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FIFA as owner of the FIFA World Cup and other major sporting events must step up its ambition and fully leverage its privileged position as a transnational standard and rule-setter in the fight against climate change. Large-scale sporting events can lead to both major overall environmental and climate change impacts in terms of Greenhouse Gases (GHG) emissions over a relatively long period of time. 36 Ibid. 37 See FIFA, "FIFA World Cup 2022 greenhouse gas accounting report" accessed 10 December 2022. [Extracted from the article]

Adaptation to climate change has become a top priority of negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement. However, most of the literature on global climate governance focuses on mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions. This article therefore proposes a framework for tracking negotiation outcomes on adaptation based on the four dimensions of the Adaptation Gap Report of the United Nations Environment Programme (planning, finance, implementation, and effectiveness) and on key governance functions outlined in the climate policy literature. By comparing the adaptation outcomes of the three most recent Conferences of the Parties (COP25 – COP27) with the baseline of adaptation provisions in the Paris Agreement and its rulebook, the extent and type of decisions on adaptation are assessed and the evolution of relevant agenda items is analysed. Decisions adopted since 2019 have concentrated on support and transparency while the Paris Agreement made greater use of signalling and rule-setting. The extent to which adaptation gaps identified by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change can be reduced through decisions at UN climate change negotiations is influenced by the potential and limits of governing a context-specific subject matter at the global level. Reflecting about how adaptation can be facilitated through multiple governance functions will be vital for the development of an effective framework for the global goal on adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against this background, our contribution discusses the effects of this double regulation and provides a clear policy recommendation for the future of EU and German climate policy in the transport and buildings sectors. However, two other groundbreaking climate policy decision in the EU and Germany have passed with much less commotion: the implementation of the German heating and transport fuels emissions trading system (ETS) in 2021 and the 2022 decision of the EU to add a similar ETS to its climate policy instrument mix. In early 2023, far-reaching decisions on climate policy were made in both the EU and Germany. [Extracted from the article]

The issue of climate change resides high on the global agenda, and the hydrocarbon-rich countries of the Gulf region are no exception. This article reviews how Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, three of the most significant oil and gas exporting countries in the world, approached international climate negotiations, and how their respective positions evolved with them eventually becoming signatories to the Paris Agreement in 2015. This article details how the three countries' perspectives transitioned from staunchly resisting the development of a global decarbonization framework to one whereby they are undertaking leading roles in shaping the international climate discourse. The three countries had long opposed global climate negotiations as they feared that international decarbonization efforts could hobble their hydrocarbon export revenue generation and economic growth. These three countries are perhaps emblematic of how fossil-fuel producing countries could adapt to global climate change policies throughout this decade. An analysis of the three selected countries' positions toward climate change and their decarbonization efforts, as outlined in their nationally determined contributions (NDCs), are assessed in-depth to critically understand how the Gulf region-and the broader Middle East by extension-intends to manage the complexities of climate change. In the context of the collective effort to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, conceptualizing how these countries may arrive at their Paris Agreement pledges is a crucial pillar in comprehending the potential progression of the region's development and the transformation of the global energy market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran has committed to a 4% reduction target by 2030; but as the Iranian economy is fossil fuel based, carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions have continued to surge over the last decade. In this paper, we consider whether carbon pricing could help Iran to achieve its Paris targets. First, we describe current climate-related policies in Iran and survey relevant academic literature on their effectiveness. We then review carbon pricing designs in five countries with a comparable development status to Iran. Finally, we consider whether Iran's current climate policies are adequate and what role carbon pricing could play in a future climate policy mix. The results of this study should enhance an understanding of Iran's climate policy, which thus far has received little attention in research; and can be put to immediate use in shaping a sustainable climate policy strategy for Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lately, donor countries increasingly acknowledge the issue of loan concessionality, in particular for vulnerable countries.[26] e. Loss and Damage In international climate negotiations, the topic "loss and damage" deals with the response to impacts of climate change that are beyond those that can be adapted to, such as the loss of land due to rising sea levels. Crunch issues that prevented Parties from finalizing the Article 6 rulebook include the question of how to ensure robust accounting of transferred mitigation outcomes, the transition of activities and credits from the Kyoto Protocol to the Paris Agreement and the introduction of levies that generate income for adaptation measures.