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Discusses a change in foreign relations between Russia and the United States, in light of Ukraine's contested presidential election. Mention of a "renewed Cold War" in editorials and articles in various media including "New York Times"; Russian President Vladimir Putin's conduct in Ukraine; Question about Russian motivation behind the government's involvement in Ukraine's politics; Factors contributing to a political cold war between Russia and the U.S.; Criticism of Putin and his policies in the U.S. media.

The article examines how various works of 19th and 20th century Russian literature can be used to explain the political situations faced by the former countries of the Soviet Union within the 21st century. The author describes how elements of feudalism and tsarism explored in the book "The Government Inspector" by Nikolai Gogol can be applied to the contemporary Russian Federation under Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. The book "The Cherry Orchard," by Anton Chekhov, is used to explore the Ukraine's efforts to establish itself as a world power and the efforts by Georgia to establish its autonomy from the Russian Federation are analyzed through the plot of the novel "The Brothers Karamozov" by Fyodor Dostoyevsky.

The article focuses on events involving politics and government in Ukraine. Comments regarding politics from Ukranians are included. The article compares and contrasts Ukrainians' social and political tendencies to Russians'. President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich are also discussed. The author suggests that Ukraine is comprised of eastern and western elements.

The article discusses politics, the economy, and other aspects of life in Russia under the government of President Vladimir Putin. The American think tank, Council on Foreign Relations, has concerns about Russia becoming more authoritarian. Relations between Russia and Ukraine are discussed, including the Orange Revolution and the outlook for Ukraine to join NATO. Georgia, a country located in the south Caucasus, has little in common with Russian culture and is focused on improving relations with the West. Other topics include the European Union and Russia's support for Iran.

Discusses the U.S. criticism towards certain political policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Consideration of Russia's treatment of the former Soviet states of Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia; Views of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush regarding the existence of two Russian Army bases in Georgia; Speculation that the Russians will reelect Putin; Cooperation between the U.S. and Russia on issues of national security and antiterrorism policies; How the Russians provided data on the Taliban terrorists in Afghanistan in 2001.

The article compares the political and economic developments in Russia and in Ukraine. It argues that it is Kiev which is headed in the right direction. Hundreds of restaurants cater to the Russian bourgeosie. It states that a variety of extremisms dominated Russian politics. It also says that Ukraine has avoided the violence prevalent in post-Soviet Russia. Ukraine's effort to deal with Crimea's separatist parliament has been characterized by restraint. The Liberal Democratic Party of Vladimir Zhirinovsky in Russia won nearly a quarter of the votes in the December 1993 elections, while neo-fascists in Ukraine won only 3 out of 450 parliamentary seats.

Presents the transcript of the December 30, 2004 radio interview with Andrei Illarionov, the Russian economic adviser to President Vladimir Putin. His lament on the curtailment of diversity in the media, the Duma and politics in general; His reading of the Ukrainian revolution as a warning to Russia; His labeling of the Yukos asset sale as a scam; Reference to some public officials as incompetent.

Reports on the effects of Viktor Yushchenko's victory in Ukraine on regional politics. Reaction of Belarus' President Aleksandr Lukashenko, who purged liberals from the government; Comment from activist Oleg Bibinin that Ukraine is an example of how people can fight dictatorships; Concern of Kyrgyzstan's president, Askar Akayev that he may be challenged in his country's next election; Criticism of Russian President Vladimir Putin for his failure to help defeat Yushchenko.

States that with Ukraine's decision to seek independence, Russia, too, is poised to become a separate state. Fears of Russia staying authoritarian, collectivist, and imperial; Why these fears may be unsubstantiated; Details.

The editorial focuses on Ukraine, a former Soviet republic that decided as of November 30, 2013 not to sign a trade deal with the European Union. The article notes Russia has been pressuring Ukraine President Viktor Yanukovych not to sign the deal and speculates that Mr. Yanukovych is looking to Russia for loans and cheap gas. It also notes Ukrainians demonstrated against Mr. Yanukovych who is up for re-election in 2015.

The author offers opinions on Vladimir Putin's decision to run for Parliament in Russia when his term as President expires in March, 2008. This is presented as another of Putin's maneuvers to create an authoritarian regime which he controls. It is admitted that Putin enjoys much political support, and most Russians approve of his policies. Russia is contrasted with the relatively democratic government of Ukraine. Western support for Ukraine and Russia's other neighbors is urged.

The article discusses how Vladimir Putin's meddling in the Ukraine elections may have hurt his image, but he remains unchallenged in Russia. On the face of it, he seems humiliatingly weak. Vladimir Putin's intervention in Ukraine's election was one of his biggest mistakes as Russia's president. If Victor Yushchenko wins Ukraine's re-vote on December 26th, as seems likely, the waning of Russia's sway in its erstwhile "sphere of influence" will be embarrassingly obvious. At home, the seemingly interminable Yukos saga may be reaching its terminus. Yet the Kremlin's campaign against what was Russia's biggest oil company has been so mishandled that, even as it has dramatised Mr Putin's authority, it has also made him look amateurish and indecisive. Appearances can be misleading, however. Mr Putin's shadow post-Soviet empire may look more tenebrous than ever. Yet in Russia itself, the emperor still has clothes. The argument that Mr Putin will stay on is simple. Having accumulated power so determinedly, he and his entourage are unlikely to give it away.

