (4,625), Tarrant County (3,955) and Dallas County (3,939). The study's introduction summarizes its top-line findings. Its first section describes the importance of charitable immigration legal programs to immigrants, families and communities. Its second details the study's findings on charitable legal capacity and immigrant need. Its third compares the legal capacity of 1,803 charitable legal programs and their 7,322 legal professionals, with the US undocumented population by state and for the 15 largest MAs and counties. Its fourth describes CMS's research methodology and data sources. The paper ends with policy recommendations on how to expand legal capacity for low-income immigrants and better assess legal capacity and need moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Labour Organization (ILO) seeks to build consensus for a 'fair migration agenda' while linking development goals with the rights of migrant workers across national borders. Since the main drivers of international migration are employment-related, this is a topic of extreme concern for the readers of this special issue. Given the differences between nations and regions – between labor sending and labor receiving countries – promoting such an agenda is complicated, and ILO labor standards apply almost exclusively to workers crossing international borders. Nations aim to provide opportunities for their citizens, and international movement, in the words of an ILO specialist in migration from years ago, remains a second-best option compared to securing decent work at home. The challenge is how to nurture opportunities in countries that lack the resources and capital but have ample numbers looking for remunerative work. This article evaluates an historical example of attention to both development and migration in the 1970s and 1980s. Linking the dynamics of domestic migration, economic growth, and the structure of labor markets in poorer nations, I evaluate two important concepts that stemmed from research of this era: surplus labor and basic human needs. Through review of historical documents, including archival material and a multiplicity of reports, papers, and strategy guidelines, I seek to describe ILO projects and proposals meant to deal, simultaneously, with poverty, migration, and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom is the first country to withdraw its membership from the European Union (EU). Immigration featured high on the Brexit news agenda and EU citizens' rights to work and live in the United Kingdom are likely to be affected by the country's exit from the EU. This study analyzes how salient EU citizens were in Brexit news, and investigates whether there was a relationship between the negative portrayal of EU citizens and the type of news outlet. The analysis is based on 19,367 news stories published between June 1, 2015, and June 23, 2016. Automated content analysis was used to determine whether EU citizens were mentioned. The results do not reveal a divide between tabloids and broadsheets, but between national and regional papers. It is only in regional papers from England and Wales that EU citizens were more likely to be mentioned if the tone of a news story was more negative. The findings also suggest that the news media presented the Brexit referendum as a vote about migration in general rather than about intra-EU migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses reports within the issue on topics related to migration.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the employment experiences of immigrants of African background in the Australian labor market. Drawing on the findings from a qualitative study conducted in South East Queensland, the paper identifies several barriers and challenges faced by Africans to meaningful employment and labor market success. The paper indicates the need to develop targeted policies to eliminate employment discrimination, reduce barriers to meaningful employment for good settlement and successful integration of African immigrants to Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers estimates of US foreign-born populations that are eligible for special legal status programs and those that would be eligible for permanent residence (legalization) under pending bills. It seeks to provide policymakers, government agencies, community-based organizations (CBOs), researchers, and others with a unique tool to assess the potential impact, implement, and analyze the success of these programs. It views timely, comprehensive data on targeted immigrant populations as an essential pillar of legalization preparedness, implementation, and evaluation. The paper and the exhaustive estimates that underlie it, represent the first attempt to provide a detailed statistical profile of beneficiaries of proposed major US legalization programs and special, large-scale legal status programs. The paper offers the following top-line findings: • Fifty-eight percent of the 10.35 million US undocumented residents had lived in the United States for 10 years or more as of 2019; 37 percent lived in homes with mortgages; 33 percent arrived at age 17 or younger; 32 percent lived in households with US citizens (the overwhelming majority of them children); and 96 percent in the labor force were employed. • The Citizenship for Essential Workers Act would establish the largest population-specific legalization program discussed in the paper. 