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Local journalism in the UK has been described as being in "crisis". Local newspapers have experienced years of declining circulations and staff cuts, leading to questions about how effectively those institutions can continue to perform normative functions of journalism. One of those is to report on the courts. Through analysis of 22 semi-structured interviews with local newspaper reporters who cover the courts beat, agency court reporters who supply the local press, as well as broadcast journalists involved in both local and national court coverage, this paper helps to establish how the daily newswork of court journalists has developed amid a turbulent period in journalism, especially local journalism. The research finds that court reporting has been less affected than other news beats but faces a series of challenges related to financial cuts and other pressures. While the local press has become even more essential to the provision of court reporting, a central part of the news media's fourth estate role, those challenges affect the ability of court reporters to perform this function. This paper recommends that policymakers consider using a form of public funding to guarantee the future of court reporting at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the 30 years between 1837 and 1867, the Gateshead Observer provided coverage of local and national business, financial and political news that rivalled and frequently surpassed that of the various Newcastle papers and was vastly superior to that of other north-eastern publications. This article examines how this came about. It also considers how a newspaper avowedly political in its foundation emerged, as a result of the particular circumstances of Gateshead's enfranchisement and industrial development and the individuals involved, essentially as a paper for the business community. This case study also reveals how the provincial press can shed light on an otherwise very much under-documented period of local business history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examined the provincial and national press in Great Britain in the 19th century. It states that national newspapers were less national, and provincial papers were less provincial and more national than assumed in the said period. It outlines that "The Daily Mail" in Manchester, England began printing a northern edition and eventually became the first truly national daily newspaper in the country. However, the study shows that there has been an imbalance in the provincial and historical unit because of other influences such as the concept of literary quality and history of print culture.

As the penny press was getting started in cities such as Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia, a thousand miles to the west Chicago's early newspapers followed a different path. The party papers of Chicago in the years from the city's founding in 1833 to the Great Fire in 1871 grew to incorporate elements more typically associated with the penny press even as penny papers that started there during the period failed. Chicago's party press by the 1850s and 1860s had begun to shed its formal ties to political patrons as journalists served larger and more diverse audiences, both earlier than has been thought and in more sophisticated ways than has previously been described. Also briefly examined in the article is the possible development in this period of the "scoop" by Chicago's post-Civil War journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The language used in the press has aroused interest in recent years for a variety of reasons. It not only provides evidence for a register that is so widely used and encountered in all modern societies but also shows how means can be manipulated to “justify the ends.” In the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (henceforth TRNC), where Turkish is the state language, ten daily newspapers are published with an approximate circulation of 12,000. The aim of this article is to try to find out to what extent the ideological viewpoint of these papers influences the language they use. The data comprise samples from headlines and advertisements over a 45-day period of the five most popular papers. The analysis shows that the language used in the papers is not a simple, neutral representation of reality as such, but an effective means to manipulate it in line with the ideology of the newspaper and the expectations of its readers, which is best done through the language used in the headlines. The study of the sample advertisement texts, on the other hand, indicates that the global role of English as a means of communication is increasing every day even in a small community such as that in the TRNC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the manner in which the newspaper "Votes for Women" evolved to challenge and compete with the press prior to 1912, within a discussion of the Women's Social and Political Union's (WSPU) wider press strategy. The populist style may simply have been considered the most appropriate means of conveying news of the militant campaign's sensational activities; new methods of protest necessitating new means of communication. However, viewed within the wider context of the WSPU's activities, the paper's populism should be considered a deliberate part of an organizational press strategy. The attempts to attract, and subsequently influence and critique, news coverage indicated the Union's press-aware outlook. With this cognizance sharpened by intensifying press hostility to militancy, Votes for Women's populist format, together with its efforts for mass-circulation, signaled an effort to confront apparent press prejudice by marketing an alternative source of suffrage news to a large audience.

