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A growing literature has documented widespread variation in the extent to which insurgents provide public goods, collect taxes, and regulate civilian conduct. This paper offers what is, to our knowledge, the first study of the long-term economic legacies of rebel governance. This effect is theoretically unclear. Rebel governance may generate incentives for households to expand production and accumulate resources. However, rebel rule may be too unstable to maintain such incentives. We explore empirically the effect of rebel rule on households' economic resilience using a longitudinal dataset for Colombia. Results show a positive relation between wartime rebel rule and the ability of households to cope with weather shocks in the post-war period. Households in regions where armed groups were present but exercised limited or no intervention fare worse. This effect is associated with infrastructure improvement led by armed groups, their intervention in dispute adjudication, and their close interactions with local populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: The near collapse of the Venezuelan economy since 2015 and the concomitant erosion of public order have led to an exodus of over seven million people by mid-2023, the largest forced migrant flow in recent Latin American history and the second largest globally after Syria. It occurs against a global backdrop of a 400 percent increase in persons displaced across borders between 2010 and 2021. Colombia hosts the largest number of Venezuelan refugees — with about 2.5 million officially recorded by the government. This has occurred during a politically tumultuous period in Colombia, which has featured the reconfiguration of competing illegal armed groups since the signing of the 2016 Peace Accord between the government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), a major COVID-19 outbreak in 2020–2021, and a crippling and protracted national strike in 2021. Within the hemispheric context, Colombia serves as a stop-gap to stem the flow of Venezuelan refugees northward, roughly similar to the role played by Mexico to intercept and diminish migration to the United States. This has especially been the case since the January 5, 2023 announcement by US President Biden, which specified that refugees cannot declare asylum in the US if they attempt to cross the US border without first seeking asylum in their initial transit country. For Venezuelan refugees, the first country they enter is typically Colombia. Further, in May 2023, the Biden administration announced it was considering sending US troops to the Darien Peninsula in Panama, and will perhaps train Colombian forces, to diminish the "trafficking" of Venezuelan refugees and other refugees passing through Colombia and headed north. The result, according to leaders of NGOs and other who work directly with refugees, has been more pressure on Colombia to retain them. The argument here is twofold. First, human security threats for Venezuelan refugees should be viewed intersectionally in the particular spaces through which they pass — from the collapse of order in their home countries (which qualifies them as refugees), through the borderlands with Colombia that pose specific threats to their safety and wellbeing, and to their destinations within Colombia that offer their own peculiar array of opportunities and human security challenges. Second, regularization programs such as the Estatuto Temporal de Protección de Migrantes Venezolanos (ETPMV) are the best way to promote human security for refugees in Colombia in the short and medium terms, but this process needs to be more inclusive.1 The first half of this paper discusses the conceptual underpinnings that link power/mobility/space to human security for refugees. The second part brings those concepts to life through interviews with an assortment of refugees. The paper draws from a database of interviews with 72 Venezuelan refugees in Colombia in 2022 and 2023 regarding the intersectional nuances of human security. It also relies on interviews with dozens of security, migration, and human rights experts in Colombia since 1997. A unique conceptual perspective is developed regarding critical human security for Venezuelan refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on civic education and the constitution of subjects within a complex landscape of peace and war making in Colombia. Using a genealogical approach to study the manufacturing of citizens, and drawing on a document analysis of policies, curricular guidelines, and teaching resources, this paper evidences an increasing attention to students' skills, conducts, and interpersonal relations, rather than structural inequality and injustice. Through the examination of the "integral citizen," I argue that the development of students as skillful civic subjects has become central to the aspiration of building and sustaining peace and democracy. Such citizens are described as individually embodying the virtues and skills of problem-solving, conflict-management, autonomy, and self-regulation of emotions. This research adds to our understanding of the construction of the ideal citizen in conflict-affected settings, and how education policy intersects with larger efforts for meaningful and sustained change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores children's and youth's understandings of Colombian citizenship. Drawing from ethnographic work in the Museo Casa de la Memoria in Medellín, where I accompanied 15 school visits with young museum workers and over three hundred school-aged children, this paper proposes that citizenship appears to be a double-bind and disputable categorization. Citizenship was defined as a failed formal project and lived as relational and bounded by the shared violence historically suffered by vulnerable communities. To the post-accord generation, being Colombian is about learning of the collective suffering, and their perceived civic responsibility is to collective memory and peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID 19 pandemic, Online Asynchronous Focus Groups (OAFG) through WhatsApp were conducted to explore women's experiences in the context of Congenital Syphilis prevention in Colombia. This paper discusses issues raised by the OAFGs (not least in relation to face-to-face focus groups). After a review of the literature on online and offline focus groups, there is a consideration of some key features of our OAFGs. In particular, we note how silence, presence, attention, continuity and multiplicity manifested in our OAFGs. We suggest that rather than regarding OAFGs as inferior to the 'gold standard' of face-to-face focus groups, our OAFGs raise important questions about our assumptions about focus group methodology. For instance, what counts