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"Divisive concepts" legislation, which seeks to restrict teaching about topics like race, gender, and sexuality, for example, has proliferated across the United States, creating confusion and challenges for students, teachers, and teacher educators who want to include discussion of complex topics in their classrooms (Ervin & Gannon, 2024; PEN America, 2023; Schoorman & Gatens, 2024; Woo et al., 2023). In March of 2024, National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) leadership sent a survey to NCTE members to solicit needs for facilitating discussion of complex topics in ELA classrooms. In response, NCTE members emphasized teachers' responsibility to teach whole histories and full narratives, and they requested support on how to do this well when discussing complex topics. In this survey and beyond, members have requested support in discussing race and racism, political and civil unrest, LGBTQIA+ peoples' experiences and struggles, the upcoming presidential election, pandemic vaccination policies, reproductive rights, and other current and complex topics. Aligned with the NCTE mission and vision, the NCTE Executive Committee reiterates NCTE's commitments to fighting against censorship, uplifting diverse voices and perspectives, and supporting critical literacy instruction. To fully participate in society, students need to be able to grapple with the very topics that are being pushed out of the classroom by divisive concepts legislation and other methods of censorship. As educators consider the integration of complex topics into learning spaces, it also becomes essential to provide a variety of experiences and texts that highlight the nuances of these topics. Inquiry frameworks, discussion protocols, community experts, and transparent communication and engagement with families can all contribute to positive teaching and learning experiences.

Teacher strikes have gained national attention with the "#RedforEd" movement. Such strikes are polarizing events that could serve to elevate education as a political priority or cast education politics in a negative light. We investigate this empirically by collecting original panel data on U.S. teacher strikes, which we link to congressional election campaign advertisements. Election ads provide a useful window into political discourse because they are costly to sponsors, consequential for voter behavior, and predictive of future legislative agendas. Using a differences-in-differences framework, we find that teacher strikes dramatically increase education issue salience, with impacts concentrated among positively-framed ads. Effects are driven by strikes lasting only a few days and occurring in battleground areas with highly-contested elections.

In the November 2016 U.S. presidential election, many state level public opinion polls, particularly in the Upper Midwest, incorrectly predicted the winning candidate. One leading explanation for this polling miss is that the precipitous decline in traditional polling response rates led to greater reliance on statistical methods to adjust for the corresponding bias--and that these methods failed to adjust for important interactions between key variables like educational attainment, race, and geographic region. Finding calibration weights that account for important interactions remains challenging with traditional survey methods: raking typically balances the margins alone, while post-stratification, which exactly balances all interactions, is only feasible for a small number of variables. In this paper, we propose multilevel calibration weighting, which enforces tight balance constraints for marginal balance and looser constraints for higher-order interactions. This incorporates some of the benefits of post-stratification while retaining the guarantees of raking. We then correct for the bias due to the relaxed constraints via a flexible outcome model; we call this approach Double Regression with Post-stratification (DRP). We use these tools to to re-assess a large-scale survey of voter intention in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, finding meaningful gains from the proposed methods. The approach is available in the multical R package. [This is the online version of an article published in "Political Analysis."]

In this perspectives brief, authors James Kvaal and Jessica Thompson explore the challenge of college affordability and summarize the campaign proposals to address it. Driven by steadily rising college costs and student debt, the 2020 presidential campaign has put the issues of college costs and student debt on the agenda as never before. Many candidates are promising to transform the federal investment in college affordability, but there is great variety in how they would structure their initiatives. The debate on the strengths and weaknesses of these plans on the campaign trail is likely to have a substantial influence on future higher education policy.

"The Status of Women in North Carolina: Political Participation" is the third in a series of four publications on women's status in North Carolina. This report presents data on several aspects of women's involvement in the political process in the North Carolina, comparing North Carolina to other states and the United States overall. The report presents data on voter registration and turnout, representation of women at the state and federal levels in elected positions, and state-based institutional resources for women. It examines how women fare on these indicators of women's status, the progress women have made and where it has stalled, and how racial and ethnic disparities compound gender disparities in specific forms of political participation. In addition to the data presented, the report presents profiles of five North Carolina women who either hold elected or appointed positions or work as organizational advocates. These profiles illuminate the many different ways women can participate in the political process and impact their communities in North Carolina. [For "The Status of Women in North Carolina: Employment and Earnings," see ED627024. For "Health and Wellness," see ED627023. For "Poverty and Opportunity," see ED627021.]