Søren Kierkegaard was engaged with the press in a variety of ways throughout his authorship. Although studies of Kierkegaard's interactions with the public press of his time have largely focused on his dispute with the satirical newspaper, Corsaren, in this paper I examine his first engagement with the press—a mostly anonymous newspaper dispute with the Danish social activist, Orla Lehmann, about the freedom of the press in Denmark—as a lens through which to understand his thoughts on the press in general, on anonymous authorship in the newspapers and otherwise, and the ethical and religious significance Kierkegaard sees in the methods we employ, including anonymity, when we engage one another in public writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Edwardian era saw the final flowering of the partisan provincial press. In the decade before 1914, most of the major newspapers published outside London still displayed a clear party allegiance and collectively they outsold their London rivals. Some of the most important figures in the provincial press on the Liberal side were the cocoa manufacturer and philanthropist, Joseph Rowntree, and the associated trio, often known as the “Starmer group”, of Arnold Rowntree (Joseph's nephew), John Bowes Morrell (his business partner) and the newspaperman, Charles Starmer. Between them they rescued several important Liberal newspapers like the Northern Echo and Sheffield Independent for the party cause. But one of the group's lesser-known acquisitions, and its last before the First World War, was the Lincolnshire Chronicle in June 1914. This article argues that the Lincolnshire Chronicle 's purchase can best be seen as a purely commercial investment by the “Starmer group” and that this may indicate that the group was starting to become more interested in the press as a business, rather than as a political project. The article also examines how the layout and content of the Lincolnshire Chronicle were changed under its new owners in order to increase its profitability, often using methods pioneered elsewhere in the “Starmer group”, and resulting in a more standardised, “modern” format. In doing so, the article draws attention to the complexities of the interaction between power and profit in the Edwardian press and suggests the Lincolnshire Chronicle can be seen as a harbinger of the commercial, rather than political, future that lay before provincial newspaper groups in the post-First World War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article aims to raise a number of themes which will feature significantly through this special issue. The output of 19th-century journalists has been drawn upon extensively by historians in their exploration of political, social, economic and increasingly cultural areas of inquiry, both in urban and rural districts. However, in recent years, there has been relatively little attention paid to the provincial press itself. The article traces the development of the provincial press from the “scissors and paste” approach of the 18th century to the development of an increasingly locally orientated and politically partisan local press during the first half of the 19th century. Consideration will be paid to the perceived influence of the provincial press, the management and ownership of the provincial newspaper, and newspaper rivalries. It will be suggested that the heyday of the 19th-century provincial press can be located in the 30-year period after 1855. The impact of “new journalism” in the provincial press during the final years of the century will be briefly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an analysis of news conventions used by 19th-century American newspapers, I show that the news of this time period took much the same form. Across geography, size of paper, and kind of paper (associational, commercial, partisan), newspapers shared the same conventions. I explain this uniformity in terms of James Carey's notion that the news expresses a form of public life. In this case, I argue that 19th-century news expressed a form of public life that was deeply imbued with values of association, affiliation, and partisanship. As newspapers expressed these values, they ritually reinforced a particular image of public life. I argue that this cultural approach to news conventions accounts for the available evidence in ways that may help the field move beyond functionalist explanations of news. In so doing, it opens new directions for understanding the relationship between news generally, and the public life in which it is situated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with newspaper coverage of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, with the primary focus being authorship of news and comment articles. Taking a predominantly quantitative approach, weekday coverage during August and September 2014 from eight major newspapers in Scotland was statistically analysed. The findings reveal several notable observations. First, it is observed that a large proportion of articles are published without an attributable author. Second, the findings reveal that both news and comment outputs in 2014 were dominated by a comparatively small number of individual journalists. Whilst the journalistic pool from this sample featured several hundred distinct journalists, more than half of all coverage was concentrated within the hands of only a few dozen people. Third, and most developed in this paper, is the consistent trend – across several variables – that women were marginalised within the news production process surrounding the 2014 referendum. With only a few exceptions, both news reporting and comment (including opinion, diaries and features) were dominated by male reporters; meaning that during a hugely important period of Scotland's political history, female voices and perspectives were regularly missing from the press coverage of what was seen by many as an unprecedented national conversation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the report of Royal Commission on the press. The report is more concerned with the newspaper industry than with its product, journalism. It does, however, deal with the problems of bias and adequacy, the role of the editor, the question of subsidies and the reform and strengthening of the Press Council. It has provided a most useful updated factual background for a government which might be faced at any time with the problem of rescuing a national newspaper or letting it sink. National papers are both the main cause today of moral concern about newspaper conduct and of political anxiety about the ability of a sufficient number of them to survive.