7.2 million (70 percent) of the total undocumented population would be eligible for legalization under the Act. Approximately two-thirds of undocumented essential workers reside in 20 metropolitan areas. • The populations eligible for the original Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program and for permanent residence on a conditional basis and removal of the conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 are not only ready to integrate successfully, but in most cases have already done so. A high percentage are long-term residents, virtually all have completed high school (or attend school), a third to one-half have attended college, and the overwhelming majority live in households with incomes above the poverty level. • The median household income of California, Illinois, New York, and New Jersey residents that are eligible for the original DACA program is higher than the US median household income. New York and New Jersey residents that are eligible for removal of conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 also have median incomes above the US median household income. The total eligible for removal of conditions on permanent residence under the Dream Act of 2021 have median household incomes that are 99 percent of the US median income. • Unlike populations eligible for most special legal status and population-specific legalization programs, childhood arrivals can be found in significant numbers and concentrations in communities throughout the United States, particularly in metropolitan areas. • More than 1.8 million persons from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras would be eligible for TPS if the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) designated Guatemala for TPS and redesignated El Salvador and Honduras. • Local communities can best prepare for legalization by collaborating on: (1) the hard work of assisting individual immigrants to meet their immigration needs; (2) dividing labor, integrating services, screening the undocumented for status, and building legal capacity; and (3) implementation of special legal status programs. This collectivework should be viewed as a legalization programin itsown right. • The populations eligible for legalization and legal status under the programs analyzed in the paper have overlapping needs and large numbers of immigrants would be eligible for more than one program. However, substantial differences between these populations in size, geography, length of residency, education, socio-economic attainment, and English language proficiency argue for distinct preparedness and implementation strategies for each population. The paper also makes several broad policy recommendations regarding legalization bills, special legal status programs, and community-based preparedness and implementation efforts. In particular, it recommends that: • Congress should pass broad immigration reform legislation that includes a general legalization program or, in the alternative, a series of population-specific programs for essential workers, childhood arrivals, agricultural workers, persons eligible for Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and Deferred Enforced Departure (DED), and long-term residents. In the interim, the Biden administration should also designate and re-designate additional countries for TPS. • Immigration reform legislation should allow the great majority of US undocumented residents to legalize, should reform the underlying legal immigration system, and should provide for the legalization of future long-term undocumented residents through a rolling registry program. • Congress, the relevant federal agencies, and advocates should ensure that any legalization program be properly structured and sufficiently funded, particularly the work of CBOs, states, and localities. • Local communities should continue to build the necessary partnerships, capacities, skills, and resources to implement a legalization program. They should do so, in part, by collaborating on special legal status programs such as DACA, TPS, and naturalization campaigns, as well as through the steady-state work of assisting immigrants in their individual immigration cases and funding their representation as necessary in removal proceedings. Section I of the paper describes the populations that would be eligible for legalization under pending bills and that are potentially eligible for special legal status programs. Section II presents top-line findings based on the Center for Migration Studies' (CMS's) estimates and profiles of these populations. The report offers estimates of each population by characteristics -- such as length of time in the country, English language proficiency, education, household income, health insurance, and homeownership -- that are relevant to preparedness and implementation activities. Section III makes the case for immigration reform and a broad legalization program. Section IVoffers detailed recommendations on the substance, structure, and implementation of these programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a large-scale research project conducted in a northern English city, this paper focuses on the attitudes towards, and experienced by, Polish migrants as a result of increased immigration following the 2004 enlargement of the European Union. We pay attention to the ways in which people justify their negative attitudes towards this migrant group through competition for resources, particularly in terms of job security and the receipt of benefit payments. However, we also consider meaningful encounters between these migrants and the 'local' population, and how through these encounters attitudes can sometimes be transformed from negative to positive. Crucially, we demonstrate how Polish migrants themselves respond to these attitudes. In doing so, we show that by drawing upon the very same discourses of job security and social benefits they develop complex understandings of the 'local' population. Through its attention to immigration, the paper contributes to debates about the relationships between different social groups and processes of exclusion, highlighting the importance of encounters on the process of attitude formation. By giving voice to representatives of both the 'local' population and migrants, it further provides a rare perspective on social responses to immigration-driven diversity in European societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the visual representation of