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This open access book compares the experiences of large-scale military procurement in Canada and Australia. Focusing on the recent frigate and jet-fighter programmes, it demonstrates how delays suffered in delivering weapons systems and platforms in these countries have been caused by misalignments between the strategic requirements set out by the armed forces and government defence policies. By bringing the insights of public management and administration to those of defence studies, the book presents policy options that will help improve the nature of future large-project military procurement. It will appeal to scholars and students of public administration, public management, and defence studies, as well as practitioners and policymakers.

Examines Naval co-operation between Britain and Russia and the often underappreciated prowess of the Russian navy.Naval co-operation between Britain and Russia continued throughout the eighteenth century, with Britain providing huge assistance to the growth of Russia's navy, and Russia making an essential but often overlooked contribution to Britain's maritime power in the period. From 1698 when Tsar Peter the Great served briefly as a trainee shipwright at Deptford dockyard Russia recruited British, often Scottish, shipwrights, engineers, naval officers and naval surgeons who both helped build up the Russian navy and who were also key advisers to the Russian navy at sea. At the same time, naval stores from Russia, especially after Britain lost the American colonies, were vital for the maintenance of Britain's fleet. Moreover, as this book argues, Russian naval power was much more formidable than is often realised, with the Russian navy active alongside the British fleet in the North Sea and winning decisive battles against the Ottoman navy in the Mediterranean, including the battles of Çeşme in 1770 and Navarino in 1827. Britain did well to have Russia as a naval ally rather than an enemy. This book provides a comprehensive overview of this important subject, at a time when Britain's relationship with Russia is of considerable concern.

Free Libya! was the chant heard throughout Libya during the Arab Spring revolution that ended with the death of Colonel Gadaffi in October 2011. The story is about British involvement in Libya since the first treaty signed with the rulers in Tripoli in January 1692. The book is divided into four eras. The first covers the period up to the Italian invasion in 1911; the second covers the First World War and Italian pacification; the third covers the Western Desert Campaign; and the final part brings the reader up to date with recent events. In the words of the Foreign Secretary, Edward Grey, the 1911 Italian invasion of Libya “led straight to the catastrophe of 1914”. Using memoirs of politicians and correspondents from both sides of the conflict, the author pieces together British involvement, shedding new light on the Senussi Campaign and the Duke of Westminster's rescue of 100 British PoWs at Bir Hakkeim, as well as the story of Colonel Milo Talbot, who did as much as TE Lawrence to establish British influence with Arab leadership, but was never rewarded for his work. Even though hundreds of books have been written about the Western Desert Campaign, this book includes much unpublished material in addressing the contentious issues and explains why General Brian Horrocks wrote: “Command in the desert was regarded as an almost certain prelude to a bowler hat”. The final part of the book begins with Britain's operations to establish Libya as an independent kingdom and the rise of nationalism that led to Gadaffi's coup in 1969. The story of the tense relationship with the Brotherly Leader during the “Line of Death” era and subsequent rapprochement precedes an authoritative account of the 2011 revolution. The final chapter, brings the reader up to date with the current conflict as well as the migration crisis and the Manchester Arena bombers.