This new analysis, which examines the political campaign contributions from those most active in education reform, finds that the movement is populated by individuals who support Democratic candidates for public office. The bottom line: The leading participants in the school-reform "wars" are mostly engaged in an intramural brawl, one between union-allied Democrats and a strand of progressive Democrats more intent on changing school systems. Depictions of school reform have become remarkably detached from the reality of who populates the education-reform world. To gauge the partisan composition of the reform movement, researchers examined the political campaign contributions of a large sample of individuals working in education-reform organizations. A list of Bill and Melinda Gates and Walton Family Foundation grantees was compiled for the sample. In total, researchers found 2,625 political campaign contributions from the staff of Gates grantees. Of those contributions, 99 percent supported the Democratic Party of Democratic candidates. Researchers found that 87 percent of contributions from employees from organizations that receive support from the Walton Family Foundation went to Democrats. 74 percent of the funds in total contributions went to Democrats. Although school reform is routinely portrayed as a right-wing enterprise and the education-reform community defends itself as bipartisan, school reformers are decidedly left-leaning. Political giving by school reformers and reform-minded scholars is about as one-sided as that in other liberal precincts, such as Hollywood and public-employee unions, which suggests that education reformers are far more left-leaning than the nation's educators are. The lopsided political makeup of education reform risks creating an echo chamber, hinders reform efforts in red and purple states, and can create challenges when anticipating and addressing the concerns of right-leaning constituencies.

Key findings from 2016-17 are presented in this research brief. Data has been broken into the release of employer information into a series of short briefs, which are presented as parts of this series. Nearly 200 career service centers from around the country invited their employers to participate in this study. Approximately 4,350 employers provided information useful for understanding recruiting trends and practices. The information is used from those recruiting talent for full-time positions, internships, and co-ops for these research briefs. These economic briefs provide snapshots that can be used for interpreting the Recruiting Trends survey results. Their influence on the new college labor market may be borne out in survey responses. In some cases, these results mirror the broader economic situation; in others data may differ slightly depending on the region where the survey respondents are located or hiring, their sector, and the number of employees in the company. Results of the survey indicate that college hiring has been moving at warp speed for the past three years. Recruiting between 2013-14 and 2015-16 began early and continued through the entire academic year with career fairs at capacity and employer visits to campus at an all-time high. A recent U.S. census report states that median household income increased 5.2 percent in 2015, the largest yearly jump since 1967. Despite the Federal Reserve's reluctance to increase interest rates because of the remaining slack in the labor market, the economy has shown steady, improvement. Employment news has been largely positive throughout 2016. Over the last year, monthly gains in new jobs have averaged well over 200,000 per month. The Manpower Employment Outlook Survey data have all been positive, with the fourth quarter 2016 stronger than a year ago. They report 69 percent of employers plan to keep workforce levels steady, including replacement jobs, and 22 percent plan to hire during the fourth quarter. The sectors expected to perform well are hospitality; professional, business, and scientific services; retail trade; transportation; and wholesale trade. They are also anticipating payrolls to increase. Reports for small businesses were not as uplifting. The National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB), which reports job creation data every August, states that small business optimism continues to be muted. Their Index of Small Business optimism is down 0.2 points and remains under the 40-year average. The lack of qualified candidates remains the small employer's number one problem. Small Business Trends shares the impact of increased automation that has reduced the need to fill positions with people. Jobs particularly hit hard include business and financial operations; office administration; sales; and transportation and material moving. The most consistent employment figures come from the Bureau of Labor Statistics monthly employment report. Most economic sectors have shown job growth year over year. Strong growth was reported for education; health and social assistance; information services; nondurable goods manufacturing (food); professional, business, and scientific services (accounting; advertising and marketing; computer services; management consulting; and specialty design services); retail trade; transportation; and wholesale trade. Durable goods manufacturing (communications equipment; fabricated metals; primary metals; and machinery), mining, oil, and mining support services; and rail transportation all incurred steep drops in employment over the last year. All the key sectors reporting to the survey showed improvement over the calendar year. Eighty-seven percent of respondents reported that they hired at least one new college graduate during the 2015-16 academic year. Among this group, only 3 percent reported that they do not expect to hire new graduates this year. The employers represented in this sample plan to hire nearly 107,200 new graduates this year.