as participant engagement, what comprises 'useful' social data, and what constitute the boundaries of a focus group all emerge as critical issues. We go on to reflect on some of the implications of these issues for the fruitfulness of OAFG methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper examines the notion of territorial peace associated with the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. More specifically, the political discourse of the FARC-EP is analyzed through nine in-depth interviews with prominent members of the organization, who, in addition, have held or hold positions of political relevance in the formation heir to the armed group – today the political party known as Comunes. The relevance, contradictions, tensions and problems that have accompanied the difficult process of implementation of the Agreement in Colombia will be addressed. The responses given by interviewees reveal a common narrative regarding the failures of the Iván Duque government's commitment and implementation but differ on the scope and significance of the dissident groups or the role that the Comunes party should play in defending the Peace Agreement. Additionally, the territorial dimension emergesas an underlying aspect that requires special attention in all the testimonies. El siguiente artículo examina la noción de paz territorial asociada al Acuerdo de Paz firmado en 2016 entre el gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP. Más concretamente, se analiza el discurso político de las FARC-EP a través de nueve entrevistas en profundidad a destacados miembros de la organización, quienes, además, han ocupado o ocupan cargos de relevancia política en la formación heredera del grupo armado -hoy el partido político conocido como Comunes. Se abordará la relevancia, contradicciones, tensiones y problemas que han acompañado el difícil proceso de implementación del Acuerdo en Colombia. Las respuestas dadas por los entrevistados revelan una narrativa común sobre los fracasos del compromiso y la implementación del gobierno de Iván Duque, pero difieren sobre el alcance y la importancia de los grupos disidentes o el papel que debería desempeñar el partido Comunes en la defensa del Acuerdo de Paz. Además, la dimensión territorial emerge como un aspecto subyacente que requiere especial atención en todos los testimonios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether and how religion contributes to prisoner rehabilitation—conceptualized as a prosocial change in self-identity, existential belief, and character based on identity theories of criminal desistance, the "Good Lives Model" of offender rehabilitation, and the concept of human flourishing. For this study, we conducted a quasi-experimental study assessing a faith-based program, "The Prisoner's Journey" (TPJ). We hypothesized that participation in TPJ increased religiosity, which in turn contributed to rehabilitation, measured by identity transformation, a new sense of meaning and purpose in life, and virtue development. It was also hypothesized that prisoner rehabilitation enhanced emotional well-being and reduced the risk of interpersonal aggression. To test our hypotheses, we applied structural equation modeling to analyze data from 506 prisoners in Colombia and South Africa, who participated in pretest and posttest surveys. As hypothesized, we found that completion of TPJ increased religiosity, which in turn fostered motivation for identity change, the perception of meaning and purpose in life, and the virtues of forgiveness, accountability, and self-control. In addition, the increased perception of meaning and purpose in life and two virtues (forgiveness and self-control) decreased negative emotions and the risk of interpersonal aggression. The implications and limitations of our study are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) is a chronic, systemic, autoimmune disease of multifactorial origin. There are no previous studies in Colombia describing juvenile SLE (jSLE) prevalence, prompting this demographic description. Objective: This study aimed for prevalence calculation and epidemiologic analysis of jSLE) in Colombian patients, ages 0–19, from 2015 to 2019. Methods: This descriptive, cross-sectional study searched the Colombian Ministry of Health database for codes of the International Classification of Diseases, 10th revision (ICD-10) associated with jSLE to estimate the disease prevalence for the total population and for specific age groups at national and regional levels. Calculations used intercensal estimates of population based on the projections of the national statistics administrative department (DANE) from the most recent census. This paper presents a sociodemographic analysis of patients with jSLE. Results: The study identified in Colombia, from 2015 to 2019, 3680 cases with jSLE as the principal diagnosis. Calculated prevalence of jSLE was 25 cases per 100,000 population, with highest frequency in ages 15–19 and females (84%), with a female:male ratio of 5.1:1. Conclusion: Estimated prevalence of jSLE in Colombia is at the highest limit of worldwide findings. Consistent with reports in the literature, the disease involves females more frequently than males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With over 5 million Venezuelans fleeing their home country, Latin America is facing the largest migration crisis in its history. Colombia, Peru, and Chile host the largest numbers of Venezuelan migrants in the region. Each country has responded differently to the crisis in terms of the provision of education. Venezuelan migrants attempting to enter the primary, secondary, and higher education systems encounter a variety of barriers, from struggles with documentation, to limited availability of spaces in schools, to cultural barriers and xenophobia. This paper examines the distinct educational policy responses to Venezuelan migrants in Colombia, Peru, and Chile. It begins by contextualizing the current crisis through a sociopolitical and economic analysis of the origins of the Venezuelan migration phenomenon. Venezuelans are not officially and legally recognized as refugees by the UNHCR. Refugee status is considered on a case-by-case basis at the country level. The regional coordinating bodies tasked with promoting safe, orderly, and legal migration of Venezuelans to host countries have given uneven attention to education. The paper examines each country's response to Venezuelan migrants from a human rights perspective. It provides sociopolitical context and discusses the specific educational offerings from the primary to tertiary levels in Colombia, Peru, and Chile. It considers alternative or flexible education models, second shift schools, access to school transportation and feeding programs, and teacher training opportunities that cater to the growing migrant