During the military dictatorship of 1968-1974, France sent its top intelligence specialists to Brazil. Coming from a variety of political backgrounds, these men ensured the transfer of the French army's colonial doctrines to the Brazilian army and created opportunities for the French industries that were reconstituted in the aftermath of the Second World War. In less than twenty years, the French army completely reshaped the Brazilian military's perception of its role. The technology exported was not just material, but also political. It enabled the construction of a new military system, based on the principle of anti-subversive warfare, the action of intelligence services and the hegemony of industrial groups linked to armaments. As a result, France made a significant contribution to the strategic autonomy of the Brazilian army, providing a significant alternative to the presence of the United States. Using a large number of archive documents, this book seeks to understand how these special links between the French and Brazilian militaries were built., Durant les années de plomb (1968-1974), la France a envoyé ses plus grands spécialistes du renseignement au Brésil. Issus d’horizons politiques divers, ces hommes ont assuré le transfert des doctrines coloniales de l’armée française vers l’armée brésilienne et ont créé des débouchés pour les industries françaises reconstituées dans l’après Seconde Guerre mondiale. En moins de vingt ans, l’armée française a entièrement remodelé la perception que les militaires brésiliens avaient de leur rôle. La technologie exportée n’était pas uniquement matérielle, mais aussi politique. Elle a permis la construction d’un nouvel édifice militaire, fondé sur le principe de la guerre anti­subversive, l’action des services de renseignement et l’hégémonie des groupes industriels liés à l’armement. La France a ainsi largement contribué à l’autonomie stratégique de l’armée brésilienne, constituant un contrepoids certain à la présence des États-Unis. À partir de nombreux documents d’archives, cet ouvrage a pour ambition de comprendre la manière dont ces liens particuliers entre militaires français et brésiliens ont été construits.

Most writing today by activists and opponents of foreign policy is rooted in the 1960s. Underpinning many of these books is the unquestioned assumption that contemporary British imperialism is an adjunct to American foreign policy. Wherever the United States invades and bombs, Great Britain lays out the carpet and obediently follows. This subservience is jubilantly referred to as a “special relationship” by its supporters; by its detractors it is disparagingly depicted as “America's poodle”. This book argues that a true understanding of contemporary British militaristic foreign policy begins with a rejection and a historical unpacking of this perceived subservience to the United States.

This “unnerving exposé” of a lost American nuclear bomb “is a valuable contribution to the history of the navy, the cold war, and nuclear weapons” (Booklist). On December 5th, 1965, the USS Ticonderoga was on its way from Vietnam to Japan, practicing nuclear combat procedures along the way. A young pilot from Ohio strapped into an A-4 Skyhawk bomber for a routine simulated mission. But after mishandling the maneuver, the plane and its pilot sunk to the bottom of the South China sea, along with a live B43 one-megaton thermonuclear bomb. A cover-up mission began as rumors of sabotage began to circulate. The incident, known as a ‘Broken Arrow', was kept under wraps for twenty-five years. The details that emerged caused a diplomatic incident, revealing that the U.S. had violated agreements not to bring nuclear weapons into Japan. Broken Arrow tells the story of Ticonderoga's sailors and airmen, the dangers of combat missions and shipboard life, and the accident that threatened to wipe her off the map and blow US-Japanese relations apart. For the first time, through previously classified documents, never before published photos of the accident aircraft and the recollections of those who were there, the story of carrier aviation's only ‘Broken Arrow'is told in full.

The study focuses on the mutual transfer of military knowledge between the German and the Ottoman/ Turkish army between the 1908 Young Turk revolution and the death of Atatürk in 1938. Whereas the Ottoman and later the Turkish army were the main beneficiaries of this selective appropriation, the German armed forces evaluated their (prospective) ally's military experiences to a lesser extent. Through the analysis of archival and published sources and memoir literature the study provides evidence for the impact of this exchange on the armies of both countries and on the Turkish civil society. Indeed, the officer corps in both countries was a small but influential group of the society for the further development of their nations.

FOREWORD BY GENERAL SIR MIKE JACKSON After the pain of Iraq and Afghanistan, it is hard to imagine the UK being drawn into another war. Defence chiefs warn that there is a real prospect of future conflict, but they have struggled to persuade most politicians to take them seriously. Our leaders have concluded there are no votes in defence, and have progressively run down the armed forces. Today, the army is at its smallest since the Napoleonic Wars; the RAF is less than half its size twenty five years ago, and the Royal Navy will struggle to muster the ships and weapons required to protect our new aircraft carriers. Is there really a risk of war? Is our military less capable and, if so, what could that mean for our future? White Flag? explains what has happened to our armed forces in recent years and asks whether their decline endangers our safety and prosperity.