the refugee child in digital news media in Cyprus at two historical moments of significant immigration rise in Europe as a result of violent conflict: the period of May 2015-2016 and February 2022-2023. The analysis showed that refugee children were portrayed in ways which led to their de/humanization. However, differences in the language, themes, and visual grammar applied gave way to the emergence of a hierarchy of refugee child subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate whether the threat of recruitment by rebel groups spurs domestic and international migration. The existing literature on wartime displacement has largely focused on potential victims of violence. We argue that alongside potential victims, we should expect to see the out-migration of individuals who are attractive to the rebels as potential recruits. To test this hypothesis, we draw on original survey data collected in the context of the MFDC insurgency in southern Senegal. Causal identification stems from instrumenting recruitment threat with the density of the local forest canopy cover. Analyzing data from 3,200 respondents and over 24,000 family members, we show that individuals who fit the recruitment profiles of rebel groups are more likely to leave and be sent away by their families. Our paper contributes micro-evidence for a mechanism linking violent conflict to migration, which so far has received scant attention, and provides a deeper understanding of the composition of refugee flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how policy-relevant actors understand the causes and effects of labor immigration to Malaysia, the country that receives the highest number of migrant workers in Southeast Asia. Whereas most research on international migration governance has focused on governance system outputs, this paper adopts an actor-centered perspective to investigate how actors narratively construct labor migration dynamics in Malaysia and how they conceptualize the drivers and impacts of labor migration policies and practices. The empirical material comes from 41 in-depth interviews with government officials, policymakers, international and regional organizations, nongovernmental organizations, employers' organizations, trade unions, and embassy representatives. The study found that Malaysia's migration governance system was perceived as "chaotic" due to the seemingly inconsistent, unclear "ad hoc" policy measures implemented, and that the governance system is perceived as "corrupt." Economic incentives were also seen as the primary driver of labor immigration, yet the main impact on Malaysian society was perceived as the spread of criminality, violence and disease, a narrative centered on migrant men. This paper argues that this discourse is problematic as it may drive types of policy measures that target migrant men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrialized countries have increasingly used skill-based selective migration policies to reduce labor and skill shortages. But are these policies effective? This paper uses Japan and the United Kingdom to illustrate how immigration policy and employment, training and labor practices influence labor and skill supply. Until recently, these two countries had different migration policies and labor practices. Yet data shows similar patterns of labor and skill shortage profiles in both countries. This paper draws on empirical research to argue that such outcomes suggest that immigration policies will not alleviate labor and skill shortages unless accompanied by the transformation of employment and training practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a thick strand of literature demonstrates informally employed workers and irregular migrants being generally worse off in the labor market, little has been done to examine and compare these two sources of disadvantages. Using regression analyses on a survey of migrant workers in Thailand from Cambodia, Myanmar and Lao People's Democratic Republic, the paper measures the prevalence of informal employment and estimates the differential contributions of irregular migration status and informal employment on various employment conditions. The paper finds that informality has a relatively stronger association with worse employment conditions, and systematic differences persist across sectors of employment and countries of origin. Initiatives to improve working conditions for irregular migrant workers should thus focus on both formalizing their employment status and expanding access to legal and safe migration, including social protection programs, in destination countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The staccato rhythms of experiential time remain obscured in much of the literature on participatory research, where time is treated as a reassuring constant – a backdrop for human activity. This article addresses the discordances between lived temporalities and existing theorisations of participatory methodologies. It takes participatory research with lone child migrants as a particularly rich case to think with, given the proliferation of contradictory and often punitive applications of time these young people encounter in their interactions with migration and welfare regimes. The core argument developed is that unless temporality is given due theoretical and methodological attention, aims of contesting and unsettling inequities through participatory research will have limited success and can wind up reproducing exclusions and oppressions. In response to these critiques, the paper temporalizes participatory research through three reconstructions: working with and against time, de-centring shared time and collectivising the time of participatory research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Korean immigrant fathers' lived experiences of their parenting involvement by using interpretative phenomenological analysis of seven participants who were recruited