[7] In dealing with these and other open questions, Parties generated draft texts for all three approaches for voluntary cooperation which were revised during the negotiations to reflect Parties' views. In addition, the implementation of NDCs has been lagging.FUßNOTE 1 NICHT GEFUNDEN The 26th Conference of the Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) (COP 26) in Glasgow in November 2020 was therefore meant to be the culmination of an intensive diplomatic process to raise the ambition of NDCs.[1] Then the COVID-19 pandemic struck, the Glasgow conference was postponed to November 2021, and climate policy generally appeared to have been put on the backburner. As Parties were unable to generate a text version that all Parties could agree to, the last three iterations of the negotiation texts were forwarded to the next session for further consideration.[8] b. Common Timeframes for NDCs Common timeframes for NDCs are another aspect of the Paris rulebook that could not yet be completed. [Extracted from the article]

From a legal standpoint, it is essential to discuss how existing legal instruments can (or cannot) help achieve a possible carbon neutrality goal in a scenario of climate and environmental protection regulations rollback in Brazil. Within this context, this article will focus on the 'Agriculture, Forestry and Other Land Uses' sector (AFOLU), as it is the country's highest emitting sector and, therefore, the one with the greatest mitigation potential. It will discuss whether relevant environmental laws and policies in place are consistent with an indicative long-term objective of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, highlighting lessons learned and challenges. Of descriptive nature, this article aims to provide an overview of selected relevant Brazilian policies related to emissions reductions in the AFOLU sector, as illustrated by Figure 1, with emphasis on the Brazilian National Policy on Climate Change and its sectoral plans.​ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate policies have often focused on the role of State as a regulator. Meanwhile, their role as leading economic actors, especially as shareholders and investors, has been neglected. State-owned enterprises control significant shares of economic sectors which are central to a carbon-intensive economy (eg fossil fuels, power generation), in particular in emerging economies. Positioned within a general trend towards active ownership, this article seeks to initiate a debate on the role that State ownership policies could play in mitigating climate change. After assessing the position of State-owned enterprises in relevant sectors and countries, the article explores policy opportunities for State ownership policies not just to divest from unsustainable practices, but to actively lead the way towards a carbon-neutral economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2013, the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) launched negotiations for the conclusion of a bilateral free trade agreement, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). There has been no information so far as to whether the parties to TTIP are discussing the inclusion in the agreement of provisions specifically related to climate change. It is also uncertain if TTIP will finally be concluded, given the strong opposition in some EU Member States and the election of Donald Trump as President of the US. The concerns underlying the discussion of TTIP however are part of a broader discourse taking place in many other fora for trade negotiations around the world. The considerations hereafter may be of relevance well beyond the case of TTIP. The article examines the impact that TTIP could have on existing and future climate policies and laws from the inclusion of provisions on investment protection including investor-to-State dispute settlement (ISDS), the reduction of non-tariff barriers and the introduction of rules for trade in energy and raw materials. It argues that from an environmental perspective, ISDS should not necessarily be seen as a regime that goes against the defence of the environment or prevention of climate change. Although it might be used to challenge policies of a home State that increase levels of environmental protection, it can also be used to contest changes in home State's environmental policies that would reduce the protection of the environment. Benefits for the climate could further be seized from harmonisation of carbon laws at the level of the strictest regulations of two parties and provisions that promote trade in low-carbon technologies and renewables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the increasing threat of irreversible, dangerous global warming, effective climate policy is one of the most urgent political challenges. And as mitigation costs are going to increase even in the case of cost efficient measures, government action against global warming needs the sovereign's support. So what is the role of public participation in modern market-based climate policy? Public Choice theory has been analysing respective questions since the 1970s, mainly because economists' recommendations for expanding the use of economic incentives had been ignored in practice. However, recently carbon taxes and cap-and-trade have been spreading, raising questions on the validity of Public Choice arguments anew. Against this background, the paper summarizes the hypotheses of Public Choice theory regarding public participation in climate policy instrument choice, surveys respective empirical studies, and adds new case study data on carbon market decision making in Germany and Japan. It mainly argues that public opinion will play an increasingly important role in effective and efficient climate policy, that political support by citizens becomes most effective via environmental groups' activities, and that strengthening citizen participation calls for lowering information costs and for supporting the civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is emerging as an innovative multilateral climate finance institution to support adaptation andmitigation, including Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), in developing countries. Using perspectives from the international environmental law and governance literature, this article