“A wide-ranging examination of America's entry into World War II.” —Kirkus Reviews, starred review In 1941: Fighting the Shadow War, A Divided America in a World at War, historian Marc Wortman thrillingly explores the little-known history of America's clandestine involvement in World War II before the attack on Pearl Harbor. Prior to that infamous day, America had long been involved in a shadow war. Winston Churchill, England's beleaguered new prime minister, pleaded with Franklin D. Roosevelt for help. FDR concocted ingenious ways to come to his aid, without breaking the Neutrality Acts. Launching Lend-Lease, conducting espionage at home and in South America to root out Nazi sympathizers, and waging undeclared war in the Atlantic, were just some of the tactics with which FDR battled Hitler in the shadows. FDR also had to contend with growing isolationism and anti-Semitism as he tried to influence public opinion. While Americans were sympathetic to those being crushed under Axis power, they were unwilling to enter a foreign war. Wortman tells the story through the eyes of the powerful as well as ordinary citizens. Their stories weave throughout the intricate tapestry of events that unfold during the crucial year of 1941. Combining military and political history, Wortman's “brisk narrative takes us across nations and oceans with a propulsive vigor that speeds the book along like a good thriller” (The Wall Street Journal). “A fascinating narrative of a domestic conflict presaging America's plunge into global war.” —Booklist, starred review

Investments in amphibious capabilities by U.S. partners and allies in the Asia Pacific is altering the range of capabilities available in that region. It is also changing the types and frequency of exercises partner nations seek to undertake with the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps team. This study examines ally- and partner-nation investments in amphibious capabilities, how those capabilities will impact demand for U.S. forces, and the range of U.S. amphibious fleet composites to meet the changing demand.

With elections in both the Philippines and the United States in 2016, the future of the alliance must be institutionalized to ensure that it is not diminished by a change of leadership in either country. A new Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement and cooperation in the South China Sea are important components of the new era of relations, but they are not and should not be the only defining features of the alliance. Given the long history of U.S.-Philippine relations, the alliance must be based on more robust cooperation across the spectrum of political, security, economic, and sociocultural relations. Security concerns provide an acute impetus for leaders to put more energy into the relationship, but its sustainability will require a more comprehensive focus.

Mit dem nur wenige Jahre nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg unternommenen Versuch einer Europäischen Verteidigungsgemeinschaft (EVG) unter westdeutscher Beteiligung betraten die sechs Mitgliedstaaten der Montanunion völliges Neuland. Es sollte eine mit umfassenden Kompetenzen ausgestattete multinationale Rüstungsverwaltung entstehen, um gleichermaßen die westdeutsche Aufrüstung zu kontrollieren und die Rüstungsanstrengungen der Westeuropäer zu koordinieren - mit dem Ziel, hohe Stückzahlen und maximale Qualität zu günstigen Preisen zu produzieren. Florian Seiller untersucht aus deutscher und französischer Perspektive die teilweise gegenläufigen Interessen der Akteure: Regierungen, Militärs, Rüstungsfachleute und Wirtschaftsverbände. Die in den Plandokumenten niedergelegten Kompromisse vermitteln einen bis heute unerreichten Grad europäischer Integration. Mit der Weiterentwicklung der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GSVP) der Europäischen Union steht das Thema der Militär- und Rüstungsintegration wieder auf der Tagesordnung.

This study examines the potential for a “federated defense” approach to U.S. action in the Middle East, the constraints to closer military cooperation in the region, and specific capability areas that would benefit from federated defense. Stabilizing the Middle East requires continued attention and investment from the United States and its global allies and partners. Federated defense involves building partner capabilities in a way that shares the burden of providing security in a more effective and efficient manner. Federated defense would, over time, create partner capabilities that augment and complement U.S. capabilities. Doing so requires identifying discrete areas of cooperation between the United States and its allies and partners that would leverage partner capabilities in pursuing common security objectives.