through Korean ethnic churches in a Midwestern city. In semi-structured interviews, we explored five main areas affecting Korean immigrant fathers' perceptions and attitudes toward parenting involvement and found the following issues to be especially salient for participants: limited acculturation progress, economic difficulties, low self-esteem, experiences of intergenerational conflict, and involvement in religious faith and church activities. This study contributes to the field's understanding of Korean immigrant fathers' perceptions of intergenerational and intercultural conflicts when raising their Americanized children and underlines for mental health providers the importance of providing culturally competent parenting education on the topic of positive fathering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how discrepant governmental rationalities and processes produce friction and shifting experiences of subjectiflcation as transmigrants cross borders. Using the experiences of mainland Chinese marriage migrants in Singapore as an example, the paper explores the notion of 'transgovernmental friction' and how it reinforces state boundaries, reshapes body politics, and animates waiting as an active practice that transforms migrant subjectivities. Locating the workings of governmentality, mobility, and space in the domain of transnational marriage and family, the paper brings to light the friction and crevices of governmental processes across borders and the embodied politics of im/mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Circular labour migration from rural areas has emerged as a key feature of the Indian economy. Generally seen as a positive development, because of its impact of remittances on the household economy of the migrants, circular migration has also been associated with exploitation and unfreedom of the migrant labour. This paper focuses on labour out-migration to the construction sector from one of the economically backward districts of West Bengal, India. Firstly, it examines who participates in this migration process and highlights the nature of such migration. Secondly, it explores the outcomes of labour migration focusing on both the economic as well as the social dimensions. Thirdly, these outcomes are linked with the broader debates on the migration–development linkages. This paper argues that rather than focusing on the short-term and static gains of out-migration, there is a need to investigate the long-term, life-cycle implications of such circular labour migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Boat People by Sharon Bala, Blue Sunflower Startle by Yasmin Ladha, and Lives of the Family: Stories of Fate and Circumstance, by Denise Chong, are texts that engage with vulnerability as it relates to immigration, one of the most precarious of states or sites that Canadian literature chronicles. The abstract and concrete politics of adaptation are exemplified in these narratives of displacement, inspired by the Tamil refugee crisis of 2009–2010, the Indo-Tanzanian immigration wave of the 1970s, and the resourcefulness of Chinese immigrant families in the mid-twentieth century. These narratives effectively investigate vulnerability within spaces of interconnection, imprisonment, relation, visibility, and transformation. This paper works with their explorations of the Canadian trope of immigration as a process that moves from the vulnerability of strangeness to the vulnerability of adaptation to the vulnerability of commitment. Addressing the ways that these stages are subverted, the paper examines the extent to which migrancy and its resolution resist a "national" narrative in these texts, undercutting the prototype of success through adversity. How they model Hirsch's "openness to unexpected outcomes" recites the complexity of their depictions of vulnerability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether high immigration produces anti-immigration hostility has vexed researchers across multiple disciplines for decades. And yet, understanding this relationship is crucial for countries dependant on immigrant labour but concerned about its impact on social cohesion. Absent from most of this research are theories about the impact of early-years socialisation conditions on contemporary attitudes. Using the British sample of the European Social Survey (2002–2017) and two innovative approaches to modelling generational differences – generalised additive models and hierarchical age‒period‒cohort models – this paper shows that rather than producing hostility to immigration, being socialised in a context of high immigrant-origin diversity is likely to result in more positive attitudes to immigration later in life. This implies that through generational replacement, countries like the UK are likely to become increasingly tolerant of immigration over time. Importantly, however, a context of high-income inequality may diminish this effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to serve as an exploration into the implications of the Venezuelan migration crisis into the South-Eastern Caribbean territories of Barbados, Grenada, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago. This paper seeks to present an analytical report of the exercise of soft and economic diplomacy practiced by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) group. In the CARICOM Statement of January 2019, a call was made for 'external forces to refrain from doing anything to destabilize the situation in Venezuela ... which could have far reaching negative consequences for the wider region'. This paper seeks to use a geopolitical foresight methodology to examine these negative consequences ranging from the decimation of Caribbean trade as a result of military use of the Caribbean shipping routes, the continued 'divide and rule' over CARICOM by the United States Government as well as the decline in Caribbean Tourism receipts. A key question raised