identifies a crucial governance challenge facing NAMA support, a challenge related to states' obligations vis-à-vis the GCF, and analyses the delegation and precision of governance capacities granted to the GCF Board to address that challenge. The GCF must engage in a balancing act. On the one hand, the absence of distinct criteria for deciding on NAMA support may prompt potential funders to pursue bilateral or other channels for support. On the other hand, too rigid a criteria may reduce developing countries' submission and "ownership" of NAMA proposals. Both aspects potentially challenge the effectiveness of theGCF'sNAMA support. The Board has been granted a high governance capacity, relative to its mother institution the UNFCCC, to efficiently address this balancing act. Inability to exercise this capacity, however, may result in the establishment of a strong but empty shell for NAMA support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the laws of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, related to climate change and their interaction with environmental permitting. In the introduction, the current situation of the international climate change regime is briefly discussed, as well as the creation of the Brazilian legislative framework for climate change at the federal level. After reviewing the history of the creation of climate change legislation in the State of Rio de Janeiro, this article addresses the application of this legal regime under environmental permitting. The conclusion points to a trend of incorporating climate change restrictions in environmental permits to be issued in the State of Rio de Janeiro. These may be subjected to court challenges in the future due to the legal uncertainty created by federal and state climate change laws which did not adequately define the role of the private sector in efforts to reduce greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the absence of effective government regulation, litigation is increasingly being pursued as an avenue of redressing climate change. This article explores—from a first-principles consideration of Australian law—the viability of three hypothetical negligence actions against a public authority: (i) the approval of a development in a flood-prone area; (ii) the failure to build mitigating infrastructure; and (iii) the approval of a project contributing to greenhouse gas emissions. The paper concludes that whilst it is likely that a climate plaintiff could successfully argue a duty and breach, causation issues associated with "downscaling" climate science offer particularly intractable hurdles to overcome. Although the thrust of this article deals with the idiosyncrasies of Australian tort law, lessons from this piece may be instructive to tort and climate lawyers from other common law jurisdictions, and in particular, those UK and US lawyers interested in the evolution climate torts and the treatment of causation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the report "Benefits of the Clean Development Mechanism 2012" published by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change secretariat, Brazil and India, two of the most influential developing nations, have made very different experiences under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), with India hosting approximately four times more operational projects than Brazil and also obtaining twice the revenue from sales of carbon allowances in the primary market. Against that backdrop, the purpose of this article is to analyze and compare the legal frameworks of these two countries and suggest an answer for the identified disparity, considering rules on investment protection, as well as the domestic legal framework for implementation of the CDM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the Cancun Agreements constitutes a remarkable shift in the promotion of state compliance within the climate change regime. Whereas the Kyoto Protocol involved robust enforcement mechanisms, the new Measurement Reporting and Verification (MRV) framework relies on transparency of mitigation actions. This justificatory approach has demonstrated its effectiveness in promoting implementation of environmental agreements whenmodalities have been developed to increase the reputational costs associated with noncompliance. The MRV process developed under the Cancun Agreements however fails to acknowledge the crucial role that civil society can play in the context of this transparency mechanism. Having reviewed the nature of compliance theories and experiences of civil society contributions to compliance processes in other multilateral processes, this article argues that a justificatory approach could effectively underpin the promotion of compliance with the 2015 climate agreement provided that procedures strengthen opportunities for a more active engagement of non-state actors in the MRV process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Russian Federation (RF) is one of the key players in the global climate change politics, the country is rather discreet in binding itself with new international climate obligations. Often the country is criticized for its weak national climate change law and policy. To provide current context as regards the status of Russian climate change mitigation efforts, this article describes the RF's climate law and policy at the domestic and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the current negotiations of the Ad Hoc Durban Platform for a new global agreement on climate change, discussions are in progress concerning the legal form of this agreement. In particular, deliberations are underway regarding norms that would be legally binding internationally, and norms that would be legally binding domestically. An international obligation to pass and to implement domestic climate legislation would combine these two dimensions. This paper sees the basis for this idea in the no harm principle of international environmental law, stemming from the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development of 12 August 1992, and incorporated into the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Similar concepts exist in other areas of international law, such as human