Going back a quarter century to 1992, our last three presidents all made education an integral issue of their campaigns. However, education has been largely absent during the 2016 presidential contest. Why is education not drawing much attention? For most people, education is not as urgent as national security and the economy. Much of education's prominence in previous elections is actually candidate driven rather than in response to public outcry. This article discusses how the topic of education in 2016 compares to recent elections according to Gallup polls. The results of the polls show that inattention to education in the presidential election is pretty normal. Education is likely to receive much more attention when the political world shifts from campaigning and back to governing.

After the Spring 2014 primaries, the Common Core State Standards were viewed as a political hot potato. As former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee said, "the Common Core has become toxic, I think it's radioactive…It has become an incredibly controversial topic on both the left and the right." Even so, the Common Core turned out to play a role in some of the governor's races in November, 2014. In this analysis of candidate positions and the role of the Common Core across the 36 gubernatorial races of 2014, CPRE researchers Bobbi Newman, Jonathan Supovitz and Arial Smith used campaign websites, debate transcripts, State of the State addresses, Twitter accounts, and candidate interviews, to identify the positions of 62 of the 81 candidates (including 3rd party representatives). Our findings show that support for, and opposition to, the Common Core was pretty evenly split, mostly across party lines. Arguments in support of the Common Core tended to emphasize economic benefits, while opposition emphasized Federal intrusion and the importance of local control. In a few races, the Common Core became a substantial issue. Contains the following table: Summary of 2014 Candidates and Their Positions on the Common Core.

Viewers tuning into the Republican presidential debate on September 22, 2011, witnessed Texas Governor Rick Perry repeatedly defend his state's policy of offering in-state tuition to some undocumented students against a wave of criticism from the other candidates. The sight of a staunchly conservative governor, a champion of small government, defending a controversial public benefit might have left many people confused, but Perry's stance is really more indicative of the complicated nuances surrounding this politically charged topic. As the debate showed, the issue of whether undocumented students have a right to broad access to higher education cuts across party lines and political ideologies, sometimes in unpredictable, rhetorically charged ways. Whatever position one takes, the issue of undocumented students will continue to impact the future direction and delivery of higher education, especially in the West, where a large percentage of this population resides. This "Policy Insights" examines the changing student demographics in the West and how the undocumented population may impact higher education in the years to come. (Contains 3 figures and 54 endnotes.)

Since 1995, the Donors' Education Collaborative (DEC) has supported a range of groups--advocacy, organizing, research and policy groups--who advocate for, or whose members come from, diverse constituencies concerned about public education in New York City (NYC). DEC has also encouraged collaborations among these types of groups to leverage their influence on education policy at the Department of Education (DoE), city and state levels. The groups, consisting of youth, parents and community leaders, operate in all five NYC boroughs. In December 2007, DEC provided a planning grant to the Alliance for Quality Education (AQE), with the understanding that in collaboration with the Coalition for Educational Justice (CEJ), the Community Involvement Project of the Annenberg Institute for School Reform (CIP), and the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC), they would design a campaign to ensure that a wide range of parent and community voices were part of any public discussion of the future of mayoral control. Following six months of planning, these initiating groups received a DEC grant to build a broader collaborative that would mobilize parents, youth and community members to participate in the mayoral control debate, with the hope that their voices would help inform the forthcoming mayoral control legislation. The grant period extended from July 1, 2008 through June 30, 2009, the date for sunset of the state legislation that initially established mayoral control of NYC schools. This grant provided DEC with an opportunity to take a fresh look at the impact its grant making strategy was having on the broader NYC educational policy environment. DEC invited Research for Action, working in collaboration with Professor Jeffrey Henig of Teachers College, to evaluate the initiative for that purpose. The evaluation has been conducted in two parts. A Year One Report, covering the period May 2008-May 2009, focused on the political environment in which the Campaign emerged, how Campaign members worked jointly to create a platform for making changes to mayoral control, their success in gaining visibility and legitimacy for their positions, and the role of DEC's funding in building the capacity of the Campaign to be a player in the mayoral control debate. The Year Two Report covers May 2009-May 2010 and continues the story of the Campaign and its impacts both on the NYC school governance legislation and on the city's long-term educational and civic environment. Appended are: (1) Fieldwork and Data Analyzed; (2) Campaign Initiating Groups; (3) Campaign for Better Schools Steering Committee; and (4) Final Campaign Platform. (Contains 6 figures and 67 footnotes.)