The response of an autocratic nation's armed forces is crucial to the outcome of democratization movements throughout the world. But how can military officers and defense officials in democratic nations persuade their counterparts in autocratic regimes to favor democratic transitions? Here, Admiral Dennis Blair confronts this hard-edged challenge with a primer on the factors that affect military behavior during democratic transitions.Military Engagement makes the strong case for why the armed forces of any country should favor democracy and why, contrary to conventional wisdom, many military leaders have supported democratic transitions in different regions of the world. Further, it explains why military support, active or tacit, is essential to the success of any demo cratic transition. Blair provides incisive commentary on civil-military relations and outlines the foundational elements of armed forces in a democratic country. He presents sound advice to defense officials and military leaders in established democracies that can be put into practice when interacting with colleagues in both autocratic regimes and those that have made the break with dictatorship.This succinct handbook analyzes democratic transitions in five major regions and surveys the internal power dynamics in countries such as Iran and North Korea, dictatorships that are hostile toward and fearful of democratic influences. Blair juxtaposes the roles, values, and objectives of military leaders in autocratic nations with those in democracies. In turn, Military Engagement highlights how crossnetworking with international military delegations can put external pressure on autocratic countries and persuade them that democracies are best not only for the country itself, but also for the armed forces. Volume one of this two-volume project provides the educational foundation necessary so that military officers from established democracies can raise their game in achiev

The relationship between the United States and Pakistan has been redefined repeatedly since Pakistan's independence in 1947. It will continue to be strained by mutual distrust, internal threats to Pakistan's stability, Pakistan's relations with its neighbors and militants, and the U.S. role in Afghanistan beyond 2014. But there is a growing recognition that the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is one of mutual necessity—“transactional” rather than “strategic.” This pragmatic recognition, along with recent developments (such as the peaceful transfer of power between elected civilian governments, the military's declining prestige, and the political establishment's growing willingness to engage constructively with India) and ongoing pressures (such as Pakistan's youth bulge and energy crisis), give the United States and Pakistan a chance to focus on areas where cooperation is actually possible: civilian aid, trade relations, and support to Pakistan's private sector. The author based these findings on interviews and rountables involving more than 220 officials and experts during a two-month field visit in Pakistan in late 2012.

Great Power Strategy in Asia, 1905-2005 analyzes the enduring themes underlying the strategic struggles in East Asia, beginning with the crucial event of the 1904-5 Russo-Japanese War. Jonathan Bailey clearly shows why military history is highly relevant in understanding today's strategic problems, and how the most important areas of current affairs have their roots in often forgotten corners of military history. He makes his powerful case in three clear sections: an analysis of the explosive factors that led to war between Russia and Japan in 1904, presenting a ten-year perspective of the War, focusing on its consequences: cultural shock in ‘the West', re-alignment of Asian imperial geography and the failure to learn vital military lessons, as World War I approached a thirty-five year perspective of the war, showing why Japan repeated the essential strategic, operational and tactical ploys of its war against Russia in 1904 in its strike upon the USA in 1941. Allied victory assured the downfall of Europe's empires in Asia, with the USA inheriting much of the old imperial legacy a centennial view of the Russo-Japanese War, which demonstrates that many of the broader issues identifiable in 1904-05 remain at the heart of today's strategic discourse: Western apprehension about the economic rise of Japan; the anomalies of an ‘American Empire'; tensions between Occident and Orient; the apparent new relevance of geopolitics; and the importance of demography in perceptions of global power. This book is multidisciplinary, emphasizing the linkages between imperial power-politics, military operations, cultural conflict and commercial rivalry. It is also the story of military innovation, the pathology of learning lessons from the experience of war, and the anticipated rise of Asian, or more specifically Chinese, power a century after the false dawn of the Japanese victory in 1905.This book will be of great interest to all students of the Russo-Japanese War, Asian security, and of military and strategic studies.