rights, humanitarian law, and diplomatic relations, reflected by the notions of due diligence and of responsibility to protect. In addition to obligations of result, the possible added value of obligations of conduct to pass and implement domestic climate legislation for mitigation, adaptation and means of implementation is analysed. Concerning mitigation in particular, it is important to understand the specific features of such obligations compared to the obligations of result contained in the Kyoto Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Warsaw conference just behind us, and less than two years left for the drafting of an agreement intended to follow in the footsteps of the Kyoto Protocol, this article addresses the question how such a successor might look like, i.e., which legal form it might actually take, adhering to the requirements set out in the decision the parties to the UNFCCC adopted in Durban in 2011, establishing the so called Durban Platform. It focuses on the Indian interpretation of the Durban Platform, submitted in the aftermath of the 17th Conference of the Parties in Durban, which understands the notion "agreed outcome with legal force" as one including domestic law. Building on an overview of the relation between national and international law under the international Climate Change Regime, different options are systematically being developed and the possibility of a concrete outcome building on domestic law will be presented and evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, climate change adaptation has emerged as an important issue in the policymaking process at the national and regional level. This paper seeks to provide an overview of the governance framework for climate change adaptation within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a sub-regional organization, and to evaluate opportunities and limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the multi-level governance of climate change with a particular focus on the European Union (EU). It examines the relationship between the EU and its Member States (the federalism dimension), particularly in relation to emissions trading, and the relationship between the EU and the rest of the world (the global dimension). The paper argues that we are witnessing a shift in the EU's climate leadership style; a shift that is characterized by an increasing willingness of the EU to use its economic power in a bid to promote effective climate governance elsewhere. We see this in relation to different sectors including aviation, biofuels, energy-intensive products and as a result of increasing EU regulation of carbon offsets in its emissions trading scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil has recently approved its National Policy on Climate Change and set greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction targets for 2020. Central characteristics of this policy and obstacles to its implementation are described in this article, starting with a short overview of Brazil's GHG emissions and energy matrix, as well as some pioneering programs that have helped reduce GHG emissions. The adoption of this policy shows a major shift in the country's attitude toward GHG emissions; however, there are still important challenges in its implementation that need to be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being able to challenge a decision taken by an administrative body, regulatory authority, or junior court is a concept with which most individuals and corporate entities will be instinctively familiar. It is a principle which lies at the heart of the majority of developed legal systems around the world. However, the commercial stakeholders operating within the CDM are an exception; for them there is no appeal from the decisions of the CDM Executive Board. Although understandable, given the genesis of the CDM arrangements as a supra-national creature of stature as opposed to a domestic body, the reality is that the CDM is a forum with a direct interface with private (non-state) actors and their interests. This absence of recognition has caused significant concern and, in the view of some, is symptomatic of an institutional approach which threatens to undermine the CDM. This article makes a case for introducing an appeals process in the context of both the CDM specific debate and in the wider setting of the principles of rule of law and the separation of powers. Against this background, the article evaluates some key elements which a CDM appeals framework might embody and explains some of the options available to the CDM institutions, should they take steps to implement a new framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Upon its adoption in the Directive revising the European Greenhouse Gas Emission Trading Scheme (Directive 2009/29), Article 10(a)8 was heavily criticized by a number of environmental organizations and legal scholars for disturbing the EU ETS' market mechanism. Article 10(a)8 provides for the possibility to co-finance the up to 12 planned European Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) demonstration projects as well as innovative renewable energy demonstration projects through the EU ETS new entrants reserve. The criticism of Article 10(a)8 raises doubts as to the article's consistency with the EU ETS (and its overarching goals) as such and, in essence, questions the measure's proportionality. It is not unthinkable that the EU law principle of proportionality will in future be used to challenge the validity of Article 10a(8). This article argues that it is in that case unlikely that the Court of Justice of the European Union would declare Article 10a(8) to infringe the principle of proportionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author contemplates on the effort of the European Union (EU) and other government agencies in mitigating global climate change. He expresses optimism about future measures from the government agencies who addressed such crisis. The author discusses the political aspect of the global climate change, and stresses the uncertainty on the legal and political framework of a future climate regime. Moreover, he emphasizes the importance of faith to sustain the continued mitigation action.