population. It explores barriers to entry into the educational system, including documentation challenges due to legal and enrollment requirements, constraints on the host countries' education systems, and discrimination due to lack of intercultural training and xenophobia. It also discusses challenges related to the quality of the educational opportunities for Venezuelan migrant children, and the specific needs of these children. The paper considers several ideas to protect Venezuelan migrants' rights to an education and to strengthen their integration. Finally, it offers recommendations on sustainable education solutions for Venezuelan migrants at all levels in the three countries. These recommendations include improving information sharing, addressing structural bottlenecks to school enrollment, and expanding pathways (existing and complementary) to higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the debate on the migration–remittances–development nexus in Latin America has advanced considerably in recent years, the literature has yet to analyse the socio-political implications of the process of Financialisation of Remittances (FOR) in the region. This paper sheds light on the relationship between the FOR and diaspora engagement policies in Colombia, thus contributing to a growing body of critical analyses on diasporas as agents of development and processes of financialisation beyond the global north. Since the turn of this century, Colombian governments have invested in consolidating part of the state apparatus to capture and maintain the diaspora and their resources connected to the motherland. The paper uses a case study approach centred on a systematic examination of the political–institutional apparatus developed to engage the diaspora and financialise remittances in Colombia over the past 20 years, incorporating a temporal and historical perspective of the triad migration–development–financialisation trends at the national level. It argues that the FOR is a centrepiece of the state's broader strategy for the symbolic and material redefinition of (transnational) membership, in which both, embracing – by extending social and political rights – and tapping – into migrant households' connections to global circuits of capital and finance – elements co-exist This case is illustrative of how a growing number of states are adopting models of diaspora engagement that, on the one hand, feed into the dominant financialised model of development; and on the other, serve as an instrumental strategy in the emerging architecture of the global governance of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to present the male homoerotic experiences of ex-combatants from the FARC-EP and ELN guerrillas, as well as paramilitary groups, during their period in these armed groups. For this article, we have used multiple methodological strategies. For the first two stories, we made semi-structured qualitative interviews with ex-combatants. Then, we wrote the narratives collaboratively. For the third story, the anecdote was constructed based on the testimonies of the residents of a municipality of Caldas affected by the armed conflict. The participation of combatants in homoerotic practices and their involvement in romantic relationships with men showed that interpretations and meanings of homosexuality (and heterosexuality) in war contexts can be questioned, since their involvement is related to victimization. In addition, the narratives demonstrated that the meaning of these concepts was fragmented in various directions such as desire, feelings, anxieties, and complicity with the armed logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I outline an innovative remote participatory video (PV) methodology that makes use of participants' smartphones. It was developed as an alternative to co-production research and can be employed when face-to-face contact is impossible or undesirable. Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, face-to-face research interactions have been disrupted or become impossible. Yet it is vital to reach those who are most affected by emergencies and to include their voices. The research reported here was a collaboration between women in Medellín, Colombia, and a team of filmmakers and researchers. We developed an innovative remote PV methodology using participants' smartphones, researching how women from poorer neighbourhoods were affected by the pandemic in their everyday lives. Here, I reflect on the strengths and weaknesses of the remote PV methodology, arguing that it offers new avenues for participants to take control of the filming and editing process, and builds technical skills and capacities that have value beyond the timeframe of the project. I conclude that the remote PV method has great potential as a stand-alone method, moving the landscape of co-production research away from a requirement for geographical co-presence and potentially shifting power and ownership towards local co-researchers and participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the call for more action-based narratives of grassroot resistance to runaway climate change. At a time when deep changes in society are needed in order to respond to climate change and related sustainability issues, there are calls for greater connectivity between science and society, and for more inclusive and disruptive forms of knowledge creation and engagement. The contention of this paper is that the forces and structures that create a disconnect between science and society must be 'transgressed'. This paper introduces a concept of Transgressive Action Research as a methodological innovation that enables the co-creation of counter hegemonic pathways towards sustainability. Through the method of the Living Spiral Framework, fieldwork reflexions from the Colombian case study of the international T-Learning project were elicited, uncovering and explicating the transgressive learning qualities needed to respond to climate change. As part of a larger action–research project, this paper combines the arts with the social sciences, demonstrating how the concept of 'Transgressive Action Research' can enable co-researchers to engage in disruptive and transformative processes, meeting the need for more radical approaches to addressing the urgent challenges of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to assess whether the Colombian Constitutional Court has had a transformative approach to transitional justice in relation to conflict-related sexual violence. Building upon previous literature on feminist approaches to transitional justice, we carry out a content analysis of all 37 Autos related to conflict-related sexual violence issued by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 2008 and 2016. In doing so, we delve into how the high court identifies