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Cystic fibrosis (CF), an autosomal recessive disease, is caused by variants in both alleles of the CF transmembrane conductance regulator (CFTR) gene. A new assay based on allele-specific polymerase chain reaction and high-resolution melting analysis was developed for the detection of 18 CF-causing CFTR variants previously identified in Cuba and Latin America. The assay is also useful for zygosity determination of mutated alleles and includes internal controls. The reaction mixtures were normalized and evaluated using blood samples collected on filter paper. The evaluation of analytical parameters demonstrated the specificity and sensitivity of the method to detect the included CFTR variants. Internal and external validations yielded a 100% agreement between the new assay and the used reference tests. This assay can complement CF newborn screening not only in Cuba but also in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many international relations (IR) theory and international political economy textbooks consistently reference dependency theory, it is commonly considered a passé , outdated, or defunct theoretical approach. This paper challenges conventional wisdom, stressing the continued relevance of dependency as an analytical approach. Overall, it argues that Dependency theory represents a successful effort at decentering IR. To do so, it first discusses decentering as an effort to challenge and engage core concepts in IR to transform the "universal" understandings of global politics. In this sense, Dependency theory decentered IR by introducing an understanding of the world in which Western and non-Western spaces are mutually constitutive, highlighting the role of non-core contexts in creating and maintaining the status quo of the universal. Second, the paper analyzes the influence of Dependency theory in modern discourses of political economy like the resource curse, globalization, Post-Colonialism, and Post-Developmentalism. These parallelisms show Dependency's effectiveness at decentering IR and transforming the way the discipline studies non-core spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper generates a framework to understand Latin American foreign relations through the use of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) role theory. The use of roles to describe and analyze regional interstate relations has previously been found in the literature on Latin America, but these studies have not taken advantage of the full range of concepts and theoretical implications associated with role theory to analyze the region. The paper develops a typology of states with associated national role conceptions (NRCs) and generates expectations for the sources of those NRCs, as well as elements of the role enactment and role location processes for Latin American states. The paper then illustrates the framework's applicability through a brief analysis of the role location process for Venezuela during the Presidency of Hugo Chávez. The analysis of NRCs selected by the leader of Venezuela, and their reception by role partners and the audience of interested states during the role location process demonstrates the fruitfulness of role theory for understanding Latin American regional relations. The analysis also suggests some modifications for FPA role theory itself as a result of the Venezuelan case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is easy to presume that age's legal value rests in the autonomy and rights that accrue to the liberal (male, propertied) citizen who has reached the age of majority. But this is not universally so. In Spain's American colonies, legal age talk involved multiplying privileges rather than exclusionary subtraction. Few indigenous peoples, enslaved people of African descent, or members of the free casta poor tallied the years they had lived in a manner that meets modern standards of precision. Instead, the ages that Spanish American officials set down on paper in criminal trials, censuses, and freedom suits derived from complicated cultural equations, including reconciling local ethno-numeracies with European counting systems. For all its seeming imprecision, age was of critical importance to colonial Spanish Americans, since rather than guaranteeing access to rights, age was a language that colonial subjects used to turn legal incapacities into beneficial protections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing literature suggests that partisanship in Latin America is relatively weak. However, these findings have been based largely on a survey methodology that systematically underestimates partisanship. This study provides caution about measuring party identification when it is framed in a short-term time horizon and includes a filter question—as most comparative surveys do—since this tends to result in an underestimation of levels of partisanship in the region. In turn, surveys that rely on a question wording that is more consistent with early theories of voting behavior show that the proportion of voters who self-identify with a political party is larger than the literature assumed. The findings of this paper have broader implications for studies in comparative politics. They suggest that the existing literature on parties and party systems has underestimated the ability of political parties in Latin America to recruit and create strong linkages with the electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preferential trade agreements ( PTAs) have rapidly proliferated in Latin America since the 2000s; this paper examines the factors which have facilitated or hampered their diffusion. The paper argues that the diffusion of PTAs, and resistance against them, has resulted in two alternative trade-integration models. On one hand, there is diffusion of US-led neoliberal North-South PTAs in Central American and Latin American countries ( LACs) on the Pacific Basin. On the other hand, the reinforcement of post-liberal regionalism led by Brazil and MERCOSUR countries has acted as a firewall of resistance to the diffusion of US-led PTAs and their neoliberal policies. This paper first discusses how the competitive diffusion of US-led PTAs started in Latin America. It then analyzes two intertwined dynamics (international-regional and institutional-domestic) that explain why US-led PTAs have proliferated in the region. The third section explores MERCOSUR's reactions to the US competitive PTA diffusion and also how Brazilian leadership has evolved in the South American subregion to encircle US diffusion of PTAs, leading to an outcome of two different patterns of integration in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the development of cooperation between Argentina and Brazil from their initial rapprochement of 1979 to the construction of Mercosur in 1991. It presents an account of cooperation that emphasizes the power and organizational interests of the armed forces and that challenges the prevailing emphases on democratization and neoliberalism. In doing so, it addresses a methodological problem for qualitative research in international relations: What can be done if our theories of why cooperation occurs affect our perceptions of when it begins? Conventional explanations of Argentine-Brazilian cooperation may be biased toward what historian Herbert Butterfield called 'Whig history,' which sees in past events associations that exist only in the present. These tendencies can alter our periodization of cases, omit or falsely reject important causal variables, and too readily confirm our preferred hypotheses, but they can also be corrected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]