Following the Second Circuit's decision in Connecticut v. AEP, federal courts - not Congress - may be the first to decide the tough legal and policy questions implicated by global pollution problems. This article examines practical implications of litigating climate change nuisance cases, focusing on two of the more difficult issues that a trial court may face in adjudicating responsibility for climate change - impleading of responsible parties and determining whether carbon-emitting conduct is an unreasonable interference under existing nuisance law. Not only are these issues novel and complex and likely to lead to expensive and unwieldy litigation, but they also underscore the notion that addressing climate change raise policy laden questions best reserved to the elected branches of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) has rapidly become a key focus of discussions in the development of a future climate change regime to be agreed at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) meetings in Copenhagen. While support for REDD at a general level is high, there remains considerable divergence on detailed issues of implementation. Monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV) of REDD projects to accurately quantify emissions reductions is a key issue, particularly given that there is limited capacity to undertake MRV at the level required by the international community in the developing countries where REDD projects are intended to take place. This paper discusses the importance of MRV to REDD and the potential of community-based mechanisms to improve capacity, as well as helping to address other contentious issues such as equitable benefit-sharing. The paper will focus on Papua New Guinea (PNG), drawing lessons of applicability to developing countries more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, in the area of climate change, the two most contested issues for a long term policy are centered on the financing and technology transfer issues. Under the regime of climate change the developing countries are faced with the trade-off of maintaining economic growth to foster their own development and nonetheless having to moderate their emissions growth and eventually cut GHG emissions. The problem of financing actually revolves around the technology transfer issues. The use of micro-credit in financing and building climate resilient models should be followed and emphasized. Further, the financing mechanisms should be free of proliferation from other competing mechanisms. Funding should be made in a way that relieves the pressure of development for developing countries and not the other way round. Only then we shall be able to meet the goal of a sustainable, low-carbon world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negotiations at Copenhagen are expected to address the design of a mechanism for reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD) for inclusion in a post-Kyoto agreement. Several country proposals and non-governmental assessments suggest that REDD may have significant benefits for biodiversity. This article observes that such benefits are closely aligned with the adaptation goals of the climate change regime. However, adaptation goals will not necessarily benefit from, and may in fact be harmed by, a REDD mechanism focused solely on carbon value. Therefore, this article proposes that the REDD mechanism include specific incentives for biodiversity-enhancing projects. The article discusses the details of administering a "biodiversity-enhancing" designation and suggests two types of incentives that should attach to the designation as a means of supporting biodiversity-enhancing projects and attracting investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We performed a study to define the key elements of feasible global climate policy scenarios for the post-2012 UNFCCC regime by contacting — through a series of questionnaires — 149 stakeholders involved in climate-change discussions. We applied a Multiple Correspondence Analysis to the results. We then classified the stakeholders' views into three main groups which we associate with scenarios for post-2012 climate policy. Further, we identified three points with wide consensus among the stakeholders: (i) 2013 is the most likely starting point for the next climate agreement, (ii) flexibility mechanisms will most probably be pursued, and (iii) technology and financial transfers to developing countries are likely to be used as incentives for these countries to undertake a more meaningful climate policy. We found that the type of target for the United States largely determined the type of scenario the stakeholders' envisaged for the post-2012 climate regime. Finally, we can associate stakeholders with a certain scenario taking into consideration their experience in climate change negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article covers issues on climate change policy and carbon market at the international and regional level in 2009. The Accra Climate Change Talks conducted in Ghana from August 21 to 27, 2008 signaled the final installment in the two-tier negotiation process before the climate summit in Poznańn Poland. The European Environment Agency (EEA) revealed the reduction trend in greenhouse gas emissions by European Union (EU) member states for 2008. Also explained is the New Energy for America plan proposed by U.S. President Barack Obama.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the climate geoengineering regulation, governance of carbon dioxide removal (CDR), and the application of precautionary principle on climate geoengineering research projects.

The article focuses on the role of the Clean Development Mechanism Executive Board (CDMEB) and the Joint Implementation Supervisory Committee (JISC) in addressing global climate changes. The author stresses the continuity of the two organizations' involvement under the Kyoto Protocol with specified limitations. He also believes that CDMEB and JISC will have a big contribution in fighting climate changes particularly in emission reduction.

The article offers developments related to climate and carbon law in North America. The proposal to restrict carbon dioxide emissions of fossil-powered plants of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is deemed as the most significant development of the region. On June 23, 2014, the Supreme Court of the U.S. upheld EPA's Prevention of Significant Deterioration (PSD) greenhouse gas ruling.

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue on topics including legal agreement on climate change, climate policy and global registry for Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs).

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the environmental policy, the multilateral climate finance under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the environmental challenges.