Since 1995, the Donors' Education Collaborative (DEC) has supported a range of groups--advocacy, organizing, research and policy groups--that advocate for, or have members from, diverse constituencies concerned about public education in New York City (NYC). DEC has also encouraged collaborations among these types of groups to leverage their influence on education policy at city and state levels. The groups, consisting of youth, parents and community leaders, operate in all five NYC boroughs. Some focus solely on education issues, while others have multi-issue agendas. They include groups representing African Americans, Asian-Americans and Latinos, as well as a range of immigrant and refugee populations. In anticipation of the June 2009 sunset of mayoral control of the NYC schools, and the passing of new legislation that would maintain, change or end mayoral control, DEC sought to encourage a robust public debate about school governance. In late 2007, DEC funded the Alliance for Quality Education (AQE) to plan with the Coalition for Educational Justice (CEJ), the Community Involvement Project of the Annenberg Institute for School Reform (CIP), and the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC) for a partnership that would develop a coalition to bring a public voice to the school governance debate. In Spring 2008, following the initiating groups' planning process, DEC invited Research for Action, working in collaboration with Professor Jeffrey Henig of Teachers College, to evaluate the implementation and impact of the coalition they would build on the debate and the outcomes, as well as on the broader NYC educational policy environment. This Executive Summary covers the findings of the two-year study period, May 2008 through May 2010. The overall question that the study seeks to answer is: In what ways does DEC's sustained investment in advocacy, organizing, research and policy groups that include and advocate for minority and immigrant families contribute to a broader public understanding and a richer, more informed and more democratically responsive debate about NYC school governance and policies? The authors raise this question in the context of the significance of--civic capacity for the sustainability of school reform. A community with civic capacity is one in which groups work across sectors to identify a shared agenda and to mobilize the human and financial resources required to forward that agenda. Considerable research has suggested that school districts in cities in which significant civic capacity is present are those in which reforms are most likely to be sustainable. Thus, the report examines the impact of DEC's funding in terms of whether the coalition, called the Campaign for Better Schools, succeeded in its policy goals, but also draws conclusions about whether DEC funding has advanced the longer term development and sustainability of a collaborative and effective civic sector engaged in an ongoing role in school reform. An interdisciplinary team of researchers used a qualitative research approach employing multiple methods of data collection, including an examination of public opinion polls; a media scan; and extensive fieldwork with a broad range of policy makers and observers, and political actors, including Campaign members as well as other education advocates and activists. (Contains 2 figures.)

A study of adolescents living in red and blue counties during the 2006 midterm elections shows a striking pattern of Democratic youth thriving in political expression and debate when exposed to Republican ideological climates. Democratic adolescents were more likely to talk with parents and friends about politics, disagree openly, test opinions, and listen to opponents if they lived in Republican counties compared with Democratic youth living in liberal or balanced counties. Compared to Republican youth residing in the same communities, Democratic youth in Republican counties were also more likely to engage in political discussion, to pay attention to news media, and to express confidence in their ability to comprehend campaign issues. The frequency of disagreeing in conversations predicted support for liberal activism. Disagreeing was a particularly strong predictor of supporting liberal activism for youth living in red counties. These findings support the theory--proposed by McDevitt and colleagues in other studies--that young people sometimes express political identities through conflict and disagreement, not because they come to share the views of parents, teachers, or majorities in their communities. The same pattern was not found for Republican youth in Democratic counties during the 2006 elections; they were not more politically expressive when exposed to hostile ideological climates. However, Republican identity (like Democratic identity) correlated with knowledge of the political parties. The results suggest that Democratic identity is frequently expressed in deliberative and conflict-seeking activities, while Republican identity is often grounded in knowledge. Overall, the study suggests the value of peer-centered, critical discussion as a strategy for youth political mobilization. A list of state races where party control changed in 2006 is appended. (Contains 4 figures, 9 tables and 8 notes.) [This paper is derived from research made possible with support from CIRCLE and the University of Colorado's Innovative Seed Grant Program.]