perpetrators and survivors of sexual violence, the causes that lead to sexual violence during conflict and displacement, and the measures they propose to eradicate this crime. Overall, while we find that critical decisions are transformative in most of the analysed dimensions, there remains some room for improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salomón Hakim (1922–2011) was a Colombian neurosurgeon and brain scientist This biography examines the social and cultural background through which he emerged as an inquisitive and multi-dimensional surgeon-scientist, and his lifelong contributions to the specialty of neurosurgery. With empirical knowledge in applied medical physics, electronics, electricity and chemistry, he understood the paradoxical phenomenon of symptomatic hydrocephalus with normal cerebrospinal fluid pressure. This ultimately led Hakim to describe in exquisite detail the physics of the cranial cavity and brain hydrodynamics. His name is intertwined with the identification of the entity of a syndrome which had not previously been addressed in the medical literature: Normal Pressure Hydrocephalus (Hakim's syndrome). Additionally, he designed and built various models of valved shunting devices to treat the condition (eg the Hakim programmable valve). Through his selflessness and cogent work, Hakim left a legacy and intellectual heritage that has allowed many colleagues worldwide to save thousands of lives who would be otherwise condemned to oblivion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Educacion Musical is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The COVID-19 pandemic has had a profound effect on livelihoods everywhere, but especially in the informal economy where crucial forms of protection and security are often absent. A detailed understanding of the impacts for informal workers, the public policy approaches that could most effectively respond to their needs, and the barriers to such policy, is urgently needed. This paper discusses the results of a 2021 street vendor survey in Cali, Colombia, focusing on (1) vendors' socioeconomic circumstances and (2) their political engagement and attitudes on key policy and governance issues. It argues that while the pandemic and the government responses to it negatively impacted street vendors, there are steps that government could have taken, and can still take, to address vendors' needs and priorities. To ensure a just, equitable, sustainable recovery, and to protect economically marginalized groups from future crises, informal workers must be more meaningfully included in decision-making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on how a colonial logic shaped ideas and practices about childhood in the modern/colonial interplay between family members, knowledge, activities, and goods that combined difference, structural subordination, and modern adult-child relations in Colombia. Based on a local magazine directed by elite women, it refers to the cultural mechanism that merged northern and central perspectives with the regional and national modern/colonial horizon of family, public and private sex roles, children, and the broader framework of modernization between 1926 and 1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the ontology of a cancer diagnosis at high-end hospitals in Colombia. Drawing on a seventeen-month ethnographic fieldwork study in this country, it pays attention to how dermatologists, pathologists, and oncologists looked at my partner's skin during a routine medical checkup and enacted two seemingly contradictory diagnoses: a lethal melanoma and a benign dysplastic nevus—commonly known as mole. Because their differences under the microscope or through dermatology goggles may be subtle, physicians often disagree on what they see. When medical services are not unrelated to the economic possibilities of patients to pay for them, what emerges through a microscope might be different. With neoliberal medical reforms in Colombia as background, this paper focuses on the ontological indeterminacy of cancer and its relationship to high-end hospitals and a patient who could, albeit not without effort, pay for the treatment. Thus, I argue that how physicians saw was not unrelated to what they saw and therefore to their practices of medicine in neoliberal Colombia. How do medical practices and ways of seeing in Colombia enter into composition with the bodies they study? Could the same skin tissue simultaneously be cancerous and noncancerous? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research applies an interdisciplinary approach to the bidirectional relationship between illicit drug trafficking activities (specifically, cocaine and opioid trafficking in Colombia and Mexico) and the architectures, spaces, and territories in which they are located. Certain spaces that determine or are determined by the actions of drug trafficking organizations are described, analyzed, and classified based on various methodologies and the use of academic, official, and press information. In addition, case studies are reconstructed using architectural and geographic representation mechanisms to exemplify and illustrate the main arguments. The paper examines the three stages of activity that constitute the illegal drug economy: production (involving the placement of crop fields and laboratories), distribution (which entails exploitation of mobility infrastructure), and cross-cutting activities in relation to drug trafficking support spaces. The research provides an articulated interpretation of the various drug trafficking activities from a spatial perspective, the characterization of spaces that are important to criminal organizations and to the performance of their activities, and insights into the spatial thinking strategies and tactics associated with drug trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes collaborative research with Wiwa and Arhuaco women concerning local reparations with an intersectional perspective on the Colombian post-conflict agreement. Our central argument is that indigenous women's processes, experiences, and expectations of reparation reflect a wish to engage in a dialogue with the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) through its Works, Projects or Activities (TOAR) so that their perspectives on and complex conceptions of harm and reparation, as well as their relationship with social orders, bodies, and territory, can be recognized and considered in managing the risks of the revitalization of patriarchy during the post-accord period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many labor scholars and practitioners see the regulation of informal work as necessary to protect the world's most vulnerable workers from market predation. This article advances an alternative perspective: State regulation is a