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This article analyses trends in Chinese–international marriages and divorces, using Australia, a major migrant-receiving country, as a comparative case study. In exploring the recent rise of 'Chinese–foreign' marriage in the People's Republic of China (PRC), we show that Chinese–international marriage within mainland China is a small, gendered phenomenon that largely involves Chinese women marrying men from other Asian societies. By examining unique data published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, we reveal that most marriages involving PRC-born people in contemporary Australia are between two people born in China. But the displacement of Chinese intimate relationships to a non-Asian country results in significant behavioural divergences from couples 'at home', especially regarding prior cohabitation. Marriages solely involving PRC-born couples in Australia are also typically less enduring than marriages to non-Chinese. We argue that these differences underscore the roles of country-specific immigration policies and labour mobility patterns in shaping unpredicted family formation behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alan Dupont, Bob Carr The Hon Bob Carr, former NSW premier and author and Dr Alan Dupont, founder and CEO of Cognoscenti are both close watchers of Australian-Chinese relations. For Carr, the fact that a Lowy Institute poll, on 20 June 2018, showed that 82 per cent of Australians saw. [Extracted from the article]

Alan Dupont, Bob Carr The Hon Bob Carr, former NSW premier and author and Dr Alan Dupont, founder and CEO of Cognoscenti are both close watchers of Australian-Chinese relations. For Carr, the fact that a Lowy Institute poll, on 20 June 2018, showed that 82 per cent of Australians saw. [Extracted from the article]

Background: One in four Australians is born overseas and 47% are either born overseas or have a parent who was. Obstetric and psychosocial risk factors for these women may differ.Method: Data from one Sydney hospital (2012-2013) of all births recorded in the ObstetriX database were analysed (n = 3,092). Demographics, obstetric and psychosocial risk profile, obstetric interventions and complications and selected maternal and neonatal outcomes were examined for women born in Australia and overseas.Results: Women born in Australia were younger, more likely to be primiparous (28.6 v 27.5%), be obese (32.0% v 21.4%), smoke (19.7 % v 3.0%), have an epidural (26.2% v 20.2%) and were less likely to have gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM) (6.8% v 13.7% when compared to non-Australian born women. The highest rates of GDM, Gestational Hypertension (GH) and maternal anaemia were seen in women born in China, the Philippines and Pakistan respectively. Differences were also seen in psychosocial screening between Australian and non-Australian women with Australian-born women more likely to smoke and report a mental health disorder. There was an association between having an Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) ≥ 13 and other psychosocial issues, such as thoughts of self-harm, domestic violence, childhood abuse etc. These women were also less likely to breastfeed. Women with an EPDS ≥ 13 at booking compared to women with EPDS ≤12 had a higher chance of being diagnosed with GDM (AOR 1.85 95% CI 1.14-3.0).Conclusions: There are significant differences in obstetric and psychosocial risk profiles and maternal and neonatal outcomes between Australian-born and non-Australian born women. In particular there appears to be an association between an EPDS of ≥13 and developing GDM, which warrants further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surmounting the Manichean logic of the cold war, hundreds of Australians travelled to China during the 1950s, 60s and 70s, to act as eyewitnesses to the progresses made by its Communist regime. Although this phenomenon was the Australian counterpart to the broader Western trend of 'fellow-travelling,' these travellers were not simply intellectuals alienated from their societies. Instead, Australian travellers to China came from all walks of life. They travelled to China partly because of a national fascination with the most powerful player in Australia's region, and partly because of a determination to move beyond the ideological stalemate that had led to the Vietnam War. While there, Australian travellers actively curtailed their criticisms, inspired by a desire for international 'friendship' which was rooted in a tremendous sense of post-colonial guilt. Ultimately, this guilt led visitors to become willing agents in their own deception, rendering them unable to see the sophisticated government mechanisms which fed them fantasies of communist progress. Instead, the fellow-travellers propagated enthusiastic reports of Communist China, thus preparing the public for greater co-operation with the People's Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]