This is the second evaluation of the Donors' Education Collaborative's (DEC) grant making since its founding in 1995. The first evaluation was a cross-case study of three projects that embodied DEC's theory of action: lasting systemic school reform demands sustained funding to build organizational collaboration that simultaneously broadens and deepens constituencies and employs strategies to effect policy change. This second evaluation follows the building of a multi-organization coalition focused on influencing a crosscutting issue--school governance--that has a powerful effect on the school reform work of each of the participating groups. Four DEC grantees, the Alliance for Quality Education (AQE), the Coalition for Educational Justice (CEJ), the Community Involvement Project of the Annenberg Institute for School Reform (CIP) and the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC) are instrumental in this initiative. Because these groups have been DEC grantees previously, this effort provides an excellent opportunity to explore whether and how DEC's sustained support generates long-term benefits that accumulate over time. This evaluation can contribute further knowledge about DEC's strategy of sustained grant making and its focus on public engagement to foster systemic school reform. (Contains 2 figures and 21 footnotes.)

This case study will serve primarily as an historical account detailing the development of Quality Teacher and Education Act (QTEA). QTEA and the most salient details that led to its eventual passage, serving as an information source for San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) and other districts when they take on potentially controversial policy initiatives. Section One will detail how funding needs in the district and tense relationships between the union, the district, and the Board of Education initially stalled the parcel tax and how positive changes in district leadership facilitated collaboration around its development. Section Two will discuss how the district and union, with help from external partners, built support for the parcel tax. Finally, Section Three will detail the district and union negotiation process and the final provisions of QTEA. (Contains 2 figures, 6 tables and 23 endnotes.)

In this article I address a hitherto used buzz phrase in English, "Yes, we can." This phrase represents various forms of meanings--challenge, possibility, ability, permission and opportunity in social, political and linguistics domains. I consider the syntactic and the semantic properties of "Yes, we can." I also compare its conventional usages with more recent treatments. The catch phrase "Yes, we can" has standard usage in sports, music, language, literature and politics. Candidate Obama elevated it as a slogan in his presidential campaign. (Contains 3 tables.)

In this paper, the author provides a buffet of ideas to make a coherent case for a democracy in which citizens can be truly sovereign by becoming the agents of their own destiny. He traces the history of various trends which threaten the development of civic agency: technocracy, specialism, and a consumer-view of the citizen, among others. He also draws on his experience in the Obama campaign to explain how even organizations that have benefited from grassroots civic agency have a tendency to relapse into the habit of simply mobilizing the troops to push predetermined issue agendas. But he also identifies signs of a new civic movement already impacting the fields of development, public health, resource management, climate change, and education reform. He concludes by presenting a modular, visual comparison of three frameworks for civic engagement: distributive justice, communitarian, and civic agency. (Contains 41 endnotes.)

The authors evaluate the positions of the 2008 Presidential Primary Candidates, and rate the quality of information provided by their campaign websites. Personal insights on the issue are offered as well. (Contains 3 tables.) [This document was published by the Educational Policy Institute (EPI).]

The power of civic education to elicit positive student outcomes has been empirically documented. However, the field is only now beginning to understand the causal processes that bring about these positive changes in young people. "The Civic Mission of Schools" report commissioned by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and CIRCLE (2003) lays out six "promising approaches" to civic education. These practices emphasize the need for instruction that is relevant to young people (i.e., links young people's interests to political contexts), provides opportunities for practice, and that moves beyond rote learning praxis. A growing body of evidence suggests that these approaches to civic education yield positive, lasting outcomes in young people. For example, research has found that deliberative classroom discussions are positively associated with interest in politics, political knowledge, and feelings of political efficacy. The goal of this project is to examine the association between activities regularly used in civic education courses (e.g., staging a mock election) and their impact on key student outcomes. By linking classroom praxis to outcomes, the authors intend to provide evidence supporting best practices in civic education. (Contains 5 figures and 7 tables.) [This working paper was produced by the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement.]

The C-SPAN application to be described in this article is useful in the Cross-Cultural Communication and Mass Media courses. This application focuses on how we define what connotes sensitivity & insensitivity with diversity issues and how journalistic interpretation can affect our perception via mass media. Businessman Ross Perot rose from relative obscurity in the spring, 1992 and within seven months received 19% of the popular vote in the 1992 presidential election. His climb in public awareness was affected by positive and negative interpretations of Perot. One of the negative interpretations dealt with the belief Perot lacks sensitivity with diversity issues. This article addresses that phenomenon.