versatile tool that can be wielded either by workers or by elites, often toward contradictory ends. Accordingly, the key question for those seeking to promote decent work is not whether to formalize informal jobs, but rather, formalization by and for whom? The author uses this approach to analyze differential outcomes between efforts to formalize the work of waste pickers in São Paulo, Brazil, and Bogotá, Colombia. Drawing on 24 months of field research, the author documents how São Paulo's formalization policies benefited few street waste pickers, whereas those of Bogotá elevated the incomes, conditions, and voices of thousands of comparable workers. The analysis suggests that formalization is likely to yield pro-worker outcomes only when workers possess sufficient power over policy design and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourist destinations generally offer a variety of attractions that local authorities or destination management organizations (DMOs) may incorporate into their promotional activities. This diversity of available assets has different stakeholder groups having to decide what the destination actually stands for. The present study connects existing frameworks about evolutionary dynamics and place marketing and applies them to multifaceted destinations to provide fresh insights into how these can be managed. It extends the discussion by taking the city of Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, as an in-depth case study to illustrate how multiple assets as well as multiple place identities can impact the management of a given destination. The main data source consisted of semi-structured interviews which were used to explore the (typologies of) attractions that best represent the destination and how these should be promoted according to the local institutional stakeholders. The results show that being a multifaceted destination poses significant challenges to the definition of tourism marketing strategies, even if most stakeholders agree that a shift from the traditional, beach-related elements towards more (intangible) cultural resources is necessary. The paper concludes by drawing some theoretical implications as well as practical recommendations for multiple asset destinations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policing—order-making practices to discipline society and tackle crime—goes beyond the typical work of constabulary forces. There is a plurality of policing actors, rationales, and interests within a larger security assemblage, and multiple configurations of those elements according to specific contexts. This paper presents the phenomenon of batidas militares—military raids with the purpose of enforced conscription—carried out by the Colombian army as an informal policing practice. Through a combination of spatial analysis and fieldwork, including interviews with policing operators and young people involved in documented cases, I explain how the systematic execution of batidas created invisible, yet identifiable, urban borders, and how batidas operated as complementary preemptive security devices imposing a militarist order on the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on the association between ageism and falling among older adults is limited. Using data from the nationwide cross-sectional SABE (Salud, Bienestar y Envejecimiento) Colombia Survey in 2015 with 18,875 participants aged ≥60 years living in the communities, the study aims to evaluate the association between perceived ageism within the family, neighborhood, health services, and public services, and recurrent falling. Participants had a mean age of 69.2 ± 7.1; 56.1% were female. Recurrent falling prevalence was 15%, and experiencing any ageism was 10%. Multivariable logistic regression analyses showed higher odds of recurrent falling for any ageism (OR = 1.81, 95% CI 1.61–2.02, p <.0001). High depressive symptoms mediated 10.1% of the association between any ageism and recurrent falling, followed by low instrumental activities of daily living (9.7%) and multimorbidity (9.3%). Current findings open new areas of gerontological research by expanding the risk factors for falling among older adults to include ageism perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through participatory research and creative auto/biography, in particular, this article highlights how young offenders in southwestern Colombia live at home, go to school and fit in the trafficking of cannabis in their spare time. This part-time participation in criminal networks becomes part of a deliberate plan to succeed and confront positions of socio-economic hardship and emotional precarity. This strategic offending in the region of Cauca with its protracted violence and alternative social order constitutes an attempt to confront ontological insecurity and establish improved life chances. These lived experiences of drug trafficking also highlight Colombia's community, city and country lines – three levels of trafficking route along which these young part-timers shift cannabis to local, national and international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban governments need to take actions to reduce disaster risks and incorporate climate resilience into their development strategies and plans. But most local governments, particularly small- and medium-sized cities in the global South, lack the knowledge and capacity to do so. This paper presents the findings from a project that engaged local governments and other key stakeholders to develop a participatory planning process for climate resilient and inclusive urban development. The project took place in three small- to medium-sized Latin American cities: Dosquebradas, Colombia; Santa Ana, El Salvador; and Santo Tomé, Argentina. By engaging government officials and politicians, academics, technical specialists, and representatives of civil society organizations in interviews, workshops and focus group discussions, this project sought to identify a range of feasible options for climate resilient and inclusive urban development. In each city, this process provided rich, context-specific details to identify strategies and plan projects with the buy-in of city government and other key actors. The overall goal was to bring in a resilience lens to assess current and planned urban development projects in each city and reach a consensus on feasible and inclusive resilience options for development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration to urban centres is among the most important forces in contemporary urban studies. In this paper, we study how the demography and epidemic profile of a community are altered when they transition from living in nomadic conditions in a forested environment to a peri-urban settlement in a city of the Amazon basin. We analyse demographic and epidemic data