This article studies the image of the United States in the British Press. The author says that if the British press is accused of sensationalism or degeneration it is said to have been Americanized by a process of both good and bad general imitation. In a recent survey it was revealed that of some 520 representative and influential Britons, 410 relied upon the British press to keep them informed about the U.S. British school children's primary source was the cinema, which was apparently six times more effective than the next source, British newspapers. Student opinion was evenly divided on the statement, "British newspapers should print more news about the United States." America is more strongly represented in news-gathering agencies in Great Britain than Great Britain is in the United States. There are ten or more American papers and seven news services with offices in London, England. American crime receives more space than all the crime of all the rest of the world, and so does American sex-life.

During the communist period Estonian media, especially cultural media, played an important political role by serving as a forum for fairly open discussion of political issues. With the regaining of independence the role of the media has changed, but they have been flexible and quick to adapt to market conditions and Western professional standards. As in other post-communist countries, liberation from censorship and state control was followed by an enormous expansion of the press market and then a contraction after a few years. Many papers now have lower circulation and/or lower frequency than in the past. The author documents the many changes in Estonian newspaper publishing with statistics drawn from obligatory deposit and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently there have been several denouncers of the foreign language press who have pictured it as an un-American monster that is preparing to overthrow the Government. Actually the foreign languages press in the U.S. is a typical American product that is generally conservative and loyal to American institutions. There are certainly not 85 per cent or more of the foreign language newspapers that are radical as some guessing statistician announced a short time ago. At the present time there is less than 6 per cent of the foreign language press that may be called radical. These "red" papers besides represent just about the same percentage of the total circulation of the immigrant press in this country. Another thing that annoys some of the Americans is that there are more than two foreign language newspapers in the U.S., which reach a population of nearly 10,000,000. If an immigrant wanted to find out about the U.S. and its institutions, the American press would not be a good place for him to resort. What he would find there would presuppose an elementary American education to grasp, and any way many of the American newspapers would tell him almost nothing about American institutions and ideals except perhaps prohibition.

This article focuses on the comparative content analysis of the Arabic press. The purpose of this analysis was to determine the extent to which the reading publics in various Arab countries are being exposed to news of international events. Secondly, the kind of information the press is transmitting and the relative attention it is paying to events involving different countries of Europe, Asia and Africa. Lastly, the favorable or unfavorable images of these other countries that this information is likely to convey to the readers. The content analysis was carried out in two phases. The first concerned the content of the entire newspaper. In this phase, printed space was measured and multiplied by the average number of pages per issue to obtain base totals for each prestige paper. The second phase of the analysis was confined to the first page only. Items appearing on this page were classified in greater detail. In the study it was found that, despite the small size of many Arabic newspapers, papers, internationally significant news, as opposed to news of local or regional reference, absorbs a surprisingly high percentage of total space. Objective changes in the world power situation and in the nature of Arab-Western interaction have not succeeded in suppressing the Arab's preoccupation with external affairs.