No other group is as disengaged from elections as youth. Voter turnout in the United States trails that of other industrialized societies, and is particularly anemic among youth between the ages of 18 and 24. The purpose of this study was to assess whether young people's expertise with information technology could be harnessed to stimulate a greater sense of involvement in political campaigns. A representative sample of California youth with an interactive CD featuring the 2002 gubernatorial election was provided. Participants were sent the CD two weeks in advance of the election. Following the election, they completed a survey of their political attitudes and opinions. In conclusion, the results from this pilot study suggest that a synthesis of political content and interactive technology can engage youth.

Young people?s interest in the 2004 presidential election is at its highest since 1992. According to a September MTV/The Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning & Engagement (CIRCLE) poll conducted by CBS News, 81 percent of young registered voters are paying close attention to the campaign, compared to 85 percent in 1992, the last time youth voter turnout broke its decline. Additionally, 80 percent of young registered voters say they intend to vote on Election Day, although it is very likely that a smaller proportion will actually turn out to vote. This document presents evidence on the views, political partisanship, and top issues of young people in the 2004 presidential race.

A shrinking number of Americans are interested in politics?a trend pronounced among younger citizens. Politicians, academics, civic leaders and others are scrambling to find solutions. This study was commissioned by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) and focuses on local political parties. Historically, local parties have played an important role in getting people to the polls. Many observers have suggested they are the key cogs of the democratic process. The problem that many local party committees confront in effectively reaching out to young voters seems to stem from a lack of innovation. Simply put, traditional approaches to getting-out-the-vote are ineffective with the new generation. It does not appear to be enough simply to ?hand out voter registration cards at the high schools? or to ?make calls before election day." The national parties seem to have gotten the message: in order to truly connect with young voters, the parties must develop novel approaches. It is time for local parties to step outside the box.

Campaign finance might seem like the exclusive province of political reporters, but there are many good reasons why authors should be paying attention--both in races for education positions and in other key races at the local, state, and federal levels with implications for education. Basic math is a necessary skill and familiarity with a spreadsheet, is helpful. Once the basics have been mastered, a good campaign finance story can take on the fun of light detective work. When writing the story, it is recommended that many numbers can be confusing and bog down a reader. Highlight the handful of most important numbers and spend the rest of the story explaining why they matter. The article recommends talking to graphics department staff about visualization of the data if at all possible. If a graphics department is not available, Tableau Public, is a free data visualization tool that is easy to use and allows going beyond simple charts and pie charts in displaying data. Finally, the reader is advised to think of their campaign-finance analysis as a resource to return to throughout the year for subsequent articles. Campaign finance and data reporting resources are provided.

The Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) provided funding for local public television stations to broadcast political debates prior to the 1998 election; CPB commissioned research to determine how the programs aided viewers in the election process. Viewers of the public television station local debate night program found the program to be of value in helping them to become more informed voters, in learning more than they learned in other media, and in increasing their knowledge of the candidates and the issues. Four local areas were chosen for the project; a total of 397 viewers completed interviews. This report discusses responses to pre-viewing questions, viewing the debate, post-viewing comparisons, perceived value of viewing the debates, and change in voting preference. (AEF)

This study examined English teenagers' community involvement. Participants were all 14-16-year-old students in 3 large public schools (rural, urban, and suburban), none of which had service learning as part of the curriculum. Over 1,000 students completed questionnaires that examined regular and one-time involvement in community service activities over the past year; views on volunteering and campaigning; and ways the students became involved or reasons they did not become involved. The questionnaires also asked about the students' involvement in religious and youth organizations and their views on traditional political parties. Researchers conducted 100 individual interviews with students to investigate these issues in-depth. The interviews included both volunteering and non-volunteering students. The results of the study were as follows: most students had given money or time to a charitable cause at least once; students were involved in a range of activities; only 13.5 percent were members of a group campaigning for something; there was a low level of commitment to involvement in formal politics; about 12 percent were involved in regular, long-term voluntary activities, and all 12 percent cited positive outcomes from their activities. The most common factor among involved students was having a family member or friend already involved in some kind of activity. Religious beliefs and membership in organized youth groups were also important factors. (SM)