with a multilevel model to understand individual and community-level effects in terms of the risk of malarial infection. We show that malaria becomes endemic when the population settles in the peri-urban area of the city. We also show that the reproductive rate of women in the group increases as they become sedentary, and that while individual fertility rates have no effect on risk of contracting malaria, population-level fertility rates are associated with malaria endemicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Designing peace agreements that can be signed and sustained can be difficult in civil conflict. Many recent cases of successful settlements include electoral provisions, often for rebel groups to participate as political parties. Engaging the electoral process, however, can also open the peace process to the population at large, potentially derailing a settlement or some of its provisions, perhaps especially those related to politics. In this paper, we examine popular support for peace processes, specific electoral provisions, and potential concessions that provide former rebels with protections, legitimacy, and power. Using a survey experiment in Colombia, we find that the peace process overall is more popular than its electoral provisions, and that rebel endorsement of the provisions further diminishes support. These results contribute to an explanation of why the 2016 Colombian plebiscite on the peace agreement failed and to an understanding of how design matters to agreement effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines conditions under which communities threatened by armed groups amid the Colombian civil war are most likely to resist displacement. Using a game-theoretic framework and quantitative data, the paper shows that the threatened communities which expect rescue from an armed actor are more likely to resist displacement than those communities which expect no help. Community cohesion has a dual effect on displacement. The amount of peer support among community members reduces their chances to resist displacement, but the extent to which community members are involved in collective decision-making processes makes them less likely to displace. These findings reveal that both displaced communities and those that resisted displacement possess crucial social resources for their post-conflict recovery and development, such as cohesion and strong bonds of solidarity. The paper stresses the importance of local-level organisation coordinating collective decision-making to guarantee the most efficient use of these resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to study the relationship between energy use and economic growth between 1990 and 2021 in Colombia. Energy is a key element for economic growth and to improve people's living standards, especially in developing economies like Colombia. To estimate both the short-run and long-run relationship between economic growth and energy use and economic growth, we used data from 1990 to 2021 and we estimated an error correction model along with a regression using the FMOLS/DOLS estimators. We found that economic growth and energy use are related in the short run in Colombia, according to the Toda–Yamamoto causality test, GDP granger causes energy use and there's not enough evidence to claim that energy use and GDP are related in the long run. JEL Classification : Q43. Plain language summary: The relationship between energy use and economic growth in the short-run and long-run relationship in Colombia between 1990 and 2021 This research aims to study the relationship between energy use and economic growth between 1990 and 2021 in Colombia. Energy is a key element for economic growth and to improve people's living standards, especially in developing economies like Colombia. To estimate both the short-run and long-run relationship between economic growth and energy use and economic growth, we used data from 1990 to 2021 and we estimated two econometric models to capture both the short run and long run dynamics between energy use and economic growth. We found that economic growth and energy use are related in the short run in Colombia and the direction of the relationship goes from GDP to energy use and there's not enough evidence to claim that energy use and GDP are related in the long run in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Financialisation is not a homogenous but a variegated process. However, the question along which categories this variegation happens is currently unanswered. We identify four variegation categories: financial sector structure, productive structures, the role of the state, and the growth model. We apply these categories to two seemingly similar emerging-economy contexts which have produced different financialisation experiences: Colombia and South Africa. Financialisation in South Africa is much more market-based, meaning it is led by the financial sector unfolding through financial markets and banks' activities visible in their much larger size, activity, and international interconnectedness, than in Colombia. Hence, South African credit extension, bond markets, domestic pension funds, and stock market capitalisation are substantially larger than Colombia's, while the Rand has experienced strong internationalisation since 2000. Nevertheless, there is evidence financialisation processes have been unfolding dynamically in both countries over the past two decades, reinforcing the view of variegated financialisation as a common tendency with significant heterogeneities across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the scientific research and management programs of Colombia’s Federation of Colombian Coffee-Growers (FEDECAFE) as part of a campaign to ensure the long-term viability of the nation’s largest and most prominent export crop in the 1930s and early 1940s. Their work served a constituency of largely peasant small-holders in a period of increased erosion and declining coffee yields. Drawing on the organization’s internal records and popular publications, this research shows how new ideas about human and ecological natures were an essential component of FedeCafé hegemony, conceptually embedding the vitality of Colombian nationhood and citizenship in coffee country’s ecological systems. Further, this conceptual re-embedding of society in ecological processes was itself the result of concerted challenges to new forms of land and labor exploitation that accompanied the global capitalist commodity booms of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some politicians engage in relationships with criminal actors in pursuit of mutual interests. How does their rise to power affect state capacity? I focus on one of Colombia's worst episodes of criminal politics to understand how the victory of paramilitary-friendly mayors