The article comments on Vladimir Putin and the outlook for a new cold war. The drama playing out in the streets of Ukraine in recent weeks has been gripping in its own terms. But its bigger significance for the West lies in Russia. As the tide moves towards a presidential election victory for the opposition leader, Victor Yushchenko, on December 26th, the efforts of Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, to thwart him have looked ever more cack-handed. But they have also depressed those who still hoped that Mr Putin's Russia might move on to a path leading to political liberalism--and that he might prove an ally not a foe of the West. As if Russia's intervention in Ukraine were not enough, the Kremlin's anti-western rhetoric has also risen. In an excess of hypocrisy even by Soviet standards, Mr Putin and his foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, have accused the West of meddling in Ukraine in order to destabilise the region. That Mr Putin is more of an autocrat than a democrat has been clear ever since he became Russia's president in 2000. The evidence that Mr Putin is more interested in reasserting state control over the economy than in pursuing economic liberalisation are making many pause once again. One of the least appealing features of Mr Putin's Russia has been a rising tide of corruption. Far from being a political and economic reformer who runs an admittedly flawed but still recognisable democracy, Mr Putin has become an obstacle to change who is in charge of an ill-managed autocracy.

Contends that America's real aim in Ukraine and other former Soviet republics is to seize control of vital resources before China and India can challenge U.S. dominance. Perception of the crisis in Ukraine on both sides of the Atlantic; How the culture of the new cold war between the U.S. and Russia differs from that of the old; Argument that the methods of the old cold war have continued and even grown in scale; Suggestion that the U.S. Pentagon is really aiming at Beijing in its grab for the old Soviet strategic space around Russia; U.S. relations with Latin America; Thoughts on America's drive to dominate the old Soviet Union.

This article discusses the Ukrainian government's attempt to hold power in the face of popular dissent. Perched, charioteer-like, on a slow-moving van, Petro Poroshenko and Yulia Timoshenko, two allies of Victor Yushchenko, rode through Kiev on December 1st, proclaiming their triumph to elated supporters. The Rada, Ukraine's parliament, had earlier passed a vote of no confidence in Victor Yanukovich, still (just) prime minister, who by the rigged official count beat Mr Yushchenko in the run-off election for the country's presidency on November 21st. Who actually has the power to set aside the election is a somewhat murky question. But his morale-boosting victories in the Rada contributed to Mr Yushchenko's biggest triumph, which was to keep the crowds who had first gathered on election night out on the snowy streets of central Kiev. Mr Putin's decision to endorse Mr Yanukovich, by visiting Ukraine during the campaign and by rushing Ukraine-friendly legislation through Russia's parliament, always looked odd.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses reports within the issue on topics including the current political situation in Russia, its role in the war in Ukraine and its effect on other countries in Europe.

This article presents information on disputes between Russia and Ukraine. On both sides, nationalism is growing. The Ukrainian government has legitimate worries when facing an unstable and vastly more powerful neighbor with which it is economically interdependent. Ukraine could address these worries either by placating Russia or by standing up to it aggressively. A "little brother" complex and a need to establish its national identity has meant that its leaders have chosen to be aggressive. At the same time, the Ukrainians have made a mess of running their economy.

The article reports on the social, political, and economic conditions of various countries. Topics discussed include the preparation of Jewish community in Odessa, Ukraine for a possible emergency evacuation due to violence, deployment of Russian patrol helicopters near Baltic borders as tensions caused by Ukraine crisis increase, and the amnesty given by Albania to businesses with overdue taxes to boost the economy. It also mentions the all-female mine sweeping team created in Tajikistan.

News briefs on world politics are presented. Russian president Vladimir Putin said he would run for Parliament in December, 2007, stepping down before his term expires in March, 2008. Ukraine's election had an inconclusive result, but Yulia Tymoshenko is expected to lead a coalition government. Italy's government announced its 2008 budget, which features lower corporate taxes.

The article reports on how the Russian government has long sought to use its energy resources to regain the influence it lost with the breakup of the Soviet Union. But the shutoffs of oil to Belarus and gas to Georgia and Ukraine in 2006 are only the most visible part of the story. The state-controlled gas monopoly, Gazprom, has been trying to get stakes in gas distribution networks in Central and Eastern Europe.

Reports Russia's involvement in the presidential election campaigns in Abkhazia and Ukraine. Russian government as an exporter of separatism in both Abkhazia and Ukraine; Dependence of Abkhazia's economy on Russia; Autonomy for western Ukraine as a potential problem for Europe and the United States.

This article ponders the likelihood of Ukraine leaving Russia's political orbit. Velvet's been taken, so has roses. There is no tag yet for Ukraine's populist uprising, just a vast sea of reform-minded orange banners, a sense of outrage that has crossed international borders, and a revolution in all but name. After five days of massive demonstrations, West-leaning opposition leader Viktor Yushchenko appeared to have the upper hand: commerce and government operations had ground to a halt; some police, military units and even a state-run television channel had come around to the reformers' side, after days in which state-controlled media had not even reported the huge protests. Russia is now one of the players at the mediation table, as European Union leaders have also rushed to Kiev, trying to find a compromise before there's actual blood in the streets.