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This paper argues for the relevance of the media history of the press. Using a broad and open media concept, this perspective should be understood as the study of the construction and communication of the self-images and ideology of the press. Rather than describing the complex of problems as images that are 'spread' through one channel (newspapers) by one actor (the press), it should be seen as a mutual exchange between various media and various actors. Different audiences have been resources for the press, just as the press has been a resource for them. Instead of separating proper journalism, the spreading of the self-image, and the reception of different audiences as clearly defined areas, they must be seen as constituting each other. Focusing on the funeral of Swedish editor Lars Hierta, the paper argues for the methodological advantages inherent in the media event and the surrounding cultural circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The authors of this paper examine key decision-making points in both the 1980–81 Janet Cooke fabrication case at the Washington Post and the deceptions of Jayson Blair at the New York Times that stretch from 1999 to 2003. These decisions are weighed against the commonly understood mission of journalism in general and the specifically stated missions at the Washington Post and the New York Times. The paper's working thesis is that if newspapers do not consistently measure their decisions and actions against their mission as a public trust, their commitment to truth can become shrouded by less noble motives like ambition and the thrill of a scoop. The authors argue that the prevailing organizational cultures at the Post and the Times failed to reinforce the newspapers’ main commitment at every level and thereby contributed to their blindness in both the Cooke and Blair cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the development of the Polish émigré press in Great Britain for the period since 1940. The paper discusses the chief newspapers and periodicals published over the intervening sixty years, and mentions the principal editors and personalities affiliated with these publications. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

While the transition of traditional newspapers and magazines to the online space is gathering pace, and the literature on multimedia journalism is proliferating, little attention has been paid to date to the implications of convergence for the press in regulatory terms. One such regulatory dilemma arises from the proliferation of video content on newspaper websites. It is this question and others at the conjuncture of press freedom and the dynamics unleashed by convergence that the papers in this special section seek to shed light upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Lingüística Hispánica is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This paper examines the prevailing conflict framings of national (El País and El Mundo) and Catalan (La Vanguardia and El Periódico de Cataluña) newspapers in response to the management of the regional independence conflict (2010-2014). For this, a new conflict framing typology was developed, based on level of substantivity. The study has verified that territorial origin affects, but does not determine, the media's definition of the conflict and its preference for specific territorial models. The alignment between parties and the media appears to be the variable that best explains the orientation (pro-independence, constitutionalist, or federalist) of each newspaper. We have also verified the media's action as a polarizing agent based on territorial model preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the prevailing conflict framings of national (El País and El Mundo) and Catalan (La Vanguardia and El Periódico de Cataluña) newspapers in response to the management of the regional independence conflict (2010-2014). For this, a new conflict framing typology was developed, based on level of substantivity. The study has verified that territorial origin affects, but does not determine, the media's definition of the conflict and its preference for specific territorial models. The alignment between parties and the media appears to be the variable that best explains the orientation (pro-independence, constitutionalist, or federalist) of each newspaper. We have also verified the media's action as a polarizing agent based on territorial model preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role does the local media, particularly the local press play, in the local constituency campaign during UK general elections? Drawing on interviews with MPs and candidates and evidence from a series of content analysis studies of local newspapers, this article reviews the extent to which the local press offers coverage to political actors during and outside the period of the election campaign. It argues that the pressure to court the local media and to build a local profile is rarely matched by extensive coverage and that this should raise questions about the place of the local press in the local constituency campaign. The paper also sets out the strategies used by MPs and candidates to court the local press and argues that this reflects the very limited role that the local press plays within the local constituency in respect of its political coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the representation of immigrants in four Spanish national newspapers,El País,El Mundo,La RazónandABC, between 1 June 2013 and 31 June 2014. Seven days per month were randomly selected, each corresponding to a different day of the week; 91 editions of each paper, 364 in total, were analysed. Of the 289 items relating to immigrants, 179 in which one or more photographs appeared in addition to text were chosen for analysis. Among the main results, two stand out: first, immigrants do not usually have an opportunity to communicate directly with readers and, secondly, the treatment of news items on immigration by the four Spanish newspapers is variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of El Profesional de la Información is the property of EPI SCP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)