impacted subnational taxation. Focusing on close races, I find that the victory of a paramilitary-friendly mayor in 2007 led to a substantive drop in property taxation in subsequent years. I argue that criminal collusion allows politicians and criminals to accumulate wealth and political power, but doing so requires them to deliberately undermine local state institutions. Indeed, the evidence suggests that municipalities governed by paramilitary-friendly politicians experienced a weakening of property rights, the worsening of local judicial institutions, and an alteration of the electoral playing field. Rather than a mere consequence of criminal collusion, state weakening is a politically strategic decision that serves the interests of both criminals and politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous work on candidate campaign finance in list proportional representation systems has focused on differential electoral returns of spending for incumbent and challenger candidates. This article asks whether incumbents and challengers in these systems fund election campaigns from different sources. We hypothesize that incumbents receive more: (a) contributions from individual and corporate donors; and (b) financial support from party organizations, as party elites strategically deploy resources to constrain intra-party competition. The analysis is based on a dataset on campaign funding sources of candidates for two legislative elections in Colombia (2014 and 2018). The results confirm that party organizations transfer more financial resources to incumbents than to challengers. Contrary to expectations, parties do not specifically support the electorally most vulnerable incumbents. We also find that challengers receive higher levels of non-corporate private donations than incumbents. These findings provide insights into individual campaigns and demonstrate how parties coordinate intra-party competition through campaign funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent are legislators, responsible for the implementation of many peace agreements, responsive to citizens' preferences? Examining the 2016 Colombian peace agreement, we embed an experiment in the 2019 wave of a survey of all the members of Congress. We inform legislators about the attitudes of the general population and residents of conflict-affected regions on a provision included in the peace agreement: the creation of 16 special seats in the House of Representatives reserved for conflict areas. We find that legislators underestimate citizen support for this policy, and the magnitude of their misconception is correlated with the positions of their parties on the issue. Moreover, we find that providing information about citizens' support for the policy does not affect legislator support for the provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Perspectives is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Revenue, especially that from agricultural crops, has been considered fundamental for the development of state capacity. While existing research has mostly focused on dynamics of violence, we know less about the impact of commodities shocks on a key dimension of state power: property taxation. In this article, I explore how and why land-based coalitions —alliances between landowners and paramilitaries around the appropriation of land—undermine taxation during civil conflict. Focusing on the expansion of oil palm in Colombia and using a difference-in-differences design, I leverage the international price of oil palm and municipal variation in crop suitability. I find that, in municipalities with higher paramilitary violence and land concentration, the palm shock was associated with lower taxation, outdated cadastral information, and lower land values. This article underscores the deleterious consequences of land inequality for the state's extractive capacity even in moments of agricultural abundance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working on a participatory arts project with former child soldiers and young survivors of conflict in Colombia's indigenous Nasa community led to the development of an alternative to the qualitative interview, which we call 'story listening '. Storylistening is a methodology for peacebuilding that took shape within a narrative based culture and embraces the importance of acknowledging the everyday, as perceived and lived by young indigenous people. Within the context of conflict and reintegrating former child soldiers, storylistening emerged from a strong oral storytelling tradition to offer a dynamic and local approach to peacebuilding. This methodology shaped the production of an animated documentary, El árbol del amor (The Tree of Love), which explores the world of forced recruitment and child soldiering. The storylistening concept contains elements of auto/biography, in that it engages with memory and identity, where space and time are important. Based on Durkheimian notions of the socioemotional, storylistening shows how sharing emotions contributes to creating, maintaining and strengthening social bonds that can inspire change. It is an active process and has a shared impact on the 'listener' and the 'teller', whereas storytelling is an individual process that does not always carry the guarantee of being listened to. For the individual, storylistening offers the potential of catharsis, while for the community, it offers the opportunity for collective reflection. In the particular case of former child soldiers, storylistening engenders effective reintegration and more broadly fosters reconciliation, which underpins peacebuilding at the community level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the extent, source, and individual, microsystem, exosystem, and macrosystem-level (Heise's Ecological Model) predictors of help-seeking behaviors among women of different age groups in Colombia. Data on 12,915 married or cohabitating women who had experienced diverse forms of intimate partner violence (IPV) were obtained from the Colombia Demographic Health Survey 2015. More than half of the Colombian women who reported some form of IPV experience did not seek any help. Women aged 25–39 were less likely to seek help. Type of violence and experience of IPV and education were the strongest predictors of help-seeking among women in all age groups. Implications for research and programming are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Colombia's Caribbean region, where Black Diaspora agrarian spaces have been overtaken by oil palm plantations, access to safe drinking water has become increasingly difficult. Leticia is a water spring located in this historical afro descendant territory. Leticia's near exhaustion in 2015 as a consequence of oil palm encroachment caused little public outrage even though nearby communities have