surrounds determining what is the capacity of several Caribbean Member States to simultaneously host Venezuelan migrants/refugees as well as participate in the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME)'s Free Movement of Labour Regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the Delphi methodology employed to select a final dashboard of 30 indicators on the socio-educative inclusion of refugee and migrant children in Europe. Firstly, a procedure for identifying Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) was carried out, including a specialized scientific literature review, the mapping of previous indicators, and qualitative workshops with key stakeholders at micro, meso, and macro levels in six countries. Then, a Delphi design was implemented to assess, rate, and provide meaningful qualitative improvements to a pool of pre-selected indicators. The Delphi methodology involved a group of international experts on the matters of inclusive education or migration, researchers, NGOs, and public officers. As an alternative to traditional "benchmark-based" consensus, we introduced the use of a) the CARA model and b) an alternative multi-input and mixed-method consensus-building procedure. The results provided a significant contribution to qualitative methods on the one hand and to migration and integration literature on the other. The methodological innovations, the diversity of experts' perspectives involved in the process, and the structured nature of the method constituted significant advantages to improve the robustness of the Delphi methodology for selecting and validating indicators. Future research involving a Delphi methodology can benefit from applying the present procedure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial minority of adolescents experience and use dating violence in their sexual and/or romantic relationships. Limited attention has been paid to exploring theory-driven questions about use and experience of adolescent dating violence (ADV), restricting knowledge about promising prevention targets for diverse groups of youth. To address this gap, this paper investigates whether factors tied to power imbalances (bullying, risk of social marginalization) are associated with patterns of ADV victimization and perpetration in a large sample of Canadian mid-adolescents. We used data from the 2017/2018 Health-Behavior in School-Aged Children (HBSC) study, a nationally representative sample of Canadian youth. Our study was comprised of adolescents who were in grades 9 or 10, and who had dated in the past 12 months (N = 3779). We assessed multiple forms of ADV and bullying victimization and perpetration. We also included six variables assessing adolescents' risk of social marginalization: gender, race/ethnicity, immigration status, family structure, food insecurity, and family affluence. We used latent class analysis to explore the ways adolescents experience and use different forms of ADV, and then examined whether factors tied to power imbalances (bullying, social marginalization) were associated with classes of ADV. Three ADV classes emerged in our sample: uninvolved (65.7%), psychological and cyber victimization only (28.9%), and mutual violence (5.4%). Bullying was most strongly associated with the mutual violence class, suggesting a transformation of power from peer to romantic contexts. Social marginalization variables were associated with ADV patterns in different ways, highlighting the need to use a critical and anti-oppressive lens in ADV research and prevention initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration has meant that many transnational families develop transnational circuits of care to maintain collective family welfare. Although the emotional toll of geographical separation on the family has been recognized, the perspectives of elderly family members have remained relatively under-explored. Our paper seeks to plug this gap by first studying how emotions mediate the impact of geographical distance on caregiving and conversely, how distance modulates emotions related to receiving care. Second, it examines the aging futures that the elderly envisage, including the emotions that they negotiate, particularly as they anticipate changing health situations. Our analysis draws on in-depth interviews with 17 older Singaporeans (aged from the mid-60s to mid-90s) with at least one adult child residing overseas to highlight the emotional complexities of eldercare in the context of transnational families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The key aim of this paper is to consider how young professionals, who left Ireland since the economic recession, define their migration project -- not just individually but also as a shared experience across their generation. Using narrative analysis and the concept of 'speech acts', I explore how these young people working in England talk about and make sense of recent Irish migration. In particular, the paper explores the extent to which the participants construct a sense of 'cohorts' to articulate their shared experiences and expectations as a 'group', 'wave' or 'generation' of recent migrants and, in so doing, contrast themselves with previous waves of migrants from Ireland. I highlight their emphasis on 'choice', 'opportunities' and 'mobility' in contrast to their image of the older Irish migrants as 'forced', disadvantaged and 'stuck'. I suggest that this is not just an over-simplification of the past, but more importantly represents a device for making sense of the present. The paper also adopts a reflexive approach and situates myself as a researcher and an Irish migrant in the research process. In this way, I consider how my questions and comments may have influenced how narratives were constructed and shared as well as how I may have approached the analysis of the data through a specific socio-temporal mind set. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]