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Byline: María Luisa Paúl The commercial opens with a snowy view of Moscow's Red Square, where a man and his granddaughter are en route to Pizza Hut. Once inside, other [...]

The events during Perestroika are described. Gorbachev believes that Premier Nikolai Tikhonov was both his personal enemy and totally unfit for the job as head of a government expected to carry out the new general secretary's plans for acceleration. Also, Eduard Shevardnadze's elevation to the very top of the Moscow Party and state hierarchy gave Gorbachev a trusted ally on whom he can rely in removing the Augean stables of entrenched gerontocracy.

Alexander Nikolaevich Yakolev, even as he turns 80, has not changed a little bit from what he was, he sheded many moral principles as he was in politics all his life. Some of the events from his life are mentioned that tell a lot about the way he lived.

The article discusses the life and political involvement of Mikhail Gorbachev since he stepped down as President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1991. Although some believe current Russian President Vladimir Putin is dismantling many of his "perestroika" reforms, Gorbachev disagrees and continues to be supportive of Putin.

Emphasizes the need for political scientists to contribute to the progress of human sciences and to constructive political conduct. Reasons for joining a Perestroika movement; Controversies on the character of scientific inquiry; Failures of political scientists in line with inquiries into political science.

Despite the economic reforms of `perestroika,' the Soviet economy is in worse shape than ever. Consumer goods are in critically short supply, and there is a rapidly growing chorus of discontented citizens. With even essentials being rationed in some areas, the holiday season has been particularly gloomy in the countryside, where shortages are most acute.

The article presents the views of the author on the new political reforms of the Soviet Union aimed at developing scholarly cooperation and exchange between the Soviet Union and the U.S. The author believes that the reforms of perestroika and glasnost would foster mutual cultural enrichment. The author states that the new situation faced by the Soviet Union society needs American experience in the area of economic organization and the functioning of political structures and civic institutions.

The article reports on the statement by Gennady Yagodin, chairman of the Soviet Union's State Committee for Public Education, that the Communist Party's initiatives toward political pluralism would not produce dramatic changes in the country's higher-education system because of the conservatism and academic dogmatism of faculty members. Yagodin charged that the academic sector has blocked the progress of President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's perestroika program.

The article reports that academics in the Soviet Union are complaining that education is receiving insufficient attention under President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's government. The political leaders have claimed previously that education is essential for the success of perestroika. However, a budget deficit has forced them to focus on social needs such as health, housing and the production of consumer goods.

The article reports on the start of graduate studies at 15 universities in the U.S. by 17 students from the Soviet Union, after a year of planning by sociology societies in both countries. The societies' agreement reflects the emphasis given to sociology under Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's policy of perestroika. It is viewed that the agreement is a morale booster for American sociology.

The article reports on reforms aimed at decentralizing academic governance and improving the quality of higher education in Soviet Union. According to the article, the reform is brought about by the economic, social and educational change under President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's perestroika. Several reform priorities include increase opportunities for students to choose their own courses and strict requirements for university admission.

The pre-perestroika literary scene in Soviet Russia was full of brainwashing pulp fiction, divorced from reality. The authors, writing realistically, wrote for the desk drawer, waiting for better times to publish those materials. Realistic stories like Valentin Rasputin's 'The Fire' and Victor Astafyev's 'The Sad Detective' were branded as derogatory. In 1986 Gorbachev also called 25 authors to write deliberate perestroika literature to brainwash people about the movement.

It was a season of fiscal perestroika. Last fall, the Simpson-Bowles deficit commission released a bold report on how to avoid an economic catastrophe. For a few weeks, the think tanks and government offices were alive with proposals to reduce debt and reform entitlements, the tax code and just about every other government program. The mood did not last. The polls suggested that voters were still unwilling to accept tax increases or benefit cuts. Smart Washington insiders like Mitch McConnell and President Obama decided that any party that actually tried to implement these ideas would be committing political suicide. The president walked away from the Simpson-Bowles package. Far from addressing the fiscal problems, the president's budget would double the nation's debt over the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Larisa Shchetinina, now 72, the decision to leave Ukraine -- though not the act itself -- came suddenly. In 1992, she went to Kiev to say goodbye to her brother, who was moving to Israel. In the center of the country's capital she saw graffiti on a wall that read, in large letters: ''Let's drown Russians in Jewish blood.'' She and her husband, Victor, 73, survived Hitler and Stalin, tough postwar years and the challenges of perestroika. In the early 1990s, they faced the consequences of the Soviet Union's collapse and the birth of post-Soviet Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PERESTROIKA, the series of political and economic reforms I undertook in the Soviet Union in 1985, has been the subject of heated debate ever since. Today the controversy has taken on a new urgency -- not just because of the 25th anniversary, but also because Russia is again facing the challenge of change. In moments like this, it is appropriate and necessary to look back. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

YOU can usually tell that a period of human disquietude has evolved into something of historical dimensions when the lexicographers become involved. Most events of moment are eventually defined by single words that were once quite unfamiliar -- perestroika, arbitrage, Tiananmen, dotcom -- but which endless retellings have rendered mundane. And thus it is with the lexical keystone of today, an unlovely two-syllable concatenation employed interchangeably as both adjective and noun: subprime. Interestingly, the word arbiters at the headquarters of the Oxford English Dictionary have discovered something odd: ''subprime'' has suffered a surprising and unusually rapid evolution. Until 1991 it meant something eminently desirable and worthy of aspiration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses former Soviet Union leader Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev's professional career in commercial advertisements. Gorbachev performed several advertisements including a television spot for Pizza Hut which drew contempt from all. It is stated that his position after being elected as the leader of the first communist society was hampered due to the glasnost and perestroika which ended his political career and forced him to earn his living through commercial advertisements.

MOSCOW. March 31 (Interfax) – The leadership of United Russia does not share the opinion of former Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev about the need to resume perestroika. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Discusses Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's decree permitting private individuals to build, buy and sell their own homes and own the lots on which they stand. If carried out effectively, this will reverse a fundamental tenet of Communist rule--state ownership of all land.

Presents the findings of a survey on public opinion regarding perestroika in Russia. Need to have a radical restructuring of Soviet society; Distrust of the central government in general.

Notes a correction on the report that Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev requested $100 billion in aid from the West to enable perestroika to succeed. Says that when he used the `100 billion' figure he was referring to the costs of the Persian Gulf War.

Reports that Soviet President Mikhail S. Gorbachev won general approval for his plan to remake the government, but he suffered an embarrassing setback when the Congress of People's Deputies denied him important new enforcement powers. Details.

The article reports that the demand for copies of the Winter 1989 issue of "Daedalus," the scholarly periodical published by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, has increased because of interest in the article entitled "To the Stalin Mausoleum," written by an anonymous author referred to as Z. In the article, Z argued that the Soviet policies of perestroika and glasnost are soft forms of Communism. Readers have been speculating on the identity of Z.

The article points out that the process of perestroika in the Soviet Union has been helpful in enhancing the relations between the U.S. and the Soviet Union and is changing the lives of Soviet scholars. The author relates an exchange program where he participated in when he led a delegation of 21 Soviet managers and three postgraduate students studying American management at the Wake Forest University.