depended on its waters for decades. Some residents explained their response to Leticia's fate as acostumbrarse or "getting used to" these forms of harm. While such responses are often discounted as expressions of "giving up," we argue that acostumbrarse to Leticia's precarity expresses self-affirmation that overflows liberal notions of resistance. In conversation with Black and Caribbean Studies intellect and poetics, we first problematize how dominant ways of writing about black harm not only reproduce anti-black violence but also neglect the desires of quiet sovereignty in the experience of harm. Second, we re-story Leticia's sociality as immanent and acostumbrarse as a collective politics of perseverance that ebbs and flows in this hydro-sociality. Our goal is to open space for noticing and storying quiet responses such as acostumbrarse as an opaque politics of perseverance, forming and reforming through recurring and punctuated experiences of both life and death, harm and collective self-affirmation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Palagua swamp in the Middle Magdalena region of Colombia is a territory governed by nearly a century of petro-development and armed conflict. This toxic reality, along with the disappointment of temporary legal victories and demands for environmental compensation, have left deep marks on individuals' psyche, eroding the self-confidence and spirit of communities. Drawing on archival research, secondary regional sources, and 13 semi-structured interviews with former oil workers, fishers, farmers, and women activists, we delve into the meaning, implications, and transformation of petro-development and internal colonialism. We suggest that the decolonization of being in a petrolized environment implies challenging imposed imaginaries of development and perceiving forces of internal colonialism. This should be recognized as a long-term process, a painful incubation of possibilities, marked by persistent and transformative day-to-day actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A qualitative, inductive content analysis was done to explore a teacher's reflections on the experiences of a team of medical students using public narratives to promote health within a Colombian university. Data were collected from the teacher's written reflective journal and an academic report, the latter, submitted by the medical students. 'Being mobilized' emerged as an overarching category. The experiences were described in three interrelated categories: team involvement, barriers and countering these barriers. In terms of team involvement, students were motivated, committed, connected with people and frustrated. On the other hand, barriers such as doubts and discomfort remarked, and finally these barriers were countered through training, practice and teamwork. As conclusion, the public narrative framework has changed the way medical students think about how to mobilize people for health promotion in a university. Narrative approaches are gaining strength as sources of motivation to support the adoption of healthy behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In 2016, a Peace Agreement, explicitly addressing the right to food, was signed, marking the end of more than 50 years of armed conflict and the longest war in the Americas. The expectation was that the years to follow would be marked by rapid social and political change, with the potential to improve food security. Objectives: (i) Ascertain changes in the prevalence of food insecurity in Colombia between 2016 and 2019; (ii) examine which population subgroups (eg, urban women, rural women, urban men, and rural men) were most vulnerable; and (iii) determine significant individual-level factors predicting food insecurity in these 2 years. Methods: This study used the Gallup World Poll 2016 and 2019 nationally representative samples of Colombian adults aged 15 and older for the analyses (n ≈ 1000 per year). Food insecurity was measured using the Food Insecurity Experience Scale. Descriptive statistics and logistic regression analyses were conducted using IBM SPSS Complex Samples (version 26). Results: Food insecurity in Colombia increased by 7 percentage points between 2016 and 2019 (from 33% to 40%); women living in rural areas in 2019 reported the highest prevalence (50%). Results from logistic analysis confirm low income, unemployment, and lack of social support were significant predictors of food insecurity in both years. In 2019, gender, low education, and lack of autonomy were also significant predictors. Further research on the determinants of food insecurity is necessary to inform Colombian policies and programs that address food insecurity. The urgency to act is more apparent than ever, given the country's worsening food security profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, there has been a growing literature dealing with the empirical estimation of the rate of profit and other Marxian variables in several countries. Nonetheless, there has been a paucity of econometric research about the impact of those Marxian variables on the growth rate in developing countries. This article seeks to evaluate the rate of profit and the rate of accumulation as determinants of the growth rate in Colombia during 1967–2019, using a generalized vector autoregressive model. We find that both variables are statistically significant and, in concordance with Marxian theory predictions, affect positively the growth rate. We also identify direct impacts of the growth rate over the profit rate and the accumulation rate as well as an economic relevant relationship between these latter variables. JEL Classification : B51, C22, O54 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To assess the relationship between discrimination and falling among older people. Methods: A cross-sectional nationwide population-based face-to-face survey, 2015. The SABE (Salud, Bienestar y Envejecimiento) Colombia Study, 19,004 community-dwelling adults aged ≥60 years. Recurrent falling was defined as ≥2 falls during the prior year. Main independent variable was discrimination. Results: Multivariate logistic regression models showed that recurrent falling was significantly associated with a number of reasons for experiences of everyday discrimination (due to racial, socioeconomic status, gender, age, religion, sexual orientation, or disability) (OR = 1.27, 95% CI 1.21–1.33), childhood discrimination score (never = 0 to many times = 3) (OR = 1.23, 95% CI 1.13–1.33), and number of situations for discrimination during the last 5 years due to skin color (group activities, public places, inside the family, or health centers) (OR = 1.12, 95% CI 1.08–1.17). Discussion: Discrimination experiences were associated with higher odds of recurrent falling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]